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A R I S H A V I TSAVINGI S R A E L

CONTENTST A B L E O F Introduction 2 I What Happened to Us? 4 II The Rule of the Extremists 16 III The Existential Threat 28 IV A Zionist Alliance 32 V A Recue Plan 46 VI Rise Up, Protest, Save Israel 56

SAVING ISRAEL ARI SHAVIT This short book was written with love, fear, and a great sense of urgency. With love — for the nation where I was born, where I will die, and where I have witnessed some of the most moving and wondrous human enterprises anywhere in the world. With fear — because millions of Israelis like myself feel that something horrific has happened to us, and is endangering our home. With a great sense of urgency — because time is short. Time is very short. If we are to save Israel, we must act immediately. Here and now. The way to save Israel is one: to reconcile, unite and renew our alliance. The following pages will call upon readers to rise up, join forces and foster an internal peace. But we cannot reach this unity nor this internal peace without truly understanding the present crisis, and bravely confronting the schism. The nation founded by the Israelis of 1948 must now be built anew by the Israelis of 2023. Together. With great fervor. At once.

3| I What Happened to Us? The State of Israel is a man-made miracle. No other nation has accomplished what we have accomplished: building a national home after 2,000 years. No other advanced democracy has managed to thrive like we thrive: after a Holocaust and under a volcano. Despite myriad problems, difficulties, flaws and weaknesses — the Zionist dream has been realized. The Jewish people lives, and the Jewish state prospers. Here, in the Land of Israel, our children have what are great-grandparents could only dream of: sovereignty, liberty, plentitude, pride and modernity. As an economic, technological, and military powerhouse, the State of Israel of the 21st century is a resolute nation capable of shaping its fate by its own hands — and steering its people toward a bright future. But the profound crisis of 2023 is endangering the Israeli miracle. It is threatening to erase our momentous achievements and leaves us without a home. It is important to remember: the unique Israeli success story was sparked by a singular passion and an indomitable spirit. We were led by courageous and daring people, who were not plagued by fear or despair. In the most difficult times, during the most challenging hours, they always knew where we were headed, exuding both self-confidence and levelheadedness. They believed in the Jewish people’s ability to do the impossible. They believed in the Israeli people’s ability to triumph against all odds. The founders of Zionism always knew that they could not avert their eyes from the cruelty of the world surrounding them. They understood that in order to survive in a dangerous region, we need a just and extraordinarily powerful nation. They understood

|4 that the Zionist revolution must preserve the formidable heritage of the Jewish people, while simultaneously embracing the ideals of the French Revolution: equality, liberty and fraternity. They knew that in order to cultivate a model society, they must find a strong, Jewish, democratic, just and thriving nation. At a great human price — with incredible talent and enormous self-sacrifice — they achieved the impossible: building a home for a homeless people. Welcoming emigrants from the diasporas of Baghdad, Sanaa, Tripoli, Marrakesh, Paris, Warsaw and Moscow — to our one and only nation. Our grandparents, our parents and we, ourselves, built a remarkable, awe-inspiring nation, embarking on a new life and renewing the hope of our people. But the crisis of 2023 is imperiling this hopeful spirit. Why? Because the Israeli success story is based first and foremost on the understanding that the Jewish nation faces two unique threats — from within and without. The Jewish people is a small, persecuted people that has given humanity more than any other people, while facing an almost constant threat of annihilation. The Jewish people is blessed with diverse talents, but sadly lacks the skill to be a unified people. It is cursed by a tendency toward internal divisions and self-destructiveness. The external threat of anti-Semitism brought upon us persecution, pogroms and ultimately the Holocaust. The internal threat of our factionalism led to the destruction of the First and Second Temples — and to exile. In order to ensure that the Third temple survives and continues to stand for millennia to come, we must be stronger than all of our enemies — but we must also beware of our proclivities and reinforce our unity. In order to do so, we must safeguard a delicate balance between seemingly conflicting principles: Israel must be both forceful and moral, nationalist and liberal, Jewish and democratic. Only a combination of perseverance and tolerance can guarantee that neither weakness nor extremism bring us once again to the abyss.

5| Until the crisis of 2023, we maintained this balance. For over 120 years, the Zionist movement and the State of Israel upheld it, becoming a nation admired by so many around the world. Even in the most difficult hours, our leaders —Theodor Herzl, Vladimir Jabotinsky, David Ben Gurion, Menachem Begin, Yitzhak Rabin and Benjamin Netanyahu — managed to guard the two pillars of our existence: Judaism and humanism. Internal cohesion fused with a global outlook. Preserving a magnificent past while marching toward the future. But the crisis of 2023 is upending this balance, and threatening to engulf Israel in a dangerous downward spiral.  So, what happened to us? How did we perform the great Israeli miracle only to find ourselves in the present crisis? In the 1950s, the fledgling Israeli republic accomplished what no other nation had ever accomplished: it absorbed an emigrating population significantly larger than the absorbing one. A few short years after Auschwitz and immediately following the War of Independence, the Jewish state was founded in almost impossible conditions. In its first two decades, the young Israeli nation vanquished its enemies in three wars, while building hundreds of villages, scores of towns, a dozen hospitals and five universities. Its army, air force, military industry and nuclear facilities helped Israel enhance its security. Fair elections, an independent judiciary, a free press and a dynamic civic society solidified its democracy. Higher education, scientific research, advanced industries and innovative agriculture created economic prowess. Social institutions of mutual responsibility (like the National Insurance

|6 Institute, public housing and the Kupot Holim health clinics) promoted civic cohesion. Within one generation, a fragile political entity became a modern, rugged and intrepid nation. But taking action means making mistakes. And taking historic action means making historic mistakes. The young Israel was overly centralized, imperious and secular-socialist. It showed little respect for individuals, minorities and human rights. Particularly grave were the mistakes made vis-a-vis many of the emigrants who came to its shores in a wave of mass emigration and were settled in transit camps. Intrinsically European-Ashkenazi, Israel had little empathy for the heritage of Mizrahi observant and traditional Jews — and even less sensitivity to the needs, feelings and hardships of the men and women who would shortly become half of its citizenry. Unwittingly, unintentionally, Labor-era Israel undermined the authority of the rabbi, the status of the father-figure, and the cohesion of the community. Moreover, it ignored ugly instances of prejudice, discrimination, exclusion and (educational) tracking. The crisis we are now experiencing is a direct result of the indignities and inequities suffered by hundreds of thousands in those early years. What should have been a jubilant homecoming to the land of the forefathers became a disheartening experience of dislocation, pain and anger  In May 1977 this anger swelled so high that it instigated a dramatic political upheaval, bringing the Right to power. In a short time, Israel became more Jewish, traditional and Mizrahi. Justifiably, the new Likud-led government integrated the second Israel into all of the institutions of state, while also opening the gates to the national-religious and Haredim. Even so, in the 45

7| years following the turn to the Right, Israel managed to safeguard the fundamental balance that had always been at its core. Successive Likud governments, led by Menachem Begin, Yitzhak Shamir, Ariel Sharon and Benjamin Netanyahu, ensured that Israel would remain both liberal and nationalist. Institutions of state, the civil service, the IDF and the police kept their standing. The judicial system, the supreme court, universities and the media maintained their independence, while the protection of human, civil and minority rights was widened. There were no attempts to turn the Jewish state into a nationalist theocracy. There were no assaults on its free and civic societies. And as Israel grew in strength, it became even more lively, open and multi-faceted. For nearly half a century, the center-Left managed to return to power only four times. The nationalist camp was in the opposition for less than a (cumulative) decade. So, between 1977 and 2022, Labor’s first Israeli republic was replaced by the Likud’s second Israeli republic. And its 45-year hegemony was defined by a cautious and balanced approach. The historical Likud succeeded because it strove to sustain a delicate balance between a free market and social sensitivity; between Western technology and Mediterranean culture; between projecting national power and cultivating a creative, exuberant civil society. It was as if a new Israeli magic formula had taken hold, fusing East and West, balancing individualism and communalism, and encouraging both competition and solidarity. Israel became a warm extended family, prone to bickering, but also to loving, creating and growing. The historical equilibrium between opposites sought by the father of Zionism, Theodor Herzl, and realized by Israel’s founding father, David Ben Gurion, took on a new form in the era that began with Menachem Begin — and ultimately brought Benjamin Netanyahu to power.

|8  But Israel’s second republic also made grave mistakes. It cemented a reality in which there is no border to separate us from our adversaries, and therefore, there is no defined geographical space in which we enjoy a decisive majority. Thus, it heightened the danger of Israel becoming a bi-national state in which Jews would eventually become a minority. At the same time, it failed to contend with the weakening of the Israeli body politic and the ensuing rise of tribalism. And because the Haredi and Arab-Israeli minorities were not fully integrated into Israeli life, they created self-segregated, separatist autonomies, endangering Israel’s sovereignty and governability. The tensions between Ashkenazim and Mizrahim rose, as did the tensions between observant and secular, between Right and Left. National leadership diminished, politics were tarnished by corruption, statehood atrophied. The historical Zionist ethos eroded and was not replaced by a new one. In this context, both Left and Right acted irresponsibly. The Left led an ill-judged peace process that ended in disaster, while also advancing controversial constitutional reforms and ceaselessly hounding Benjamin Netanyahu. The Right failed to address the looming one-state catastrophe, exacerbated internal divisions and fell under the sway of Netanyahu’s imperial-like cult of personality. The Left did not come to terms with its loss of power, and did not always respect the will of the people, or the principle of majority-rule. The Right did not take full responsibility for the state, and did not provide common ground for all of its citizens. Each side took extreme steps that were seen by the other as impetuous and destructive (settlement building, the first Lebanon War, the Oslo Accords, the Disengagement, judicial activism, the Netanyahu trial). The constant clashes between Left and Right cleaved the

9| Zionist majority, leading each camp into the arms of its own extremists. But until 2023, Israel as a political entity was stronger than the strife between Left and Right — and their constant machinations. Despite political dysfunction, Israel continued to grow, becoming one of the world’s leading economies. National security increased, giving Israelis long years of relative quiet and prosperity. The Abraham Accords brought the prospect of a comprehensive Arab-Israeli peace ever closer, and the Jewish state’s overall strength solidified its international standing. On the sturdy foundations of Israel’s first republic rose the striking edifice of the second republic. Each Zionist stream contributed to this endeavor, resulting in a concerted, compelling effort of nation-building.  The elections held on November 1, 2022 created a new reality. They destroyed the principle of the Zionist equilibrium and shattered the Israeli formula for success. For the first time since the dawn of the Zionist movement, 11 per cent of voters cast their ballots for reactionary rightwing parties. For the first time since the founding of the state, half of the governing coalition’s members were ultra-Orthodox and ultra-nationalist-Orthodox. For the first time since 1977, the biggest party in power was no longer moderate liberal-nationalist, but radical-populist, seeking to instigate an immediate regime revolution. On the Right, Left, and Center — the moderates were defeated, the extremists triumphed. Israel experience a social, political and ideological earthquake that threatens to alter its very character.

|10 The initial consequences of this earthquake were seen in the exhausting negotiations to form a governing coalition, which greatly weakened Netanyahu and forced his government to agree to a series of far-reaching, radical commitments: changing the law prohibiting discrimination; removing the Israeli Civil Administration (the governing body that oversees the West Bank) from the control of the armed force; broadening the powers of the police minister and curbing the independence of the police commissioner; funding Haredi education institutions that do not teach the core curriculum; doubling stipends for Haredi yeshiva students; scrapping non-Orthodox conversion; jettisoning the Western Wall prayer compromise; mandating capital punishment for convicted terrorists; favoring Haredim in public housing programs; legitimizing illegal settlement outposts in the West Bank; enshrining gender-based segregation in public places; and threatening to shutter the state-funded public broadcast system. The magnitude of the earthquake became even more clear in the regime revolution announced by Justice Minister Yariv Levin on January 4, 2023. Even in its initial phase this revolution included draconian measures: severely limiting the supreme’s court power to review and strike down laws it deems unconstitutional; revoking the court's ability to nullify governmental administrative decisions on the grounds of "reasonability," thus significantly decreasing judicial oversight; handing the government absolute control over the appointment of judges; and allowing ministers to install political appointees as the legal advisors of their ministries. This revolution serves the government’s ultimate purpose: it enables the executive branch to use its absolute control over the legislative branch to take over the judicial branch. By voiding checks and balances and setting aside the protection of human, civil and minority rights, Israel will become an

11| illiberal democracy, ruled by one branch of government, which is itself beholden to a single strongman. The destructive force of this earthquake was plain to see in February-March 2023, when the Knesset tried to push through the regime revolution proposed by Justice Minister Levin and the chairman of the Knesset’s Constitution, Law and Justice Committee, Simcha Rothman. At this point, it was already clear that most Israelis do not support this radical reform program. And it was also clear that at least half of Israelis view it as a catastrophe in the making. The United States warned of the consequences of the upheaval. Financial markets signaled that it would exact a heavy economic price. Experts sounded the alarm, entrepreneurs voiced objections, but Rothman and Levin pressed on. Their offer to negotiate was hollow, their proposals for compromise were partial — and paltry. They simply refused to stop the runaway train from heading into the abyss. Only a few short months after the elections and the formation of a new government, the picture was exceedingly clear: the Big Bang of 2022 had subsumed the political transformation of 1977 and sparked the revolution of 2023. The zealots’ reckless extremism had replaced the thoughtful worldview of Vladimir Jabotinsky and Menachem Begin. And their arrogant, brutal modus operandi threatened not only the heritage of the Left, but the heritage of the Right. From here on, Israel was no longer controlled by moderate Likud supporters, but by a Haredi and ultra-nationalist-Orthodox minority and by the radical Right. Extremist forces have taken control of the institutions of state, intent on reshaping them to fit their destructive agenda. In so doing, they are destroying both Ben Gurion’s first republic and Begin’s second republic. They are decimating statehood and replacing it with a fundamentalist regime.

|12  The causes of the 2022 upheaval and the 2023 crisis are myriad. The political paralysis of 2019-2021 forced Israel to hold four elections in the space of two years. And when the Bennett-Lapid government was formed in 2021, half of Israelis saw it as condescending, patronizing and exclusionary. A majority of Jewish-Israelis felt that the state’s Jewish identity was under threat. A majority of Jewish-Israelis feared that the governability of wide swaths of the country was under attack. They also felt that the Supreme Court had gone too far in imposing liberal values and weakening duly elected governments. In their eyes, the mistreatment of Netanyahu and his ensuing criminal trial had demeaned and humiliated the longtime leader in whom they believed and with whom they identified. A majority of Jewish-Israelis felt that the Bennett-Lapid government did not represent them, nor provide them with personal, national and identity security. And they did not see as legitimate a prime minister whose political party had garnered only one-sixth of the votes. For all of these reasons, Israel was swept by a wave of rancor and discontent. The November 2022 elections brought this wave to the ballot box. But the upheaval of 2022 and the crisis of 2023 had another, no less important, cause: the political failure of the center-Left bloc. The leadership of Israeli Democrats failed to register the shift in the public mood, nor understand the enormity of the hour. It failed to unite, engage and energize its voters. It also failed to contend with the challenge posed by Itamar Ben Gvir and Bezalel Smotrich. It did not project a sense of urgency. Lacking vision and a convincing message, Yair Lapid and his allies based their campaign on the

13| anyone-but-Netanyahu strategy. And thus, they played into the hands of the extremists, paving the way for a political catastrophe. The rallying cry of the 2022 elections was clear: the majority will rule. Neither the Supreme Court, nor the attorney general, nor the civil service, nor the media will decide our fate. The long reign of the entrenched elites must come to an end — the time has come for the people to govern. From here on, the people — and only the people — would decide. From here on, the people would be king. Paradoxically, the new political reality created by these elections — and the coalition government formed in their wake — is converse to the one intended. The center-Left’s unwillingness to sit in government with a Likud-led-by-Netanyahu, together with a dysfunctional political system (that gives marginal parties disproportionate power) played into the hands of a rabble-rousing minority, handing them control of government. In other words, a small group of fanatics who in no way represents Israeliness has wrested control of the national majority — and the state itself. An absurd reality has come to pass: a population group of less than two million ultra-Orthodox, ultra-nationalist-Orthodox and radical-Rightists has imposed its will — and its way — on 7.5 million Israelis who share none of their views. The irony was especially evident in the attempt to ramrod the regime revolution initiative through parliament, at a time when it was already clear that most Israelis oppose it, and most Likud supporters would to like to moderate it. Moreover, the Israeli majority opposed the religious coercion that the government was forced to advance due to coalition pressure. A wide chasm appeared between the wider public and a small group of power-drunk fanatics who sought to amass even more power. While the nation quaked with rage, a deeper, more complicated picture began to emerge: many of the voters who had cast their ballots for the parties of the Right in 2022, did not want the extremist-rule of 2023. Most of the Israelis who voted for the Netanyahu-bloc,

|14 voted for Netanyahu, not for Smotrich. Most Likud voters wanted a nationalist-liberal government, not an ultra-Orthodox-ultra-nationalist one. They sought to renew governability in the north and south of the country, not to discard Israel’s system of government. They had no inkling of the sweeping changes that Yariv Levin and Simcha Rothman was secretly planning. They had no idea about the Kahelet Forum’s radical agenda, nor did they seek to destroy public education, weaken the military, or hand control of the police to an extremist minister who had not served in the army. In short, they did not wish to impose an ultra-nationalist-fundamentalist regime upon their homeland.

15| II The Rule of the Extremists Three groups of extremists seized control of Israel’s government and parliament in 2023. The extremist ultra-nationalist-Orthodox seek to immediately and fully realize their vision of a Greater Israel. The extremist ultra-Orthodox seek to ensure that their autonomy has maximal rights and minimal obligations. And the extremists of the radical-Right seek to turn Israel into an illiberal nation, in which the government can do anything it wants. What these three groups have in common is that they do not represent the Israeli majority. They also share a compunction to replace the Jewish-democratic state with a Jewish state. To define this state in Jewish, not national terms. To dilute Israel’s democratic identity. To extinguish Judaism’s enlightened national identity. To turn the Zionist republic into a Halachic-nationalist theocracy. So, the extremists’ supreme objective is decidedly different than that of most Israelis and most Likud voters. And in order to realize this objective, they plan to resect Israel’s collective identity from its body politic, and repudiate the legacy of Theodor Herzl, Vladimir Jabotinsky, David Ben Gurion and Menachem Begin. Desecrate the values of equality, liberty and fraternity. And weaken or even destroy every stronghold of opposition and democracy. They are intent on degrading the institutions of state, debilitating the judiciary, silencing the media and bringing the army and police to heel.

|16 There is a method to this madness. It is part of concerted attack on the national-liberal balance that defined Zionism and founded the Jewish state. And its long-term goals might very well be to perpetuate extremist control by outlawing Arab political parties; by taking radical, hostile steps in Judea and Samaria; and by abrogating the rights of women, minorities and LGBTQ people. In order to impose their worldview on the Israeli majority, the extremist minority is willing to set fire to every one of Israel’s institutions of state.  It is no accident that the First and Second Temples were destroyed by zealotry. Zealotry breeds divisiveness: because zealots are convinced that only they can hear the word of god — and that their truth is the only truth — they refuse to brook any dissent. They are unwilling to engage in dialogue or compromise — and are bent on imposing their worldview on all others. Thus, they deepen internal fissures and foment civil strife. Zealotry also leads to a disassociation from reality: because zealots are immured in their own world, they cannot see what is happening beyond their self-imposed confines. Afflicted with a dangerous blindness, they are bound to run headlong into the mighty forces of history.

17| Since its founding, Israel’s greatest success lay in its ability to avoid both the deep divisiveness and the willful blindness of zealotry. But now, for the first time since 1948, its government has been handed to extremists who are acting against the most essential interests of the people and the state. The extremist parties — Religious Zionism, Jewish Power, Noam, the United Torah Judaism — and the radical Right aren’t seeking to increase national resilience, they are intent on weakening the nation. They are not promoting unity and cohesion, but division and disruption. Instead of fostering a new order, the zealots are fomenting chaos.  Extremist-rule is Anti-Jewish. The Jewish people number some 15.5 million individuals. More than 7 million live in Israel, while more than 8 million are in the diaspora. Of all Jews, only 2 million are ultra-Orthodox, while only 1.5 million are conservative-observant. Meaning that close to 12 million Jews are secular, traditional, reform, conservative or liberal-observant. A decisive majority of more than 75 per cent of the Jewish people does not agree with the ultra-Orthodox and ultra-nationalist-Orthodox worldview. But now, the extremist government is trampling the great Jewish majority. It rejects out of hand the very idea of pluralism. Espousing an unyielding, dogmatic ideology, it is not willing to recognize the legitimacy of the main streams of Judaism, whose worldviews are different than its own. It abhors the

|18 very idea of freedom of religion, demanding a complete monopoly on Jewish identity. The consequences of this combative attitude are plain to see: the distancing of millions of Jews from Judaism, the alienation of the younger generations of Jews in the diaspora from the Jewish state, and the kindling of anti-Jewish sentiments in Israel itself — the direct result of the attempt to impose a rule of religious coercion. While the extremists claim to champion the values of Jewish law, they are tearing the Jewish people apart. Provoking animosity toward the Bible, they are creating a deep sense of distrust toward the Jewish state. The extremists are endangering the future of the Jewish people.  The extremist government is anti-Zionist. At the core of Zionism is the understanding that the State of Israel must be a Jewish-democratic entity. Jewish, because it is the natural, historic right of the Jewish people to live a life of liberty and sovereignty in their national home. Democratic, because the Jewish people gave the world the Ten Commandments and the concept of universal morality. And because there is no way to safeguard the internal unity of the Jewish people without maintaining a system of democratic principles.

19| In the Land of Israel, a democratic state cannot survive without being Jewish, and a Jewish state cannot survive without being democratic. Upholding these two principles — and the proper balance between them — is Zionism’s highest purpose. It is this delicate balance that the extremists are keen to upend — by purposely and stridently broadening Israel’s Jewish dimension at the expense of its democratic one. And the Jewish dimension they are promulgating is very narrow. Rather than fortifying Jewish nationhood, they are promoting a Jewish theocracy. Paradoxically, these hardliners, who claim to speak in the name of Zionism, are undermining the very foundations the Zionist enterprise and imperiling its survival.  The extremist government is anti-Israel. On the basis of the Jewish people’s magnificent heritage and the spectacular Zionist enterprise it inspired, a singular Israeli identity was forged over the last one-hundred years. The renewal of the Hebrew language and the rebirth of the Hebrew creative enterprise, together with an astounding pioneer spirit, set the ground for the rise of a vibrant Israeli culture. Following the founding of the state and the absorption of massive waves of emigration, Jewish-Israeli culture became even more rich and diverse. Contemporary Israeliness is characterized first and foremost by the ability to live in harmony with contradictions and to bridge over differences. Western and modern, Israel is also traditional and family-centric. Resolute in its efforts to deter external

|20 enemies, it also strives to foster an open society. Passionate, creative, colorful and pragmatic — Israel marches forward, adjusting to changes with extraordinary dynamism. Israeliness is that rare phenomenon of the life-loving, life-celebrating triumph of persevering come-what-may. But the extremists have no respect for Israeliness. They ignore the debt they owe to the Zionist pioneers, scorn the Hebrew creative enterprise, and reject Israel’s defining balance between contradictions. The fusion between the modern and the traditional is foreign to them. They have no interest in the dynamism, creativity and vibrancy of 21st century Israeli life. All these they plan to replace with variations of religious, nationalist and coercive rule. The Haredi establishment seeks to create a giant, closed ghetto. The ultra-nationalist-Orthodox establishment seeks to create a militant Judean Kingdom. The radical Right seeks to create a Hungary-like Israel, merciless and authoritarian. All three abhor the openness, exuberance and solidarity of modern Israeli existence. The extremists are threatening the Israeli spirit.  The extremist government is anti-traditionalist. Over the last few hundred years, a vibrant Mizrahi-traditional culture arose in the Arabic-speaking Jewish communities of Western Asia and North Africa. Brought here by the mass emigration of the 1950s and 1960s, it has deeply influenced Israel of the 21st century. The basic principles of traditionalism are

21| family, community and hospitality. On the basis of these principles, traditionalism developed into a Mediterranean enlightenment different from both European enlightenment and European Jewish-Orthodoxy. It is neither immovable nor unbending. Rejecting the tyranny of any absolute ideal, Mizrahi traditionalism is open, flexible and forgiving. In its pursuit of social harmony, it is willing to overlook human foibles. Seeking to create good neighbors, it welcomes external influences and celebrates the multivalence of the tapestry of life. In short, it embodies an admirable existential humility. The extremists do not respect Mizrahi-traditionalism. They dismiss the balance it offers between duty and choice, between privilege and obligation. They cannot accept its gentleness, flexibility and openness. And so, they intend to exploit Mizrahi traditionalism for their own ends — and subsume it into their dogmatic rule. While the ultra-nationalist Orthodox place the nation above the people, and the Haredim place the Halacha above tradition — the authoritarian Right places ruler and capital above social harmony. The extremists are endangering Mizrahi traditionalism.  The extremist government is anti-conservative. The Israeli Right defines itself as conservative. The core of its worldview is anti-revolutionary: a determination to prevent rapid changes in values, traditions, systems of government and ways of life. The basic principle of conservatism is caution: because human existence is complicated, we must

|22 always act with humility, limiting, as best we can, convulsive changes whose consequences cannot be foretold. But the extremist government is an essentially revolutionary one. It is attempting to spark an immediate, far-reaching political revolution. The extremists seek to undermine the constitutional order. To enfeeble the civil service, and to impose their political agenda on the armed forces, the police and the security service. Thus, they are trying to destroy the delicate system of checks and balances that defines and buttresses the Israeli republic. They are also planning to abrogate the separation of powers between the branches of government — creating a new ruling system unlike any in the free world. The judiciary can and should undergo reform. The civil service can and should be improved, and the institutions of law enforcement can certainly be made more efficient and transparent. Israel’s diverse population should be better represented — and given voice — at every echelon of power. But the extremists are betraying the very worldview they claim to represent. They are not offering evolution — but revolution. They are not promoting reforms, but instigating upheaval. The extremist’s blatantly anti-conservative actions constitute a dangerous human experiment and a perilous wager on the very fate of the nation.

23|  The extremist government is anti-democratic. The extremist are promoting the problematic idea of the tyranny of the majority. In their eyes, there are no individual rights, no minority rights and no game rules. Their only (non-rabbinical) source of authority are the decisions of a parliamentary majority imposed by government on all of its citizens. But the majority in whose name they speak is a sham. This fake majority was attained by means of threats and intimidation. Israelis did not vote for the nationalist dictatorship envisioned by Simcha Rothman, the benighted theocracy sought by the chairman of the United Torah Judaism party, Yitzhak Goldknopf, or the wars of religion fomented by Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich. Therefore, what this extremist government is actually creating is not the tyranny of the majority, but the tyranny of the minority. With one hand, it is according privileges to the Hare di minority, in the form of preferential treatment in education and public housing, even though its members are not required to serve in the military, acquire a general education or contribute to the economy. With the other hand, it is giving the ultra-nationalist-Orthodox hegemonic control over major centers of power, and thus the ability to conduct national policy. And with both hands, it is giving a tiny anti-liberal group the ideological control of both government and governing. At this juncture, each and every one of the pillars of the Israeli democracy is under threat. The extremists do not truly respect the first and foremost tenet of democracy: the people have spoken. They do not believe they are obligated to advance policies that represent the values — and serve the interests — of the

|24 overwhelming majority of Israelis. In their eyes, secular, traditional and non-Jewish Israelis are the Messiah’s donkey. At the same time, they do not respect the principal tenet of liberalism: defending the rights of minorities, the freedom of the individual and the rule of law. In the world they are imposing upon us, there is no social compact, no game rules, and no separation of powers. The extremists are destroying the Israeli democracy.  The extremist government is anti-state. The First and Second Temples were destroyed by fanaticism, divisiveness, civil strife and an unbridled propensity for self-destruction. Well-aware of this tragic past, Israel’s founding fathers were determined to pave a new way forward. In order to prevent the fall of the Third Temple, they built this edifice in the spirit of solidarity. And this solidarity — this overarching sense statehood — placed the greater good of the nation above the narrow interests of any political party, sector or tribe. It sought to unite us around the principles of Israel’s Declaration of Independence. This strategy worked. It built a resilient nation of strong institutions, enhancing its security and preventing a new bout of factionalism and destruction.

25| This sense of statehood allowed Israel to found a nation in almost impossible conditions and to become a powerhouse almost against all odds. It nurtured the only democracy in the Middle East and formed the strongest army in the region. It allowed Israel’s citizens to be equal in the eyes the law and equal in the eyes of the state, enjoying the human rights of a people living a life of liberty. It raised our standard of living and turned us into one of the happiest people in the world. The new extremist government seeks to destroy our hard-earned statehood. Shamelessly, the Haredi political parties are catering only to the concerns of the Haredi sector, with no regard for the national interest. Brazenly, the ultra-nationalist-Orthodox parties are imposing their radical Messianic agenda on the entire nation. Imperiously, the radical right is working to subvert both the rule of law and the character of the nation. Rather than uniting the people around a common ethos, the extremists are dividing it. Instead of strengthening the state, they are weakening it, corrupting the spirit and the institutions that created the Israeli miracle. The extremists’ attack on Israeli statehood is imperiling our existence.

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27| III The Existential Threat The Big Bang of 2022 created an unprecedented reality: it unleashed ruinous forces and gave a fanatical minority the ability to foment an anti-Jewish, anti-Zionist, anti-traditional, anti-conservative, anti-democratic, and anti-state revolution. It is, by far, the most dangerous political upheaval of the last 75 years. And it is, by far, the most dramatic, destructive social dislocation in Israel’s history. Following The Big Bang of 2022, the internal threat facing Israel in 2023 is a real and present existential predicament of the highest order. The peril represented by this internal threat is exacerbated by a formidable external threat. In the coming years, Israel will face an Iranian moment of truth: either the Islamic Republic becomes a nuclear power, or Israel will have to prevent Iran from becoming a nuclear power with little, if any, international support. Concurrently, Israel will also face a Palestinian moment of truth: the decline of the Palestinian Authority may lead to the renewal of hostilities and acts of terror in the West Bank, which may, in turn, spill over to the Negev and the Galilee. Beyond the Iranian and Palestinian challenges is the comprehensive strategic challenge represented by a combination of global economic disruption; a cold war between the United Sates and China; rising instability in the Middle East; and an international campaign against the legitimacy of the Jewish state.

|28 These three challenges mean that the relative quiet Israel enjoyed over the last 15 years may soon come to an end. In the coming decade, we may experience difficulties the likes of which we have not encountered for many years. We may even face a supreme test of national mettle. In the past, we managed to triumph in such harrowing circumstances, not only through our military-intelligence preparedness, but thanks to national solidarity. At the height of the War of Independence, representatives from all political parties and sectors of society signed the Declaration of Independence. On the eve of the Six Day War, a national unity government was formed, whose members included the leaders of the opposition. Even during the Second Intifada, national unity governments led the country. All these enhanced our strength and allowed us to survive, endure and triumph. But today, our situation is completely different. Hopelessly blinkered, we are approaching a perfect storm. Flying into a frightful squall, our captain in the cockpit is flanked by irresponsible, untrustworthy co-pilots. Their determination to implement controversial, deranged policies even in an hour of grave danger, are threatening the stability of the plane and the lives of its passengers. At a time when national unity and reconciliation are needed more than ever before, they are offering only more discord and vitriol. Put simply their recklessness at this critical juncture endangers our national security. Already in the first quarter of 2023, Israel paid a heavy price for the extremists’ reckless policies and pronouncements. A wave of Palestinian terrorist acts engulfed the country. The Iranian uranium enrichment program crossed the red line. Hezbollah grew stronger and became more belligerent. And as strategic stability floundered, the international community began to lose faith in the Israeli economy. The shekel weakened following a huge outflow of funds into foreign markets. At the same time, the rage felt by half of

29| the population prompted many Israelis to stage massive protests. And the growing dissent in the military threatened the cohesion of the Israeli army and the preparedness of its air force. Thus, in the months leading to Israel’s 75th Independence Day, a huge red warning was writ large: the Jewish state is experiencing a life-threatening crisis. At a critical moment of history, the extremist government is imperiling national security.  The Zionist majority must come together to avert catastrophe. There is no other way: confronting an unprecedented existential challenge, we must take action. Responsible Israelis must act responsibly and take responsibility. Because the question we face today is not what kind of life will we have here when Israel turns 100, but whether we’ll have a life here at all. It is absolutely clear what we must do in the long run: establish a third Israeli republic. Combine everything that was right about Labor’s first republic with everything that was right about Likud’s second republic, and adapt them to the 21st century. Supplant Ben Gurion’s historic statehood with a new one that will honor and respect every tribe and every individual — but will also unite us through a common ethos. Replace a politics of interest-groups with a politics of wide-consensus. Reform the political system and define the proper equilibrium between the branches of government. Renew mutual trust between citizens and state — and between state and citizens. Strike a balance between Israel’s Jewish and democratic identities. Forge a national-liberal, traditional-modern society that will allow every Israeli to live a fulfilling life in their homeland.

|30 But the mission we must undertake in the short term is no less vital: replace the destructive rule of an extremist minority with a prudent, trustworthy government of the Zionist majority. Every day of continued extremist rule causes Israel more irreparable harm. We are slipping down a slippery slope that is becoming ever steeper and more treacherous with each passing hour.

31| IV A Zionist Alliance But in order to bring about lasting change, we must first understand what went wrong. What happened to us. How did we arrive at this low point. How is it possible that Zionism is losing its mind in front of our very eyes? Why can’t the greater Israeli good triumph? The Israeli political map has long been defined by the conflict between Left and Right. At first, it was the struggle between Mapai and Herut. Then the discord between Labor and Likud, and finally the bitter fight between Netanyahu’s supporters and detractors. In order to win, each side needed the support of extremists (on the Left and Right) and of minority population groups (Haredim and Arab-Israelis). As a result, these extremists and minority groups gained outsized power. They eroded the center, corroded statehood, and bent government policy to their tribal and sectorial interests. In a fractious parliamentary democracy dependent on narrow coalitions, they were the kingmakers— the holders of the keys to kingdom. No moderate force on the Right or Left could rise up against them — and stop the process of deterioration that they led and accelerated. As the years passed, this frightful spiral became even more dangerous. A black hole opened in the center of Israeli life. A giant sinkhole swallowed almost everything we had in common — our unity, our moderateness. The extremists became more extreme, the minorities amassed power, and divisive forces overpowered uniting ones. Despite the fact that the foundational ideologies of both Left and Right had collapsed long ago — the battle between

|32 the two camps became ever more vicious and toxic. Netanyahu’s trial on charges of corruption, brought this tension to new heights. Half of Israelis were convinced that their head of government is a crook, while the other half believed he was a victim of judicial overreach. The bitter confrontation that ensued crippled the ability of the moderate Right and the moderate Left to work together — or even treat one another with respect. Fueled by incitement and based on a sense of persecution and exclusion, the noxious political culture that developed during this period was utterly destructive. All this played into the hands of the extremists. The deepening rift turned the political parties of the Center and center-Left into hostages of the radical Left, while those on the Right fell in to the open arms of the far-Right. The preliminary outcome of this process of mutual-demonization was the formation in mid-2021 of a center-Left government beholden to the Moslem Brotherhood. In 2023, it led to a right-of-Right government beholden to the Jewish Brotherhood: ultra-Orthodox, ultra-nationalist-Orthodox and radical-Rightists. The shattering of vessels that characterized the center-Left government in thrall to Mansour Abbas was the precedent and the supposed justification for the shattering of vessels that now characterizes a government in thrall to Itamar Ben Gvir. Israeli politics have been swept by a firestorm. Because, when the ends justify any means, all red lines are crossed. Extremists empower extremists, and minorities promote minorities — while the Israeli majority is trampled underfoot. The composition of the government does not to reflect the composition of the Knesset, and the composition of the Knesset does not reflect the will of the people. Government is paralyzed, parliament resembles a circus, and the public arena becomes toxic. The state can no longer act astutely and responsibly, to serve the greater good. It resembles a carriage harnessed to four horses, each galloping in a different direction. And

33| because these wild horses cannot be marshaled, the riders trapped inside the carriage cannot ensure their future, much less arrive at their destination.  The basic prerequisite — the necessary condition — for addressing our present predicament is to redraw the political map. Exchanging Left against Right with moderates against extremists. Replacing the tyranny of the minority with majority rule. Refashioning the Zionist enterprise as an inclusive and broad movement. Rebuilding the national Center. In the last few years, the Left has learned the high cost of surrendering its fate to non-Zionist Arab parties. Now the Right is discovering the high cost of kowtowing to United Torah Judaism, Otzma Yehudit and Noam. It is high time these two camps sober up. It is high time they realize that they are dependent on one another — and recognize the irrefutable: they are not adversaries. At the end of the day, there are no intractable differences between a Likud supporting family from Netanya and a Yesh-Atid voting family from Givatayim. We are all Israelis who want the best for our nation. We are all Jews who our proud of our Jewish heritage. We are all Zionists who want our Jewish national home to endure. We are all seeking the same Zionist-Israeli balance between our Jewish and democratic identities. It is time to put an end to the struggle that is tearing the Israeli Zionist majority limb from limb. It is time we rolled up our sleeves, dragged the Israeli carriage out of the mud and steered it back to the high road of Jewish liberal democracy.

|34  This will not be a simple undertaking. Because at the core of the animosity between Left and Right is a struggle for identity. Over the last few decades, first and second Israel have waged a bloody ideological battle against one another. Time after time, the painful wounds of the 1950s and 1960s have been reopened. Time after time, rose political leaders who prospered by deepening divisions. A piercing sense of injustice and exclusion was inflamed by mutual distrust and loathing. And as the acrimony grew, both first and second Israel willingly sacrificed national and political interests to extremist minority groups that were supposed to help each camp triumph over the other. The clash between first and second Israel is not only sectarian. On one side, is a population group that feels it is the proprietor of the country, and on the other side is a population group that feels discriminated-against and alienated. On one side, are those who control most of the centers of power, and on the other are those who feel they have been removed from the center. While one group feels threatened, the other feels deprived and derided. But if both camps were to raise their eyes from the muddy battlefield, they would discover that they are dependent on one another. Already today, a fifth of first-grade pupils are Haredi, almost a quarter are Arabs and Druze, and almost a seventh are national-religious. Meaning that if the Secular-traditional public doesn’t wake up and take action, it will become a minority by the middle of this century. If it does not join forces, its values, its very identity, may perish. Ashkenazim and Mizrahim, secular and traditional, residents of the center and the periphery must unite. In order to live fulfilling lives and realize

35| their potential, they must overcome the pain of the past and the disagreements of the present — and start acting as a unified ideological and political bloc. The crisis of 2023 should serve as a wakeup call. It reveals the high price we are all paying for the denialism of legitimacy of first Israel against second Israel — and the second Israel against first Israel. It requires all of us to make difficult decisions and painful concessions in order to put an end to this discord. Confronting an enormous crisis, we must rise above our differences, rediscover our common purpose and embark on a new path. We share more than a common interest. The number of Jewish-Israelis born to Ashkenazi-Mizrahi parents has risen four-fold since the 1950s. Most Mizrahim appreciate Western culture, while most Ashkenazim are influenced by Oriental culture. The Mizrahim know that Israel will never become a second Casablanca, while the Ashkenazim recognize that Israel will never become a second Vienna — and most agree that’s as it should be. Seventy years of close-knit, frenetic inter-ethnic life mean that Israelis who are not ultra-Orthodox or ultra-nationalist-Orthodox have a wide and deep commonality of experiences. Now, they must build a unified political force upon this common basis.  In order to confront the crisis of 2023 and reach a reconciliation, first and second Israel must contend with the lingering trauma wrought by their historical conflict. The secular-Ashkenazim must recognize that even if their parents and grandparents were well-intentioned, they still caused great

|36 suffering to many of the Jews who emigrated to Israel from Arab-speaking countries. They must acknowledge the legitimacy of Mizrahi pain and Mizrahi anger. And they must do everything they can to repair this historical injustice. At the same time, first Israel must recognize that many of the political acts it undertook over the last few decades were seen as patronizing and alienating. They were not attuned to the will of the people. They favored non-elected institutions over elected ones. They did not place the development and promotion of the periphery at the top of the national agenda. Now, it is time to ensure that the residents of the geographic and social periphery advance toward the center, receive full equality of opportunity, accelerated upward mobility — and proper representation in every institution and elite group. In tandem, the Mizrahi narrative must be incorporated into the heart of the Zionist narrative. We must change the national chronicle and the national soundtrack so that they reflect and celebrate Mizrahi culture. It is time to study and venerate the rich heritage of Mizrahi Judaism. To recognize the outstanding roles played Mizrahi Zionism and the Mizrahi pioneer spirit in the rebuilding of Zion. Mizrahi traditionalism is the eastern pillar of 21st century Israeliness. Meanwhile, traditional Mizrahim should acknowledge that though their grievances against the secular-Ashkenazi establishment are justified, the mistakes made by the Labor movement during the years of massive emigration were mostly made without malice, under the brutal conditions of the monumental act of nation-building. In other words, that the attitude toward Mizrahi Judaism was not defined by systemic bias. Secular-socialist Zionism was not an enterprise of evil. And many of its actions ultimately helped a significant number of emigrants, and allowed their children and grandchildren to move forward and succeed. Moreover, the mistakes made by the first Israel over the last few decades were also not a result of malice. The liberal Israeli

37| public felt threatened, and tried to defend its identity and its values with a peace process that failed, and a program of judicial activism that went too far. We must not forget, we stand on the shoulders of giants. Whether they came from Russia, Morocco, Poland or Iraq, these pioneers took upon themselves a singular human endeavor. They drained swamps and built development towns, founded a country and guarded its borders. Their bravery and self-sacrifice, their fortitude and ingenuity require all of us to honor their legacy. Ashkenazi or Mizrahi, we must all understand that we have plenty of reasons to be proud. We must remember the good and be thankful for it — and recognize that our history is very complicated. Though we cannot ignore the errors of the past or the mistakes of the present — we should focus on building a common future, egalitarian and just. And as a national body, we must stop looking for scapegoats and start looking for solutions. We must put aside the difficult memories of yesteryear and focus on a present course of action that will lead to a better tomorrow — in which Ashkenazim and Miz rahim can forge a formidable Zionist alliance.  Beyond the historic tragedy lies a contemporary tragedy, one that is deepening the divide between secular Ashkenazim and traditional Mizrahim: the tragedy of Benjamin Netanyahu. Netanyahu’s innocence or guilt will be decided by a court of law. But it is impossible to reach an Israeli reconciliation without recognizing that this unprecedented criminal trial has created two contradictory identity-centric narratives, one for each tribe, and that these narratives are now fueling the tribal warfare ripping apart Israeli society.

|38 On one side is the prosecution’s version. It sees the serving prime minister as a duplicitous, corrupt man who broke the law and is now trying to destroy the rule of law in order to save his own skin. On the other side is the defense’s version. It sees the serving prime minister as a gifted, devoted leader, seeking to protect the people from the oppressive imperiousness of the entrenched elites. One side sees Netanyahu as a democracy-destroying Erdogan or Putin, the other — as a Dreyfus, whose persecutors are tyrannizing the second Israel. Unsurprisingly, the prosecution’s version has become the narrative of the first Israel, while the defense’s version has become the narrative of the second Israel, And each side sees its version as inviolable, as a central tenet of its political faith. As a pillar of fire. The public storm engulfing the Netanyahu trial has become a foundational event — and a hemorrhaging wound of identity. It led to the Big Bang of 2022 and to the crisis of 2023. But when everything shakes, and everything is under threat, we must recognize the severity of the situation and forge a new path. The Jewish state cannot survive without an alliance between the first and second Israel. But an alliance between the first and the second Israel cannot be forged if we don’t treat the Netanyahu wound — and heal it. So long as Netanyahu is seen by one side as persecuted and by the other as persecutor. What we need now is a brave, creative solution that will lower the flames and disencumber Israel from the onerous burden that the Netanyahu trial has thrust upon its shoulders. Whether through a plea bargain agreement or an official pardon, the trial threatening the foundations of Israeli democracy and tearing apart its society must come to an end.

39|  And there is a third issue: the role of the judiciary in our lives. For the first Israel, the Supreme Court, the Office of the State Attorney and the legal advisors to government ministries are the gatekeepers of liberal democracy. Judges and jurists have become the guardians of enlightenment. They are seen as the bulwark preventing the corruption, radicalization and religionization of the state. And ensuring that a modern-advanced nation does not becoming a third world one. But for the second Israel, the Supreme Court is the bastion of the entrenched elites. It is seen as the last private club in which Mizrahi Israelis are not members; as a powerful, non-elected white institution that prevents the people from fully exercising their political will and governing their nation. At the same time the Office of the State Attorney is seen by many as a draconian institution pursuing arbitrary selective enforcement. Its seemingly unbridled power has created a wide coalition of those who see themselves as its persecuted victims. The ramifications are clear: in order to end the conflict between the first and second Israel — a wide consensus must be forged regarding the standing of the judicial branch and the rule of law. Supporters of the Supreme Court must understand that it went too far, and did not heed calls to become more socially diverse. From here on, it must be more cautious, and it must provide adequate representation for — and give real voice to — Mizrahim. Concurrently, the Supreme Court’s detractors must recognize that a democracy cannot survive without the rule of law. And that a strong, independent judiciary is essential to protect the rights of minorities and individuals — and to preserve the rules of the game. An historic compromise regarding the Supreme Court and the standing of the judiciary are essential to rebuilding a common Zionist base.

|40  Only after we confront the historic tragedy, the Netanyahu tragedy and the conflict regarding the judiciary will it be possible to begin an essential process of rapprochement between Mizrahim and Ashkenazim. Their commonalities are ample, their shared interest are manifest. But they must overcome past and present grievances — and put an end to pointless bouts of mudslinging. Courageous leadership can certainly lead us to a process of dialogue and reconciliation. But the secular and traditional pillars cannot stand on their own. They require a third, essential pillar. Historically, religious Zionism was a moderate movement. Rabbi Yitzchak Yaacov Reines, Rabbi Yehuda Leib Maimon and their followers were wary of both nationalist and religious extremism. They nurtured a multi-year alliance with the Labor party, embracing a pragmatic and tolerant worldview. Moshe Chaim Shapira and Yosef Burg, who represented religious Zionism in government, were moderate, steady and dispassionate leaders. Only after the political upheaval of 1977 did the orientation of the national-religious party begin to change — but even then, its leaders attempted to situate their movement at the center of the political map. Over the last decade, Naphtali Bennett’s Jewish Home party acted in much the same manner.

41| The extremist political phenomenon represented by Bezalel Smotrich, Itamar Ben Gvir and Avi Maoz is a new one. It has no interest in nurturing the heritage of religious Zionism. Rather, it seeks to upend it. Thus, it does not represent the values and worldview of a wide swath of the national-religious public. This is why both the first and second Israel should reach out to moderate religious Zionists. The natural place for liberal observant Jews is not inside the extremist minority, but alongside the Jewish-Israeli majority. Here, too, the process of healing will require reconciliation, but of a different tenor. The deep trauma of the Disengagement (from the Gaza Strip) led many national-religious Israelis to feel that the secular majority had trampled them. That the institutions of liberal-democracy had forsaken them. That in the moment of truth, they were banished from their homes. To achieve reconciliation, it will also be necessary to recognize that the settlement enterprise is an important Zionist undertaking. Regardless of the questions of a permanent border and of dividing the land, the settlers of Judea and Samaria should be seen as pioneers. And in order to contend with their wounds-of-identity and emotional suffering, creative solutions will have to be offered, constituting an ideological compromise between the secular-Center, the traditionalist-Right and the moderate religious-Right. The primary issue will be the future of Judea and Samaria. The secondary issue will be Israel’s Jewish-liberal identity. But on the basis of an inclusive, practical and positive approach — such a compromise is achievable. And it is essential. Without it, we won’t have a future here. The bottom line is clear. The only way to curb the extremists and extricate Israel from the dangerous maelstrom in which it finds itself is to forge a Zionist alliance. To form a compact between liberal Zionism, national-traditional Zionism and moderate religious Zionism. The Zionist alliance is

|42 essential. The Zionist alliance is crucial. Only such an alliance can guarantee a Zionist majority. Only such an alliance can ensure the future of Israel as a Jewish, democratic, powerful, just and prosperous nation.  The Zionist alliance will not target the ultra-Orthodox, the nationalist-ultra-Orthodox or Israeli-Arabs. It will be committed to inclusivity, premised on the approach that Israel is home to all of us. It will also be committed to ensuring that every Israeli has equal rights and equal obligations. It will respect and honor the religious beliefs, values and ways of life of the Arab, Haredi and ultra-nationalist-Orthodox communities. But the Zionist alliance cannot ignore the fact that the separatist autonomies that grew in Israel over the years are crushing Israeli society and endangering the State of Israel. The Haredi, ultra-nationalist-Orthodox and Arab autonomies are eroding the all-important sense of mutual responsibility. Thus, the Zionist alliance will approach the Arab, Haredi and ultra-nationalist-Orthodox communities directly, and offer to fully integrate them into Israeli life, while staunchly safeguarding their identities. There is no other way but to bypass the extremist and destructive leadership of these autonomies. There is no other way but to bolster the values and rights of the Israeli majority. The commitment to a Jewish-democratic state must be absolute. Citizenship must be fully realized, active, egalitarian and significant. The Zionist alliance should be the engine for change. It must build an ideological and political platform that will allow the State of Israel to serve the Jewish people and all of its citizens.

43| The Zionist alliance’s long-term goal is to create a new statehood: to unify society, strengthen the state and offer Israelis a new and inspiring vision. But the immediate objective is to curb the extremist movements that grew first and foremost in the sectarian autonomies — and to address the immediate threat embodied by this sectarianism. To topple the rule of the extremists. To chart a new course for Israel, so it does not crash headlong into the iceberg already looming in the distance.

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45| V A Recue Plan How do we this? How do we save Israel? By adopting a five-part strategy: protest, work plan, political change, unity government, Tikkun. The first stage is protest: The extremists’ destructive instincts must be met with equally forceful resolve. In response to this government’s attempt to stifle and oppress, we must sound a clear and strong voice. The massive demonstrations that gathered all over Israel in the first quarter of 2023 created momentum and fostered hope. They showed the extremists that a determined opposition will not give up without a fight. But in order to truly succeed the protest movement must be broadened. It cannot be seen as the stronghold of the center-Left, but act as the home of moderate patriots from all camps — and from every region of the country. The protest movement cannot remain secular-Ashkenazi, it must become all-Israeli. A movement of millions. This movement of millions can coalesce within a short time — and hold massive rallies that will demonstrate to the far Right that it did not receive a mandate to dismantle Israel’s liberal democracy. That it has badly misjudged the will of the people. That democratic Jews will not countenance a Jewish theocracy. The new government’s recklessness is of such stupefying magnitude that it requires all level-headed Israelis to fight for their home. To take to the streets, gather in town squares and march to Jerusalem. To prevent

|46 a reactionary minority from imposing a tyrannical regime upon a centrist majority — corrupting the very soul of the nation. But the movement of millions must not be a new version of the anti-Netanyahu Balfour protests of 2022. Its language should be based on inclusivity, not exclusivity. The language of love, not hate. Its values should be based on Israeli unity. In order to do so, it should embrace three basic principles. The movement of millions must be wide and open. It should focus on the struggle against extremism — not Netanyahu. It should offer the moderate Right and Netanyahu supporters a way to free themselves from the stranglehold of the ultra-orthodox and the ultra-nationalist-orthodox. As it seeks to galvanize the center-Left, it should open its arms to Lik udniks. Only by joining forces can it become a truly powerful protest movement. The movement of millions must be democratic. It should acknowledge that the people have spoken, recognizing the Likud as the current ruling party. It should agree to measured, prudent and broadly-agreed judicial reform. It must not provoke disorder, use force or support any illegal actions. It must avoid verbal and physical violence. It should not countenance any sort of military insubordination that could obliterate the Israeli social compact. Its spirit should be peaceable — and above all inclusive. The movement of millions must be patriotic. It must steer clear of the radical-left and other anti-Zionist elements. It must guard against bitterness, resentment, self-pity and arrogance. It should not encourage international condemnation of Israel, the outflow of funds nor economic sanctions. Even in these dark days, it must be Jewish, Israeli — and national. Confronting the divisive, anarchist far-Right, it should aspire to the highest ideals of statehood.

47| Confronting the Haredi and ultra-nationalist-Orthodox zealotry befouling Herzl’s legacy, it should espouse the values of the founder of Zionism and the Declaration of Independence. Thus, it will become the epitome of the Zionist alliance. The movement of millions will come. It will be massive, powerful and Zionist — and it shall overcome.  The second stage is devising a platform and a work plan. We must oppose extremist rule. We must, protest, demonstrate and strike. But these actions are not enough. The opponents of the extremists cannot speak simply in the negative. They must offer constructive, convincing proposals. These proposals should be based on the understanding that we are not engaged in a zero-sum game, in which the victory of one side requires the defeat of the other. And these proposals must recognize the legitimate will and the valid misgivings of the voters who brought about the upheaval of 2022. They must reflect a process of self-examination by the center-Left and they must be seen to offer an olive branch to the center-Right in a concerted effort to make amends and reconcile differences. Confronting Yariv Levin’s planned regime revolution, they must acknowledge that judicial activism has gone too far, and that changes are necessary in order to improve and enhance the rule of law. The relationship between the three branches of government must be recalibrated. One way to do this is the through the compromise devised by Israeli President Yitzhak Herzog. Another is to ensure that in future, the appointment of judges is made by a panel of

|48 three judges, three government representatives, two opposition members and an expert chosen by the president of Israel. Striking down legislation should require a two-thirds majority of supreme court judges. Reversing such judicial decisions should require a majority of 70 Knesset members. The standard of reasonability should be redefined and restricted — but not cancelled. Government legal advisors should answer to both the ministers they serve and to the attorney general. These changes will address the legitimate criticism of judicial overreach — while safeguarding the pillars of Israel’s liberal democracy. Thus, they will foster a government that is neither beholden to the elites nor to the extremists, but represents a true expression of the will of the people. In response to Bezalel Smotrich’s accelerated annexation plan, a Zionist counter-plan should be formulated to ensure Israel’s security control of the West Bank, while allowing Palestinians to develop and sustain a contiguous autonomous space. This will prevent a fast-creeping reality of heightened Israeli-Palestinian strife, Israel’s loss of international legitimacy and a further erosion of the state’s Jewish majority. In response to the ultra-Orthodox parties’ grab for national funds and civil service control, a ten-year plan should be formulated to encourage young Haredim to go to school and join the workforce, while preserving their identity, community and way of life. This will create a bulwark against attempts to abuse state resources and impose the worldview of a minority on the majority. But it will also ensure, that Israel recognizes the world of the Torah and embrace it as an intrinsic part of its identity. In response to the radical Right’s attempts to implement harsh ultra-capitalist policies — rejected even by the United States — a balanced social-economic

49| approach should be formulated, one that recognizes the importance of free markets but endeavors to rehabilitate the public sector and improve the civil service. Thus, Israel will be able to return to the path sought by Theodor Herzl — encouraging competition and private enterprise while promoting social justice and solidarity. Having swung too far to one side, then too far to the other, the pendulum should be stabilized in the center.  The third stage is political change. Public pressure must be applied on three key players: Benjamin Netanyahu, Yair Lapid and Benny Gantz, so that a new chapter of history can begin. Benjamin Netanyahu must be made to understand that if he continues his alliance with the extremists, he will destroy his historic legacy. Netanyahu’s past success was based on the fact that he provided Israel with strategic, economic and political stability. But now the extremists are undermining this stability and wreaking havoc wherever they turn. His success was also based on his ability to navigate the stormy waters of the Middle East in a prudent and sophisticated manner. But now, the extremists are forcing him to take reckless steps that are endangering Israel’s security and its international standing. The extremists are accelerating the erosion of national security and hastening a moment in which the external conflict and internal crisis may converge in a fiery maelstrom. The only way Netanyahu can ensure his place in history is to disengage from extremists, reach out to the center-Left and embrace national unity.

|50 Yair Lapid and Benny Gantz must be made to understand that their boycott-of-Netanyahu has failed. Their attempt to present the man who received a majority of the votes as illegitimate is untenable. They cannot continue to tell millions of Israelis that their political judgment is invalid. For years, the anyone-but-Netanyahu strategy has paralyzed Israeli politics, finally pushing Bibi into the arms of extremists. It is high time the center-Left put it aside. Its negativity should be replaced with a positive message. The only way Yair Lapid and Benny Ganz can fulfill their mission as Israeli leaders is to disengage from the radical Left, reach out to the moderate Right and embrace national unity. Sadly, neither Netanyahu nor Lapid and Ganz are apt to do the right thing, thanks to an epiphany or higher calling. Therefore, the protest movement will have to apply tremendous public pressure on both the prime minister on the leaders of the opposition. To make clear that the forces of history are calling upon Benjamin Netanyahu, Yair Lapid and Benny Gantz to overcome the bitterness of the past, join hands — and save the nation.  The fourth stage is a national-unity government. The security and economic deterioration that marked the first quarter of 2023, served as a wake-up call for many Israelis. It eroded the popularity of the Netanyahu government and caused consternation among its supporters. A head-on collision with a nightmarish reality will soon prove to most Israelis just how dangerous and destructive is the rule of the extremists. At this juncture, an alternative will have to be offered. But this alternative cannot be a

51| narrow center-Left government. It must be a broad and stable Zionist government. A government of national reconciliation. A government that represents the Israeli majority and serves the greater good of all Israeli citizens. At the helm of this new government should stand the political parties at the center of the political map: Likud, Shas, Yesh Atid, National Unity, Yisrael Beiteinu and Labor. It should not include any Right-wing or Left-wing extremists, anti-Zionists or representatives of any sectarian interests. This new government will have the support of two-thirds of Knesset members. And it will act according to a conciliatory, unifying and pragmatic agenda. Its chief mandate will be to heal wounds — to promote harmony and sanity. The new national-unity government will have five tasks: preparing Israel for the supreme test represented by the looming confrontations with Iran and the Palestinians; fortifying governability and reasserting sovereignty in every part of the county; addressing the housing and cost of living crises; redefining the relationship between the executive, legislative and judicial branches; and integrating Haredim and Arab-Israelis into Israeli life. These five tasks are both urgent and critical. None require a decision pitting Left against Right. Each should be approached on the basis of broad agreement. By fulfilling these five tasks, the new government will also take on a sixth and even more essential task: extricating Israel from the cataclysmic tumult in which it has been caught. Putting an end to tribal warfare and replacing the bitter internal conflict with a renewed national spirit of Zionist enterprise.

|52 Can Benjamin Netanyahu lead this unity government? He can, so long as he parts ways with Smotrich and Ben Gvir — and turns his back on Yariv It is high time we all understood: neither the Likud nor the parties of the center have enough power to form sane and stable governments on their own. The center-Left must overcome its loathing of Netanyahu, and the Right must overcome its loathing of the Left. The Likud must free itself from the shackles of the far-Right, and the Center must free itself from the shackles of the radical Left. Both of Zionism's main streams must recognize reality — and make hard choices. It is certainly a tall order, but it is most definitely achievable. If we could see past our differences in order to make peace with six Arab nations, we can certainly see past our differences and make peace with ourselves — and save our beloved country from falling into the abyss.  The fifth stage is Tikkun. A functional and functioning broad-coalition government can play the same role as the unity government of Shimon Peres and Yitzhak Shamir (1984-1988): averting catastrophe, calming the nation, and addressing urgent national missions. But toward the end of the 25th Knesset’s term, we will have to aspire to do much more: to assemble a new leadership that can fully address the State of Israel’s core problems, implement the principles and ethos of the Zionist alliance — and found a third Israeli republic. This Tikkun — this comprehensive reform — must confront the one-state challenge. It will have to establish a border to guarantee that the Jewish-

53| democratic state within this line has a decisive Jewish majority. In the foreseeable future, the chances of a two-state solution and an Israeli-Palestinian peace are slim. But it behooves us to find a way to preserve Israel’s Jewish identity while safeguarding its security and stability. Israeli security control, Palestinian autonomy, regional peace and strategic supremacy will serve as the four pillars of a new Tikkun-based order that will avert a one-state catastrophe and allow Israel to continue to grow and prosper. This Tikkun must also give answer to the challenges of statehood and governability. Having redefined the relationship between the branches of government, the institutions of state should be strengthened and made more efficient and freer of corruption. Put simply, in order to contend with the dramatic threats, it faces, Israel needs a worthy national leadership, a pragmatic government, an effective civil service and meticulous long-term national planning. The free market is essential — but we cannot put our faith solely in the hands of market forces. Israel’s propensity for improvisation is astounding — but we cannot rely solely upon it. We must arrive at a broad agreement that will allow us to undertake structural reforms in order to fortify and enhance the institutions of state. The third Israeli republic should be no less efficient than Singapore and no less egalitarian than Denmark. The third Israeli republic should offer a third way, striking the right balance between a free market economy, an exemplary state apparatus and a model society. The Tikkun must also address the challenge of cohesion. A new statehood should give rise to a new Israeli order in which every citizen enjoys equal rights and equal standing. A strong national political center should offer a new vision and formulate a new common ethos around which Israelis can unite. But Israel should also strive to preserve the distinct identities of each of its tribe, sectors and communities, formulating a new Zionist worldview of unity-

|54 through-diversity that will help the Jewish state become more multifarious and cohesive. Reunifying Israeli society, reenergizing statehood, and ensuring a Jewish majority are the three principles of Tikkun that the Zionist alliance will initiate, implement and realize.

55| VI Rise Up, Protest, Save Israel The eighth decade of a nation’s existence is often a dangerous one. The United States was torn by civil war 74 years after the ratification of its constitution. In its 73rd year, the first Temple of King David and King Solomon began to crumble. In its eighth decade, the Maccabean Kingdom collapsed. After the first generation breaks ground and the second generation builds, the third generation often destroys what its forebears accomplished. The cataclysm of 2023 has brought the crisis of modern Israel’s eighth decade to a new nadir. Political disintegration, rampant tribalism, the weakening of the state and unceasing tribal discord are devouring us from within. Animosity, resentment, incitement and bellicosity are desecrating everything we hold dear. And when, in this toxic environment, a revolution led by zealots takes hold, our Third Temple is threatened in the same manner as our first and second Temples once were. On the one hand, extremist rule may lead to the rise of an authoritarian regime which will turn Israel into yet another Middle Eastern non-free nation ruled by a strongman and his clerics. A nation without liberty, equality or sound government policies. A nation so riddled with rot and corruption that it becomes a regressive and ultimately unsustainable entity. But on the other hand, the extremists on the anarchic Right may simply sink us into utter chaos. Their attacks on the institutions of state could erode every inch of common ground we still share, breaking our social compact, setting fire to the Declaration of Independence, and causing us to implode. Either way, the extremists are threatening our very existence. They are destroying every institution, subverting every law, and upending

|56 every norm — turning a once-cohesive and purposeful Israel into an ailing nation, highly susceptible to an historical tendency toward divisiveness and self-destructiveness.  But Israel is powerful nation, and its people are resilient. We have the power to ward off both of these threats, to survive and to overcome. And we have the strength of character required to extricate ourselves from the current political quagmire — and to chart a new course toward a better future. The great Jewish-democratic awakening of 2023 demonstrates just how strong the Israeli life force and the Israeli spirit really are. But in order to turn this awakening into a process of Tikkun, we must adopt the Zionist idea as the organizing principle of our society, political system and nation — and rebuild a cohesive Zionist edifice, based on two pillars: Jewish and democratic. If we return to these basic principles and rediscover our indomitable spirit, in a very short time, we can liberate ourselves from the evils of extremist rule, renew both Zionism and statehood — and save our home from those who would destroy it. Returning to our Jewish, Zionist and Israeli roots, we can mobilize and fight for everything we hold dear. All of us love — and are proud of — Israel. We know we are part of a singular human narrative. Herzl’s generation foresaw the Holocaust and attempted to build a safe haven for the Jewish people before they were annihilated. Ben Gurion’s and Jabotinsky’s generation plowed and sowed, creating a verdant oasis of life. Rabin’s and Begin’s generation overcame the tragedy that befell our people, fighting a war, absorbing emigration and building a nation whose

57| very existence is a miracle. The generation of the transit camps, housing estates and development towns overcame the rupture of dislocation — and in so doing its members imbued the fledgling Israel and its people with remarkable fortitude. The following, native generation managed to turn Israel from a frontier nation into a flourishing liberal democracy, whose accomplishments earned it a place at the forefront of humanity. Today, the 21st century generation is normalizing Israel and turning it into an enterprising nation of unparalleled creativity and vitality. We came here in order to save and heal a people who were about to die. And for more than 100 years we did so: healing, growing, building and prospering — accomplishing the seemingly impossible. But now the extremists are threatening to destroy everything successive Zionist generations worked so hard to achieve. They have smuggled a false idol into the temple and set fire to the grain barns of Jerusalem, attempting to turn enlightened Israel into a modern-day version of a dark and isolated Sicarii fortress. They are intent on turning the inspiring and just Zionism we cherish into an evil and ignoble movement. That is why, just like our fearless grandparents and parents, we must now rise up and perform the great Israeli act of our generation: drive back extremism, volunteer, protest and demonstrate. Take up the mantle of political action; listen to our brothers and sisters, try to understand them and enter into a dialogue with them; learn the lessons of the past, refrain from condescending, using force and deepening the divide. At the same time, we must act as if, at a time of grave danger, we have been called upon to serve in a massive civic reserve service. To serve the people in all their tribes — and the nation in its entirety: to take risks, make sacrifices, contribute and wage our campaign with every inch of our being. The great-and-good Israeli majority cannot sit idly by. Jewish democrats cannot allow their magnificent national enterprise to collapse. We all know there will

|58 be no fourth temple. The third temple represents the Jewish people’s last chance. Steadfast and resolute, with love and honor, we shall defend Israel and rebuild our home.

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SAVINGI S R A E LIsrael is facing a multi-dimensionalexistential crisis.SAVING ISRAEL is the first shortmanifesto wrestling with the crisisand offering a path forward:National Unity and the formation ofa new Zionist Alliance.2 0 2 3