MART N ALMAGRO GORBEA EDITOR IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE FROM NEOLITHIC TO ROMAN CONQUEST BURGOS 2014
MART  N ALMAGRO-GORBEA  EDITOR   IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  FROM NEOLITHIC TO ROMAN CONQUEST  BURGOS,...
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Contents Introduction Mart n Almagro Gorbea 7 Neolithic and Chalcolithic Towards complex societies 17 The rst Mediterranean Neolithic farmers VI V Millennia BC Bernat Mart Oliver and Joaquim Juan Cabanilles 19 The Neolithic in inland and Northern Iberia Manuel A Rojo Guerra 43 Mediterranean Iberia in the 4 Millennia Joan Bernabeu Aub n y Teresa Orozco K hler 71 Southern Iberia in the 4TH and 3RD Millennia Cal BC Francisco Nocete 83 The Chalcolithic in the Central Plateau and its Atlantic fringe 3200 2500 cal AD Germ n Delibes de Castro 95 Bell Beakers in Iberia Rafael Garrido Pena 113 Bronze Age The complex societies 125 The Bronze Age in Mediterranean Iberia Vicente Lull Rafael Mic Cristina Rihuete y Roberto Risch 127 The Balearic Islands From stable human colonisation until the Roman Conquest Vicente Lull Rafael Mic Cristina Rihuete y Roberto Risch 147 Atlantic Iberia A threshold between East and West Marisa Ruiz G lvez 161 Iron Age The nal process to urban life 181 The Lusitanians Mart n Almagro Gorbea 183 The Urn elds Gonzalo Ruiz Zapatero 195 The Celtic peoples Alberto J Lorrio 217 Tar i Tartessos Turdetania Mariano Torres Ortiz 251 Mediterranean Iberia the Iberian peoples Mart n Almagro Gorbea 285 The Vascons Mart n Almagro Gorbea 319 Bibliography 325 TH and 3 RD
Contents  Introduction, Mart  n Almagro-Gorbea ..............................................................................
1 introduction
1  introduction
Introduction This book Iberia Prehistory of the Far West of Europe From Neolithic to the Roman Conquest is an up to date summary including future research prospects of the early history of the Iberian Peninsula the westernmost extremity the Far West of the Old Continent the last land of Eurasia This book has been edited for the XVII Congress of the International Union of Prehistoric and Protohistoric Sciences IUPPS held in Burgos in 2014 but it is aimed at a general audience seeking to understand the nal millennia of this land s Prehistory from the rst Neolithic populations to the Romanization process Volume I Prehistory of the Iberian Peninsula covers the hunter gatherer cultures from the rst hominins to the Epipalaeolithic or Mesolithic It presents the main archaeological sites and through them the contemporary cultural and environmental features By contrast Volume II is designed as a series of 15 short essays that form a representative mosaic of the many cultures and peoples that made up the Late Prehistory and the Early History of the Iberian Peninsula from the Neolithic to its Romanization It therefore offers a view of the last six millennia of history before our era from the emergence of the rst farmers to the predominance of urban life when our lands joined the Roman Empire In order to fully comprehend the importance of the Late Prehistory and the Early History of the Iberian Peninsula we need to evaluate its geographical context a key aspect in its human landscape since Prehistory1 The complexity and 1 For the geography of the Iberian Peninsula see Hern ndez Pacheco E 1955 and 1956 Fisiograf a del Solar Hispano I II Madrid Schulten A 1959 1963 Geograf a y Etnograf a antiguas de la Pen nsula Ib rica I II Madrid Lautensch H 1967 Geograf a de Espa a y Portugal Barcelona Asociaci n de Ge grafos Espa oles 1980 Los paisajes rurales de Espa a Valladolid Ter n M de et al 1986 Geograf a general de Espa a Barcelona Florist n A 1988 Espa a pa s de contrastes geogr cos naturales Madrid Vil Valent J 1997 La Pen nsula Ib rica Barcelona Franco T 1998 Geograf a f sica de Espa a Madrid Instituto Geogr co Nacional 2000 Atlas Nacional de Espa a El medio f sico I II Madrid the location of the Iberian Peninsula the ancient Hispania of the Phoenicians Punics and Romans and the Iberia for the Greeks is such that it can be regarded as a small microcontinent between the Mediterranean and the Atlantic in the western part of Europe at the end of Eurasia very close to Africa from which it is isolated by the Sahara desert This is the westernmost of the four peninsulas that articulate the northern shores of the Mediterranean Anatolia the Balkans with Greece Italy and the Iberian Peninsula The latter three form the Southern Europe which in turn are a minor peninsula at the western end of the Afro Asian Continent The Iberian Peninsula covers 583 256 km2 and is surrounded by the Mediterranean Sea to the east and south and the Atlantic Ocean to the west and north The Pyrenees form an isthmus less than 500 km long which connects it to the Continental mass while the Strait of Gibraltar just 14 km wide separates it from Africa Its territory has a great personality and diversity Fig 1 Its topography is characterized by a large Central Plateau part of the ancient Precambrian and Paleozoic Iberian Massif tilted slightly to the west which has determined its river basins This plateau is surrounded by mountain ranges and depressions formed during the Alpine orogeny Its mountainous nature is obvious in its average height of 660 metres only surpassed in Europe by Switzerland and Austria with the highest peak at 3478 m Mulhac n Granada The Central Plateau is surrounded by mostly Alpine orogenic ranges the Basque Cantabrian Mountains to the north the Iberian Mountain Range to the east and Sierra Morena to the south as well as the Central Mountain Range which splits the Plateau in two from east to west and separates the Duero basin from the Tagus and the Guadiana The peripheral zones include the Pyrenees an isthmus that separates the Peninsula from France the Galicia Hills in the north west the Catalonia Coastal Range in the north east and the Baetic System in the south east and the south Flat areas
Introduction  This book Iberia. Prehistory of the Far West of Europe  From Neolithic to the Roman Conquest is an up to dat...
10 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figure 1 Physical map of the Iberian Peninsula are scarce and include the Guadalquivir Depression in the west and the Ebro in the north east along with south central Portugal the Valencia coastal plain and the plains on the Central Plateau In addition to the orographic differences there are many lithological zones Fig 2 The western area has siliceous Paleozoic soils formed by granite slate and quartzite rich in gold silver tin and copper These areas are more suitable for livestock grazing than for agriculture enhanced by their cool moist Atlantic climate By contrast the eastern zones and the mountain ranges of the Alpine fold are predominated by Secondary limestone with karst formations accentuated by uvial erosion In these areas many of them clad by Holm oak Q ilex and pine forests life continues in their valleys based on orchard crops that are irrigated to mitigate the dryness Finally in the Guadalquivir and Ebro depressions the river valleys of the Central Plateau and the coastal plains are predominated by Tertiary and Quaternary clay formations Their soils are suitable for cereal farming adapted to the Mediterranean multicropping system of cereals wine and oil an association inserted in the early development of urban life during the second half of the rst millennium BC Whenever possible this production was completed with irrigated orchards The Iberian Peninsula has over 4000 km of coastline and indeed 6 7 of its perimeter is surrounded by sea The coastal strip is narrow and only accessible in some sections of the east and south coasts with a predominance of rocky coastlines and cliffs to the north north east and south east with limited access to the estuaries of some rivers which rarely penetrate more than 30 km inland The coastline had a rising tendency in the Holocene to 20 m in 9000 BP and stabilized at 10 m 7 000 years ago although some coastal zones such as the Basque Country reached 1 to 2 m above the present level at the peak of the Flandrian transgression Around 5 000 BP the sea level descended again and then rose gradually to the current level with
10  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figure 1. Physical map of the Iberian Peninsula.  are scarce, and incl...
INTRODUCTION Figure 2 Geological map of the Iberian Peninsula Instituto Geol gico Minero de Espa a y Portugal an increasing loss of the emerged coastal lands Along with these changes in the sea level erosion exacerbated by human activity also played a role in this process The consequence was the silting of coastal marshlands lagoons and estuaries such as the mouth of the Guadalquivir River the ancient Lacus Ligustinus and the formation of deltas such as the Ebro which began after the peak of the Flandrian transgression around 6500 BP and with some variations subsequently intensi ed due to increasing deforestation The Iberian climate Fig 3 is inserted between the tropics and the Northern Hemisphere temperate zone and between the Mediterranean and the Atlantic2 It is therefore crossed by Atlantic 2 For climatic details see Garc a de Pedraza L Castillo J M 1981 In uencia de la con guraci n topogr ca de la Pen nsula Ib rica en sus car cteres meteorol gicos y clim ticos Paralelo 37 5 31 42 Capel J J 2000 El clima de la Pen nsula fronts and storms associated with the polar jet stream and the tropical high pressure systems of the Azores and Saharan anticyclones This situation together with its abrupt topography has produced numerous microclimates with major variations in temperature and precipitation Fig 4 over 2000 mm in some places and less than 175 mm in Almer a with a clear north west to south east gradient There are two distinct climatic zones one moist Atlantic La Coru a 10 4 C in January 19 2 C in August and 1 008 mm and the other dry Mediterranean Alicante 336 mm 11 5 C in January 25 5 C in August tending to subtropical and semi desert in the south east Ib rica Barcelona For the historic trends see Jord J 2013 El marco paleoambiental de la Prehistoria Reciente de la Pen nsula Ib rica M Men ndez ed Prehistoria Reciente de la Pen nsula Ib rica Madrid pp 41 108 For hydrography see Arenillas M S enz Ridruejo C 1987 Gu a F sica de Espa a 3 Los r os Madrid 11
INTRODUCTION  Figure 2. Geological map of the Iberian Peninsula  Instituto Geol  gico-Minero de Espa  a y Portugal .  an i...
12 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figure 3 Map of climatic regions on the Iberian Peninsula 1 Moist maritime and Pyrenean 2 Atlantic 3a c Continental attenuated pure and extreme 4 Mediterranean 5 Sub desert a Cantabrian Montain Range Leon b Ferramub n Lugo c Dehesa from Las Villuercas Badajoz d Fortuna Murcia e Salobralejo Albacete f Ebro Valley La Rioja Almer a 196 mm Moreover the relief around the Central Plateau accentuates its dry extreme continentality Soria 2 9 C in January 20 0 C in July a feature in common with other inland areas Cordoba 9 2 C in January 27 2 C in July while the numerous mountain ranges above 1200 m have a characteristic mountain climate These climatic features were formed during the Holocene with variations that can be explained in general terms From the start of the Holocene the climate on the Iberian Peninsula was dry with a rising tendency in temperatures and humidity From the Atlantic onwards 9000 5800 BP this increase in temperature and humidity rose above current levels accompanied by the peak development of the Mediterranean forests and the progression of oaks in the Atlantic region Around 5800 BP there was a cold arid episode with a signi cant drop in the tree cover which marked the start of the Sub Boreal a dryer and warmer phase 5800 2500 BP followed by an optimum climate until 4800 BP characterized by rising temperatures and rainfall which again were above current levels From 4800 BP onwards there was a
12  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figure 3. Map of climatic regions on the Iberian Peninsula. 1  Moist m...
INTRODUCTION Figure 4 Map of annual rainfall mm on the Iberian Peninsula decline in aridity and the inland climate was subject to the Continental Mediterranean features as they are known today accompanied by increasing anthropogenic activity From 3250 cal BP the socalled Cold Iron Age there was an overall decline in temperatures increasing aridity and as a result deserti cation and abandonment of the mountain areas which were gradually reoccupied in the rst millennium BC The improved climatic conditions at the end of this cold swing at the start of the SubAtlantic 2500 BP facilitated the intense cultural and demographic development in the Iron Age the Ibero Roman Humid Period dated between 2500 and 1600 BP i e between 500 BC and 400 AD during which there was a further decline in the arboreal vegetation denoting greater aridity and probably more intense human activity As a consequence of this climate the Iberian rivers carry little volume apart from those in areas with Atlantic precipitation Their ow is highly variable and is rainfall dependent In some cases they carry massive runoff exceeding 1 to 1000 in the Guadiana River Their channels acted as transport routes on the plains but in many cases the steep topography and abrupt banks associated with irregular ow prevented their transit For this reason the transport routes Fig 5 were not so much determined by the rivers as by the orography as in the case of the Via Heraclea which ascended the Guadalquivir Valley from the Gulf of Cadiz and linked up with the Mediterranean Levant coast the Via de la Plata which connected all the western inland siliceous areas and the Via Celtica which connected the Iberian Mountain Range to the south west tracking north of the Central System3 The topography and climate have also given rise to a varied ora and fauna augmented by the geographic isolation of the Peninsula which enabled many endemic species to survive especially in the mountain ranges despite ongoing extinctions due 3 For the communication routes in Iberian Prehistory see Almagro Gorbea M Las v as de comunicaci n tart sicas in M Criado de Val ed Atlas de Caminer a Hisp nica X Congreso de Caminer a Madrid 2010 Madrid 2011 pp 20 25 13
INTRODUCTION  Figure 4. Map of annual rainfall  mm  on the Iberian Peninsula  decline in aridity and the inland climate wa...
14 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figure 5 Mains axes of communication of the Iberian Peninsula from Ruiz Zapatero above all to human impact4 In the moist Atlantic areas mixed deciduous forests of oak beech and birch predominate In many areas they have been transformed into meadows by anthropic action The dehesa open woodland landscapes in the siliceous areas of central and southern Iberia are particular interesting These formations are the result of the conversion of Holm Q ilex and cork oak Q suber forests into sheltered grazing zones for livestock since the 4th millennium BC In dry Mediterranean areas Holm oak Kermes oak and pine forests predominate along with aromatic shrubs such as rockrose thyme lavender and rosemary Hemp and aromatic 4 For vegetation see Alcaraz F et alii 1987 et alii 1987 La vegetaci n de Espa a Madrid Allue 1990 Atlas toclim tico de Espa a Madrid Carrion 2005 id ed 2012 Peinado M Rivas S 1987 La vegetaci n de Espa a Madrid Rubio J M 1988 Biogeograf a Paisajes vegetales y vida animal Madrid For soils see Gandullo J M 1984 Clasi caci n b sica de los suelos espa oles Madrid plants grow on the south eastern steppes and the Mediterranean woody vegetation is quite scarce due to anthropogenic activity In addition each mountain range has its own cliserie depending on its location and altitude Gallery forests can still be found along most rivers which are still used to irrigate orchards with agricultural crops that need to be watered concentrated on their banks due to the arid climate a system documented since the third Millennium BC Iberia s complex articulated topography and lithology have accentuated the geographical differences between regions with strong contrasts in their relief soils climate vegetation fauna and consequently their cultures as well Added to this physical range there have been a diverse range of cultural and ethnic trends which interacted dynamically with other territories Three of these exogenous paths stand out in particular One is the Mediterranean the major route of cultural and demographic in ux from southern Europe
14  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figure 5. Mains axes of communication of the Iberian Peninsula  from R...
INTRODUCTION and the ow path for prehistoric contacts with the more advanced cultural nodes of the Middle East This was the route of the arrival of the Neolithic early metallurgy contacts with the Mycenaean world and in the rst Millennium BC historic colonisations by the Phoenicians the Greeks the Carthaginians and eventually Rome Another route mainly in uenced the siliceous Atlantic regions in western Iberia with contacts from the Megalithic and Bell Beakers periods with France and the British Isles in the so called Atlantic World whose peak was reached in the Bronze Age probably stimulated by metalliferous exchanges The third stream arrived from beyond the Pyrenees and was responsible for linking the Iberian Peninsula to Central Europe It had peak periods such as the Bell Beakers in the Chalcolithic and the Urn elds in the Late Bronze Age and Iron Age when contacts intensi ed between the Celtic populations to the north and south of the Pyrenees although transPyrenean contacts have always existed at the local scale in the form of livestock transhumance between the mountains and the plains Finally we must not overlook North Africa separate from the Iberian Peninsula only by the 14 km wide Strait of Gibraltar However apart from minor local contacts there is little evidence of activity between the two sides of the Straits due to the demographic barrier created by the growing deserti cation of the Sahara since the recent Holocene The above mentioned differences in the relief soils climate vegetation fauna and consequently the cultures and peoples of the different regions have led the Iberian Peninsula from an ethnic cultural and historical perspective to be regarded as a small microcontinent located between the Mediterranean and the Atlantic at the southwestern end of Europe representing the end of Eurasia close to Africa but isolated from it by the Sahara In addition to the above mentioned factors its broad internal diversity has been accentuated by the range of external in uxes received at different times and intensities in different cultural areas Nevertheless all these regions possess common cultural features which enable them to be distinguished from others outside the Iberian Peninsula In this regard the broad Central Plateau open to the periphery along various routes Fig 5 has always acted as a zone of cultural and ethnic exchange with the peripheral regions since prehistory giving rise to systole diastole processes with varying intensities of ethno cultural in uence in step with the different time periods and cultural areas that were affected This book Iberia Prehistory of the Far West of Europe From Neolithic to the Roman Conquest is an innovative synthesis with a current perspective on the historical phenomena that took place from the Neolithic until the Romanization of the Peninsula It has been written with a vision of the future because although it has a traditional structure it is based on the latest innovative research using a methodology that aims to address the whole interrelated cultural system from material culture and technology to the economy society ideology and religion in addition to recent DNA based anthropological studies and the progress made in recent years in linguistics and even prehistoric literature read through iconography in order to gain an eminently holistic and dynamic view of the cultural process Examples of this process can be found in the reassessment of Levantine rock Art the Bell Beaker culture the presentation of the Valencina de la Conception site as the main Chalcolithic demographic and cultural focal point in the third millennium BC on the Iberian Peninsula in contrast to previous visions based on sites like Los Millares and Zambujal and the fresh interpretation of the pre Roman peoples and cultures in the rst millennium BC which offers a new vision with innovative features such as a new appreciation of the Lusitanians and the Vascons Each chapter has been written by specialists whose research and publications in their respective elds are well known This has posed an obvious dif culty for the uni cation of criteria and terminology compounded by the diversity of perspectives and interpretations in cutting edge studies However these differences between the various essays are considered to be interesting in themselves as they are evidence of the range of current interpretations and indeed mark the way for future research perspectives Each author has made a considerable effort to adapt to the nature of this volume in a very short time frame and they all fully deserve our sincere appreciation This book has three parts One focuses on the Neolithic and Chalcolithic ending with the Bell Beaker Culture another covers the Bronze Age with its dual Mediterranean Atlantic perspective 15
INTRODUCTION  and the    ow path for prehistoric contacts with the more advanced cultural nodes of the Middle East. This w...
16 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE and the nal part addresses the Iron Age regarded as the nal step towards urban life which ended with the Romanization process the end of Prehistory on the Iberian Peninsula The rst part Neolithic and Chalcolithic Towards complex societies focuses on changes after the advent of domestication with its cultural and demographic impact which led to increasingly complex societies It is structured into six essays The rst Mediterranean Neolithic farmers VI V millennia BC by Bernat Mart Oliver and Joaquim Juan Cabanilles The Neolithic in inland and Northern Iberia by Manuel Rojo Mediterranean Iberia in the 4TH and 3RD Millennia by Joan Bernabeu Aub n and Teresa Orozco K hler Southern Iberia in the 4TH and 3RD Millennia Cal BC by Francisco Nocete The Chalcolithic in the Central Plateau and its Atlantic fringe 3200 2500 cal AD by Germ n Delibes de Castro and nally Bell Beakers in Iberia by Rafael Garrido Pena which is the transition and link to the next part The second part is devoted to the Bronze Age The complex societies which basically corresponds to the cultures that developed in the second millennium BC and indeed formed an almost direct substrate for the pre Roman peoples of the Iron Age This section contains two major essays The Bronze Age in Mediterranean Iberia by Vicente Lull Rafael Mic Cristina Rihuete and Roberto Risch and The Atlantic Iberia A threshold between East and West by Marisa Ruiz G lvez They are accompanied by a third article on The Balearic Islands from stable human colonisation to the Roman conquest by Vicente Lull Rafael Mic Cristina Rihuete and Roberto Risch since the cultural structure of the islands basically corresponds to the same period The third and nal part is about Iron Age The nal process to urban life The nal six essays in this volume focus on the pre Roman cultures and peoples known from classical sources whose features have been con rmed by current archaeological and linguistic research The list of titles re ects their varying degree of relationship to the previously discussed Bronze Age cultures and their own intrarelationships These essays are The Lusitanians by Mart n Almagro Gorbea The Urn elds by Gonzalo Ruiz Zapatero The Celtic peoples by Alberto J Lorrio Tarshish Tartessos Turdetania by Mariano Torres Ortiz Mediterranean Iberia The Iberian peoples by Mart n Almagro Gorbea and concludes with Mart n Almagro Gorbea s The Vascons one of the most interesting and controversial peoples in the Protohistory of Europe from whom today s Basques are part descendants In conclusion Iberia Prehistory of the Far West of Europe From Neolithic to the Roman Conquest is intended to be an overview of the last six millennia of the Iberian Protohistory from the rst farmers to the full development of urban life until the Romanization process Its purpose is to stimulate all those potentially interested both specialists and the general public in the Protohistory of the Iberian Peninsula The complexity of the cultural phenomena in this period can also help to explain ongoing myths and historical processes whose roots are sunk in these early times deriving longterm process from them The potential fascination of the Protohistory of the Iberian Peninsula this small microcontinent at the south western tip of Eurasia is however also a call for increasingly necessary international scienti c collaboration on these highly attractive elds of multidisciplinary research MART N ALMAGRO GORBEA Royal Academy of History
16  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  and the    nal part addresses the Iron Age, regarded as the    nal ste...
2 neolithic and chalcolithic towards complex societies
2  neolithic and chalcolithic  towards complex societies
Bernat Mart Oliver Joaquim Juan Cabanilles The first Mediterranean Neolithic fa mers VI V Millennia BC Introduction Towards the middle of the sixth millennium BC the rst Neolithic economic and technological testimonies are documented in the Mediterranean area of the Iberian Peninsula The chronology of the events are given by C14 dating on speci cally Neolithic samples as there are cereal grains and bones of domestic animals Said testimonies correspond to groups of farmers and shepherds located in certain points of the coast whose origins according to generally shared visions must be localized in surrounding areas of the western Mediterranean basin In fact the occupants of the cave of Can Sadurn or of the site Les Guixeres in Catalonia the cave of Les Cendres or of the site Mas d Is in the Valencian region or those of the cave of Nerja in Andalusia to mention some examples possessed and raised sheep and goats grew wheat and barley they had ceramic recipients tools made of polished stones int sickles and an abundant trousseau heretofore unknown These are doubtlessly entirely Neolithic groups an acquired condition from their parents and the former generations in the Mediterranean area establishing their residence in caves and open air sites and they also used the cavities and rock shelters like necropolis refugees corrals and sanctuaries with an evident control of the territory From their initial coastal enclaves proceeds a fast expansion to the interior and during this process they might have come in contact with local Mesolithic populations will be the plausible origins of reaching the Neolithic age The following pages are dealing with the personality of these rst Neolithic communities and their development through time between the sixth millennium and the middle of the fourth B C necessarily in a synthetic way The indicated bibliography will be selective and the most up todate as possible taking into account the extensive sources of information of the published minutes of the different congresses held about the Peninsular Neolithic and some of the recent syntheses of the same period 1 It is also convenient to make clear as generally accepted that for the Neolithic chronology C14 dating of short lived and direct samples should be used rest of plants and domestic fauna or human bones thus trying to reach the highest degree of reliability 2 Models about Neolithization process The emergence of agriculture and herd raising namely of the Neolithic economy in the Iberian Mediterranean seaboard can only be understood from the perspective of the diffusion as we cannot bypass the Near Eastern origin of the rst species of domestic animals The Neolithic technology pottery and polished stones always goes hand in hand with the economic evidence in the oldest coastal habitats which asserts the complete character of the so called Neolithic package The partiality of this package observed in some of the sites has several possible explanations including the Neolithic functionality as well as the Mesolithic age reaching the Neolithic age but also other realities of taphonomic character as the so called apparent contexts 3 The ample agreement about the Neolithic diffusion cannot conceal the two principal interpretations existing about it The rst one is that the Neolithic is something provided by the people a vision based on demo cultural phenomena as the colonialism or the pioneerism 4 with the ultimate reference to the model of the advancing wave situating the epicentre of the rampant diffusion in the Near East The second interpretation stresses a 1 2 3 4 Valencia Museum of Prehistory bernat marti dival es Valencia Museum of Prehistory joaquim juan dival es For the congresses VV AA 1996 Bernabeu and Orozco ed 1999 Arias Onta n and Garc a Monc ed 2005 Hern ndez Soler and L pez ed 2008 For the published syntheses Mart 2007 Rojo Garrido and Garc a coord 2012 Zilh o 2011 Bernabeu P rez and Mart nez in Bernabeu and Orozco ed 1999 eg Zilh o 1997 Bernabeu 1997 Mart 2008
Bernat Mart   Oliver  Joaquim Juan-Cabanilles    The first Mediterranean Neolithic fa mers  VI-V Millennia BC   Introducti...
20 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Neolithic provided between the people awarding a leading role to the indigenous Mesolithic populations and their networks of relations and therein circulated the necessary information and the Neolithic items 5 themselves Combining both interpretations the mostly used scheme for the Mediterranean Peninsular coastal region the so called dual model the old formulation constantly put up to date considers the arrival of Neolithic colonists mostly by sea their territorial expansion coming in contact with the Mesolithic locals bringing them progressively but quickly to the Neolithic age possibly passing through frontier situations 6 As possible zones of origin are usually identi ed the Italian Tyrrhenian coast and the Ligurian arch which are indicated by the parentage of certain pottery The propagation by sea is supported by the isolated character concentrating in few places on the coast the rst cores of Neolithic settlement and the very small time lag between them In the last years especially in the case of Andalusia there has been a revision in favour of a possible arrival of the Neolithic from Northern Africa 7 but there are still many unknown facts due to the weak information actually available The data often tend to cut across models showing their weakness Referred to the rst half of the sixth millennium BC the time just preceding the Neolithic arrival the picture of settlement in the Iberian Mediterranean region is marked by wide gaps particularly affecting Catalonia south of country of Valencia Murcia and much of Andalusia 8 the occupied zone is restricted to a strip between the Ebro River to the north and J car River to the south that is to say the Mediterranean central portion lands of lower Aragon and north centre Valencia and possibly to the interior mountain ranges of northeastern Andalusia Sierra of Cazorla This settlement corresponds to the last Mesolithic hunter gatherers characterized by geometric triangle int type Cocina as projectile point which places it in phase B of the recent Mesolithic Mediterranean according to classical systematization of J Fortea The previous phase A de ned by the trapezoidal projectile point would have its development in the second half of the seventh millennium BC and would manifest territorially barely reaching also the Vinalop 5 6 7 8 eg Vicent 1997 A brief history of this model of Neolithization process the authors involved and literature in Juan Cabanilles and Garc a Puchol 2013 Manen Marchand and Carvalho 2007 Juan Cabanilles and Mart 2002 Fern ndez L pez de Pablo and G mez 2009 river south central Valencia in the same Mediterranean central strip Recently however there have been possible reported signs of this phase on the Andalusian coast in two sites in the Malaga area caves of Nerja and Bajondillo which would extent to the Mediterranean data known previously to the Atlantic 9 The Mesolithic people of phase B then in theory are those present at the arrival of the rst Neolithic but the meeting between the two given the gaps in known population centres i e data can be evaluated only in the spatial domain of Valencia region and Lower Aragon Still the reality is that the oldest Neolithic core detected in the Valencian region between the rivers Serpis and Gorgos and centre south of the country is located in an area without clear evidence of the Mesolithic phase B which is to assume a time lapse of at least four hundred years from the last calibrated Mesolithic settlement designated to Phase A Evidence con rms this was repeated on the coast of Malaga at above mentioned caves of Nerja and Bajondillo Observing the rst Neolithic nuclei of the Mediterranean peninsula the rst farmers seem to establish themselves in areas hardly populated or infrequently occupied by Mesolithic hunters in most cases an idea hard to attribute due to lack of archaeological surveys Neolithic expansion starts in these rst areas of settlement and would produce the rst cultural meetings by intruding in Mesolithic territories The result of this meeting was believed to be seen in phase C of recent Mediterranean Mesolithic a phase established at the time by J Fortea to account for certain archaeological assemblages characterized by the sum of Neolithic elements pottery and Mesolithic lytic projectile points usually in a xed position within the Mesolithic stratigraphic sequencing 10 These assemblages traditionally read in terms of Neolithization Mesolithic are to be found in inner central Valencia with the cave of La Cocina as the main reference and in the area of Lower Aragon with important sites as the shelters of Botiqueria dels Moros Costalena or Pontet Recent revision of the stratigraphy of La Cocina cave however show of a non homogenous nature the level attributed to the Mesolithic phase C due to the clear intrusion of Neolithic materials 11 which raises questions to the true identity of the assemblages of phase C and as such the terms by which the Mesolithic Neolithization must be recognized 9 10 11 Aura et al 2009 Cort s et al 2012 Juan Cabanilles and Mart 2007 2008 Garc a Puchol 2005
20  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Neolithic provided between the people, awarding a leading role to the ...
THE FIRST MEDITERRANEA NEOLITHIC FARMERS VI V MILLENNIA BC For now the assemblages of phase B are the best proof of the last Mesolithic peoples in the Iberian Mediterranean area The authors responsible of the Mesolithic phase B therefore are those who would have witnessed the introduction of the rst Neolithic although the most reliable dating currently available show only a contemporaneity between them of only thirty or forty years stretching the limits of indeterminacy of time according C14 data perhaps a coexistence in exclusive territories and initially relatively far apart from one of another 12 Afterwards all are uncertainties about the model and the results of predictable cultural meeting For what it has to do in the substantiation of certain models of neolithization comparative analysis of Mesolithic and Neolithic stone tools the only viable category by which to contrast material culture show signi cant differences in the technological and typological levels Does this mean to say that the occupants e g Cave L Or in the nucleus of Valencian Neolithic and the Mesolithic occupants of the cave of La Cocina not far from that nucleus participated in different traditions or styles to knapping int blades and to shape arrow heads ways of doing that can be judged to be side by side or with little distance in time If style is a re ection of the identity of the distinctive personality it must be admitted the reality of the particular Mesolithic and Neolithic identities and what this would mean in terms of population breakdown At this point genetic data begins to play a bigger role through a good selection of samples of population and an exclusive use of the ancient DNA for comparison purposes With respect to the Iberian Mediterranean coast recent studies indicate that mitochondrial types found in Mesolithic individuals do not match the Neolithic individuals reinforcing the hypothesis of a genetic break between the two populations 13 The compared samples come primarily from the Mesolithic site of El Collao 6700 6000 cal BC in Valencia region and the Neolithic sites of Can Sadurn and Sant Pau del Camp 5000 4500 cal BC in Catalonia Beyond the little number and relative geographical distance and time of the samples the result is signi cant although from a future perspective we should consider where possible more stringent analysis of time and space 12 13 Juan Cabanilles and Garc a Puchol 2013 Fern ndez et al 2010 Figure 1 Neolithic vessel with impressed Cardial decoration from the Cova de l Or Beniarr s Alicante Museu de Prehist ria de Val ncia Photograph From the Museu de Prehist ria de Val ncia archive Pottery and Neolithic groups Figure 2 Traditionally the rst Neolithic groups from eastern and southern coast of the Iberian peninsula have been assimilated into the cultural mainstream of impressed pottery of the western Mediterranean the facies represented by the Cardial ware decorative art based mainly in the impression of jagged edge of shells of the former genus Cardium shells that is a non uniform facies stretching from the Italian Tyrrhenian coast to the Atlantic coasts of southern and central Portugal as well as the coasts of the Maghreb Cardial ware has thus been generally synonymous to oldest Neolithic period in these coastal areas In recent times however and as in the south of France the Ligurian arc or the north Italian Tyrrhenian seaboard an initial period prior to cardial ware has believed to be recognized in some parts of the Iberian Mediterranean area on the basis of certain pottery remains stylistically distant from the classical cardial ware and dated to or before 6500 BP 14 In the Valencian region the open air site of El Barranquet 14 Bernabeu et al 2009 21
THE FIRST MEDITERRANEA NEOLITHIC FARMERS  VI-V MILLENNIA BC   For now, the assemblages of phase B are the best proof of th...
22 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figure 2 Excavation of Neolithic settlement of La Draga Banyoles Gerona Photograph La Draga Team From the Museu Arqueol gic Comarcal de Banyoles 6510 50 BP has a pottery collection in which cardial ware decorations are very minor compared to other printed technique decorations as seen in simple compositions Standing out is the so called sillon d impressions or dot and dash produced by print and backwards towing of a blunt pointed tool which creates a continuous series of grooves a technique that would point to the south of France and the Ligurian arc and also appears in the lower cabin basal levels of Mas d Is 6600 50 BP along with other types of impressed decorations cardial ware included With the Ligurian area also have been related some pieces of pottery from the Neolithic rst period VIIIb level from the cave En Pardo 6660 40 BP by the matrix printing used and the resulting decorative design 15 Dating from El Barranquet in particular are statistically indistinguishable from the oldest attributable to Cardial ware so the antecardial postulated period would be short lived As such it is therefore possible that the materials related to it have gone unnoticed among the collections of classic cardial ware sites For example at lower Neolithic levels at the Les Cendres cave 6510 40 BP motif painted ceramics exist that refer 15 Soler et al 2013 to southern Italy and to this area also would see the rocker or en amme decorations of not cardial ware pivoting impressions made by curved non jagged shell edges from the rst occupational levels at L Or cave 5510 160 BP The non jagged rocker moreover is documented between the pottery decorations of the initial Neolithic levels at Nerja cave 6590 40 BP in eastern Mediterranean Andalusia within a set dominated by impressions of instruments with evidence of incisions and red slip ware and with little evidence of Cardial impressed ware 16 Unknown for now in Catalonia the evidence put forward as a result of recent excavations and stratigraphic revisions have led to a new interpretation of the Neolithization of the Iberian Mediterranean coast According to this pioneering groups linked to the cultural circle of Italian impressed ceramics from different origins and possibly following different routes northern Mediterranean basin direction northsouth southern Mediterranean or North African basin direction east west could have formed the rst colonizing period prior to the establishment of the classical complex Cardial ware in Catalonia Valencia and part of Andalusia or of the complex impression incision red slip ware elsewhere in the latter region The interest of the proposal in the absence of more data lies in its ability to explain the observable regional diversity in not too advanced Neolithic times late sixth millennium BC Valencia vs Andaluc a e g If we think of pottery diversity as a good indicator of identity the Cardial ware impressed decorations as well as non Cardial ware incised red slip with ochre etc we would nd in assemblages associated to the rst pioneer Neolithic period some Cardial ware in virtually all the assemblages others red slip ware only in Nerja From this initial pottery stock preferences in one or the other direction would mark regional identities Regardless of this pioneer period the fact is that from 5500 5400 BC all Neolithic groups of the Iberian Mediterranean area have Cardial ware decorated pottery Such pottery and the cultural period which they de ne are found in the basal levels of the stratigraphic sequences of caves like Can Sadurn El Toll El Parco or El Frare in Catalonia L Or and Les Cendres in Valencia region or Carig ela in Andalusia In the latter region however the most complete sequence is from an openair site at Los Castillejos which also comprises Cardial ware in its early stages Later from the 16 Aura et al 2013
22  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figure 2. Excavation of Neolithic settlement of La Draga  Banyoles, Ge...
THE FIRST MEDITERRANEA NEOLITHIC FARMERS VI V MILLENNIA BC late sixth millennium BC a second period we call generically epicardial shows that the decoration of Cardium is gradually replaced by printing with jagged instruments like gradinas and combs and incisions ribbed and cords mainly with nail or nger marks At some sites though the epicardial period seems to have developed earlier and absence of Cardial ware pottery levels raises questions of its origin Such would be the case in those Andalusian settlements e g the caves of Murci lagos de Zuheros or Los M rmoles that by 5300 BC show the predominance of red slip pottery red slip consisting of ne clay mixed with iron oxide and incised line and awl impressions decoration characteristics of what has traditionally been called the Culture of the Andalusian Caves And raises the question if it is linked or not to Cardial ware The same is seen in some sites of Catalonia and in others of the interior of the peninsula these last related to the Neolithic expansion The answers would suggest the possibility that the epicardial or some of it s facies relate to a Neolithization of a Mesolithic substrata yet to be identi ed to the development of a pioneer impressed facies following what would happen for Andalusia according with the possible interpretations of the Nerja cave or even the actual development of Cardial ware After the epicardial stage the chronological range of which varies according to the area the general tendency was a reduction of decorations on vessels and a change to more open forms In Catalonia from mid fth millennium various postcardial facies can be detected as seen on the lower levels of the Font del Molinot cave This facies or group extends specially in the central Catalan regions the vessels have combed surfaces an effect similar to the nish and decoration produced by dragging a jagged object on the clay before ring and abundant relief decorations with crest or slightly enhanced cords and triangular cross section among which the so called whiskers formed by cords in an arch shape and pulling on the handles of the cup To the north of Catalonia lies the Montbol facies whose eponymous site is located in the French eastern Pyrenees which are characteristic undecorated vessels with well smoothed and polished surfaces tted with vertical tubular handles From the end of the fth millennium BC various facies develop of more limited geographical area grouped under the term of Catalan Middle Neolithic represented by the Pit Graves culture It is a smooth pottery period where the few decorations are singled out by carved lines ne incisions on the cooked surface vessels forming geometric patterns with par allels to the Chassey culture of southern France In Valencia region it s own postcardial from the second quarter of the fth millennium BC is also de ned by combed pottery with even more exclusivity than in the Molinot facies Similarly after 4400BC pottery with carved decoration becomes the most representative the precise typology of its keeled forms and their zigzag short linear motifs evoke relations with contemporary cultures of the Italian peninsula and the Chassey French culture as in Catalonia In Andalusia the epicardial generic Middle Neolithic in the regional classi cation covers much of the fth millennium BC From 4300 4200 BC begins the late Neolithic a pottery period of little or no decoration and the beginning of the predominance of the open form vessel aspects that characterize the last stages of the Neolithic in virtually all areas of the Iberian Mediterranean Farmers and shepherds Figure 3 The rst Neolithic groups established in the coast of the Mediterranean peninsular are farmers and herders from generations past and as such where enough information is available a producing economy is documented in settlements and caves The cultivated species are those already known from the western Mediterranean hulled wheats Triticum dicoccum and T monococcum free threshing or naked wheat Triticum aestivum T compactum T durum T turgidum and barley hulled and freethreshing Hordeum vulgare Legumes such as lentil Lens culinaris peas Pisum sativum broad beans Vicia faba grass pea Lathyrus sp common vetch Vicia sativa or bitter vetch Vicia ervilia And exceptionally found poppy Papaver somniferum and ax Linum cf Usitatissimum 17 The presence of these species varies considerably between sites In the Catalan settlement of La Draga the Triticum durum is the major taxon while Triticum mococcum and hulled and freethreshing barley have a minor presence along with some legumes and poppy In the rst level of the Neolithic cave of Can Sadurn also in Catalonia the most abundant cereal interpreted as associated with funerary offerings is the Triticum diccocum In the Valencian caves of L Or and Les Cendres naked wheat Triticum aestivum durum and naked barley are predominant while hulled barley and 17 Antol n and Bux 2012 P rez Jord and Pe a Chocarro 2013 Zapata et al 2004 23
THE FIRST MEDITERRANEA NEOLITHIC FARMERS  VI-V MILLENNIA BC   late sixth millennium BC , a second period we call generical...
24 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE wheat Triticum monococcum and T dicoccum appear to play a signi cant role In Andalusia hulled and free threshing barley along with hulled wheat Triticum dicoccum have been the cereals identi ed at the Murci lagos de Zuheros cave while in the settlement of Los Castillejos free threshing wheat hulled wheat T monococcum and free threshing barley are dominant In addition to vegetables in Los Castillejos the presence of poppy and ax is found The cultivation of ax is proposed from the transition from sixth to fth millennium BC while the domestication and use of opium as nourishment for their oil content or for its psychotropic properties is already proposed as early as the sixth millennium BC as in the case of La Draga or Murci lagos de Zuheros A unique nd already in the fth millennium is the poppy capsules deposited inside baskets of esparto grass in the Andalusian burial cave of Murci lagos de Albu ol It has also been found consumed among individuals buried in one of the Catalan mines Can Tintorer in the early centuries of the fourth millennium BC The Neolithic crop system would seem to be based on the exploitation of small permanent plots in which different species of wheat and barley are planted together perhaps to prevent the risk of crop failure although some deposits appear to be of an early selection of species as in La Draga and Can Sadurn In Font del Ros in northern Catalonia in a set of 45 pits the best represented species Hordeum vulgare and Triticum diccocum exhibit differential distribution appearing only in one pit together 18 In Los Castillejos the evolution of size of grains of wheat and barley as well as variation of isotopes C13 and N15 point to a decrease in grain size and yield during the Neolithic occupation of the settlement either from causes related to the environment or by a decrease in soil fertility which would result in increased dif culties for its inhabitants 19 In this Andalusian village as in the Catalan La Draga areas related to cereal roasting are identi ed and in a general way here and there we nd tanks and silos for storage of grains all expressing the importance of agriculture as well as int sickles digging stakes or querns which can be interpreted a proof of the progressive in uence of human action on the natural environment a morphogenetic factor which actively intervenes in areas related to living places When the Neolithic culture appears in the peninsular Mediterranean coastal regions the 18 19 Pallar s Bordas and Mora 1997 Rovira 2007 Aguilera et al 2008 Holocene forest dynamics had reached its climax In drier and warmer areas the holm oak was fully established in wetter regions was the oak and in the mountain ranges coniferous If we take the Valencia region in the period between midsixth and fourth millennium BC pollen analysis at sites such as L Or and Les Cendres as well as natural areas such as peat lands of Torreblanca and Casablanca Almenara or the marsh of Navarr s show little marked climatic uctuations more marked by regard the degree of moisture resulting in a landscape of mixed Mediterranean forest with its thermophilic scrub and the predominance of pines holms or gall oak under the local conditions and times These analyses suggest the existence of deforested tracts around the inhabited nuclei as a result of cultivation and grazing However the anthracological analysis does not detect these vegetation changes during the early agricultural changes of these and other sites which would suggest that open spaces for crops would remain stable It will be well into the Neolithic in relation to a larger demographic when these processes of deforestation will be visible to be followed by hillside erosion sediment movement and the alluvial formation of valleys concluding with the formation of deltas and coastal perimeter regularization the latter in conjunction with the rise of sea level 20 Crop farming is supplemented by an equally important livestock and with it the need for pasture in the vicinity of the dwelling places Also we nd the same uniformity with all domesticated livestock in the western Mediterranean with sheep Ovis aries goat Capra hircus cow Bos taurus and pig Sus domesticus in addition to the dog Canis familiaris 21 Sheep are the main animals here and the percentage of their bone ndings are considered representative of the pastoral component in the Neolithic economy which often refers to groups of half herders and half farmers With the procurement of meat the importance of milk is added as follows from the analysis performed on the pulp of some pottery vessels particularly those with handle spout formed by a pouring spout and a bridge that joins to the vessel wall present since the early Neolithic phases in Valencia and even more in Andalusia For advanced Neolithic times some bone deformities and elevated age of cattle would suggest their use for strength in agricultural work and moving loads 20 21 Carri n Garc a 2012 Sa a 2013
24  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  wheat  Triticum monococcum and T. dicoccum  appear to play a signi   c...
THE FIRST MEDITERRANEA NEOLITHIC FARMERS VI V MILLENNIA BC Pastoral activities are attested in the Neolithic levels of a large number of cavities by the remains of ovicaprid droppings which indicates the enclosure of this type of livestock From north to south the evidence is repeated in the Catalan caves of La Guineu or Can Sadurn in the Valencian caves of Les Bruixes L Or Les Cendres La Falguera or En Pardo or the Andalusian cave of El Toro In some caves we have evidence of their use as habitat together with the open air settlements during the second half of the sixth millennium BC and as such we can place a change in functionality towards specializing in livestock to the end of the millennium demonstrated by strong levels of corral caused by combustion of excrement At these corral levels anthracological analyses shows the presence of abundant plants that relate to the provision of food for sick and young animals as with the presence of wild olive wood at Les Cendres or ash in La Falguera and L Or 22 Important activities are also the collection of plants hunting and shing The remains of wild animals exceed a quarter of those identi ed in caves like La Carig ela in Andalusia and L Or in Valencia The rabbit often provides the greatest number of remains although their meat yield is signi cantly lower than that of other hunted species The deer usually occupies a prominent place accompanying the boar aurochs deer mountain goat or horse depending on the environment As regards shing there are numerous caves and settlements located near the sea from early Neolithic times such as Sant Pau del Camp or El Cavet in Catalonia El Barranquet or Les Cendres in Valencia or Nerja and the caves of Humo complex in Andalusia whose territory would reach the present coastal boundary towards 6000 BP after the maximum sea level of the Flandrian transgression We also see coastal location for settlements that start at the beginning of the fth millennium BC as at Costamar or Tossal de les Basses in Valencia region In addition to the noted presence of seashells among the elements of ornament or as tools to decorate pottery or contain colouring numerous evidence also indicates the use of molluscs and sh as food As such in the cave of Nerja where seabird hunting gained importance along side shing and at Les Cendres remains of grouper pagro scup sea bream and sea bass among other sh have been found And at both sites and Sant Pau del Camp an accumulation of limpets and sea snails indicate the exploitation of rocky coastal environments Other 22 Badal 2002 Carri n Marco 2005 Figure 3 Wooden sickle handles and elbow shaped tool for cutting from the Neolithic settlement of La Draga Banyoles Gerona Museu Arqueol gic Comarcal de Banyoles Photograph A Casanova From the archive coastal sites such as The Barranquet Bolumini and Tossal de les Basses in Valencia also exploit the nearby coastal lagoons to collect cockles At Tossal de les Basses there are many circular depressions lled with stones which may be interpreted to cook steamed shell sh 23 Potters knappers and craftsmen Figures 4 and 5 Pottery vessels are the most visible part of the Neolithic material culture a new technology that is also shared with the entire western Mediterranean The multiple functions of these vessels from simple containers to vessels related to the cult or rst culinary utensils that can be exposed to direct ame from home resulting in a large variety of shapes added to which a wide range of decora23 Marlasca 2013 Rosser and Fuentes 2007 25
THE FIRST MEDITERRANEA NEOLITHIC FARMERS  VI-V MILLENNIA BC   Pastoral activities are attested in the Neolithic levels of ...
26 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE tions especially in the early Neolithic stages 24 As we have seen decorative techniques for their easy identi cation and fast change over time have traditionally been taken as the characteristic element of the evolutionary stages of the Neolithic as well as a marker of different cultural territories From studies on pottery technology concerning the compositions of clay modelling forms ovens and cooking temperatures etc we can note that analyses made on clay vessels especially Cardial and epicardial sets suggest that the ground used usually comes from deposits close to settlements It would therefore suggest a locally produced pottery however based on the morphological and decorative patterns technological in short with a large intraand inter regional background If we focus on the morphology of the vessels this shows a remarkable variability in the early Neolithic times evidence that it is an already wellestablished craft at that time This variability can be seen in the Cardial ware assemblages from the Valencian nucleus So next to a large production of hemispherical and globular bowls the pottery sample of L Or and La Sarsa consist of at bottomed tumblers cups with handle spout pots of different morphologies globular with differential edges jars or bottles of various sizes containers with the neck more or less marked storage containers trunk conical cylindrical ovoid and globular of various sizes also bottles pots twin vessels small barrels etc Items to grip are equally varied represented by handle tape with or without stem annular tuneliformes other lobed or trilobal etc also mamelons and appendix like tabs these sometimes perforated Much of this formal repertoire appears in different areas of the Mediterranean peninsular although there are always singularities for example the handle spout vessels only present in Valencia region and Andalusia During the Neolithic period the initial variety of pottery is reduced this is compensated by the emergence of new vascular shapes From the middle of the fth millennium BC burst vessels with marked in ections of the body or fairings at rst more or less closed forms were then to give way to all sorts of open containers such as plates dishes and pans this type of dishware penetrated in the fourth millennium BC all areas of the Mediterranean and will have a special signi cance in Andalusia In the latter area careened at dishes and pots appear as special forms alongside other careened vessels of lesser dimensions cylindrical supports and at tened globular vessels with necks Meanwhile in Catalonia careened bowls will share crockery with bitronco conical pots with convex bottoms large ovoid jars and square mouthed cups the latter indicating northern relations Polished stone is the other Neolithic technological breakthrough axes and adzes from metamorphic or igneous rocks are an expression of this from the start also although mostly exclusive to Andalusia and Valencia bangles or bracelets from the same rock as well The sources of supply of raw materials in the case of axes and adzes is assumed to be often regional as for example the Pyrenean or prepyrenean corneal of northern Catalonia local diabases for central Valencia or sillimanitas of the Baetic ranges for certain areas in Andalusia A small workshop manufacturing axes has been recognized within a dwelling structure in the Catalan settlement of Plansallosa which suggests a domestic production based on the use of local corneal Only the shale bracelets from the Valencian Cardial ware have an origin which is from outside the region indicating early medium or long range relationships Globally considered the production of polished stone in the case of the Valencian area the trend from mid fth millennium BC is to expand the range of materials favouring those from far away amphibolites sillimanitas eclogites etc from Baetic areas of southeast Iberia as well as the variety of objects made adding chisels of one or double bevel to axes and adzes in the tools section 25 The knapped stone industry of the early Neolithic stages also relied on local sources To the int is added jasper as good quality material it is heavily exploited in the plain of Barcelona by the proximity of the outcrops of the Montju c and used to a lesser extent in the Valencia region along with rock crystal The knapping work is aimed at mainly obtaining blades and bladelets by means of the envolving or semi envolving debitage on unprepared cores applying techniques of direct or indirect percussion and manual pressure often with prior heat treatment on the core The latter technique along with the envolving debitage is unknown in Mesolithic contexts26 and is well attested in Andalusian sites such as Los Castillejos and Nerja or Catalan sites such as Caserna de Sant Pau del Camp here in relation to the knapping of jasper 27 The stock of 25 26 27 24 Bernabeu Rojo and Molina coord 2011 Orozco 2000 Garc a Puchol and Juan Cabanilles 2012 Borrell and Molist 2012 S nchez 2000 Mart nez Fern ndez et al 2010 Aura et al 2013
26  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  tions, especially in the early Neolithic stages.24 As we have seen, de...
THE FIRST MEDITERRANEA NEOLITHIC FARMERS VI V MILLENNIA BC blades and bladelets are intended essentially for cutting tools without too many adjustments some kind of truncation simple fractures and backed edges or for drills or borers and arrow heads of geometric shapes 28 Among the cutting tools stand out the int blades or sickle elements identi ed by their intense luster or sickle gloss produced by use The arrangement of gloss infers the general shape of the handle and sickle and hence regional differences were identi ed 29 In the southern and eastern Iberian the sickles are of curved handle with series of blades inserted in oblique manner creating a serrated edge which illustrate the sickle type found in the Andalusian cave of Murci lagos de Albu ol In the Northeast the most common form of insertion of int is parallel to the handle the sickles having a collector appendice elbow shaped at the end These sickle handles of wood have been found in La Draga as well as other types in which the sickle is armed with a single blade of int placed obliquely in relation to the wooden stem a handle of this last type has been recovered in the Valencia site of Costamar but made from deer antler This regional assortment of sickles is usually key in the interpretation of different cultural traditions which unites it to some technotipological aspects of the geometric arrowheads In the early Neolithic times the common projectile type for all groups of the Iberian Mediterranean coast is the trapeze with abrupt retouch so the regional or intergroup differences are identi ed by the association of other projectile types as for example with the isosceles triangles with bifacial retouch found in Catalonia rarely in the Valencia region and absent in Andalusia In the later stages epicardial sensu lato the segments shapes are the most representative projectile points above all in Catalonia this geometrical type is also reported in Andalusia but only of the abrupt retouched type in Catalonia and Valencia region this variety of segments coexists with those of bifacial retouch as yet not proven in Andalusia The geometric uniformity throughout the Iberian Mediterranean area will return in some form to be achieved in the fourth millennium BC again with trapeze as a generalized type of projectile tip which will be gradually replaced by leaf shape projectile points The industry of hard animal materials such as antler and bone unparalleled in the previous Mesolithic world is aimed at the making of tools and ornaments as shown by the singularity of the core 28 29 Juan Cabanilles 2008 Ib ez et al 2008 Figure 4 Neolithic Flint Stone industry Geometrical shaped arrowheads trapezes and triangles borers and int blades from Cova de l Or Beniarr s Alicante Museu de Prehist ria de Val ncia Photograph From the Museu de Prehist ria de Val ncia Valencian Cardial ware sites 30 Within the tools hole punches especially those made of metapodials of sheep or goat are wide ranging and smoothing blades chisels and scrapers The latter are related to the potter s work along with drag tooth chisels with a notched end intended for pottery decoration Other objects to take note of include spoons trimmed from bones of large herbivores as seen in the Valencian caves L Or and La Sarsa or pipes from the long bones of large birds to make integral pieces of musical instruments of the Pan ute type 31 Rings have special relevance amongst items of ornament of those that are known are 30 31 Pascual Benito 1998 Mart et al 2001 27
THE FIRST MEDITERRANEA NEOLITHIC FARMERS  VI-V MILLENNIA BC   blades and bladelets, are intended essentially for cutting t...
28 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figure 5 Neolithic Bone Industry Spoons and tubes understood to be musical instruments from Cova de l Or Beniarr s Alicante Museu de Prehist ria de Val ncia Photograph From Museu de Prehist ria de Val ncia archive made from a base of goat and sheep femur and deer antler with a series of incisions ready for segmentation Beside the rings appear abundant beads and pendants from sh vertebrae atrophied deer teeth and fangs of wild boars and carnivores etc The repertoire of decoration spreads to other materials such as shells especially marine Columbella rustica Conus mediterraneus Lurialurida Dentalium sp Glycymeris sp various cockles etc and some freshwater Theodoxus uviatilis Sometimes the work consists of a simple perforation of the shell or in splitting the shell cf cylindrical beads on Dentalium in others the transformation is more intense producing discoidal beads or ellipitcal or oval shaped pendants Local workshops of discoidal beads of cockle shell are spread throughout the Iberian Mediterranean area Meanwhile the elliptical pendants can show narrowings or protuberance that resemble atrophied teeth of deer This type of adornment moreover can be achieved in polished stone and other morphologies conical pendants e g including pottery In stone however the most distinctive ornamental pieces are bangles or bracelets as seen in Andalusia and Valencia The quintessential Andalusian bracelet is the wide type manufactured in white marble decorated or not with impregnated streaks of red ochre This and other types of bracelets of marble limestone shale etc we know of workshops related to local consumption at the outdoor sites of Catorce Fanegas La Molaina or Cabecicos Negros or in the cave Los M rmoles a specialized workshop however perhaps based on exchange would be Piedras Vi aeras near the important cave of Murci lagos de Zuheros The scale of consumption of bracelet production can be varied although there is little doubt of the long distances that this consumption reached In the case of Valencia the representative bracelet is of narrow shale as has already been pointed out the material is imported from afar and possibly also the parts themselves in a nished or semi nished state given the lack of production facilities in situ Some of these fragmented bracelets show repair perforations made by int drills moved by a bow device In Andalusia more particularly in the early Neolithic phases stone bangles coexist with shell Pectunculus which they later come to replace In later phases limpet bangles reappear which can be seen in the rest of the Mediterranean areas The bone industry certainly shares presence with that of wood as revealed by the Catalan cardial ware site of La Draga From here conserved in an aquatic environment comes a large sample of objects and utensils made of boxwood yew or oak such as bows and arrow shafts digging sticks sickles handles axes and adzes spoons spatulas needles racks etc including containers and remains of basketery 32 No doubt the loss of variety in the bone industry seen during the Neolithic especially in the area of tool making is explained by the replacement of bone by materials of vegetable origin Settlements and caves Figures 6 to 15 The small groups of farmers that spread across the Mediterranean quickly occupy the Iberian Mediterranean coast in the second half of the sixth millennium BC Very soon consolidating their settlements in different territories while differences develop between them as seen in the regional archaeological cultures and particularly pottery decorations Knowledge of these communities has increased in recent years with the excavation of 32 Bosch Chinchilla and Tarr s 2006
28  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figure 5. Neolithic Bone Industry. Spoons and tubes understood to be m...
THE FIRST MEDITERRANEA NEOLITHIC FARMERS VI V MILLENNIA BC Figure 6 Neolithic vessel with impressed Cardial decoration from Cova de la Sarsa Bocairent Valencia Museu de Prehist ria de Val ncia Photograph From the Museu de Prehist ria de Val ncia archive Figure 7 Neolithic vessel with incised impressed decoration and red slip surfaces from the Murci lagos cave Zuheros C rdoba Museo Arqueol gico de C rdoba Photograph Museo Arqueol gico de C rdoba archive settlements that show details of settlement life and the role played by caves and shelters inhabited in the early stages and then later pens shelters or hunting grounds cemeteries and shrines of cardial and epicardial pottery ware shows us how Neolithic groups settle in the territory 34 This settlement would be the central living place in the valley and the surrounding caves would ful l various functions relating to hunting ock keeping food storage or as a necropolis In one of these places the Cova 120 in the interior of eleven pits were large pottery vessels which could have contained cereals Grain storage is now being a priority as shown by the pits or silos of Font del Ros settlement in the further inland Prepirineo 35 The main information is provided by the Catalan settlement of La Draga beside Lake Banyoles and partially beneath the water during the last centuries of the sixth millennium BC 33 Excavations show logs with bevelled ends driven into the ground as pillars planks and other wooden construction remains corresponding to the building of houses These are large rectangular huts formed by 3 or 4 rows of poles and walls of interlaced branches covered with clay and straw that held a double slope roof possibly of wattle The dendrochronological studies point to the existence of two rows up to a total of 10 to 15 cabins and estimate the settlement lasted a few centuries Its inhabitants mostly cultivated free threshing wheat which was roasted and stored in large pottery jars deposited in tiled oval enclosures Its livestock shows an above all presence of cattle and pigs along with sheep and goats and few remains of dog But also La Draga has retained much of the useful organic materials that were part of everyday tools made of wood such as boxwood yew or oak and basketry to which we referred earlier North of La Draga in the valley of Llierca the settlement of Plansallosa which starts at the end of that sixth millennium shown by the presence In the Catalan central regions are the classic caves of Montserrat El Frare or El Toll and the settlement of Les Guixeres where various structures were excavated The subsoil of Barcelona city close to the coastline provides most of the information Different parts of El Raval district represented by Sant Pau del Camp reveal that a large Neolithic site occupied the plain of Barcelona at the foot of the mountain of Montju c 36 The structures comprise oors of huts post holes combustion basins lled with stones pits and silos Its beginnings correspond to the early Neolithic cardial ware as con rmed by the dating of a burial pit in the Vila de Madrid square 6440 40 BP The area continues to be occupied throughout the epicardial up to the mid fth millennium BC it shows a space with numerous burials in pits which is the oldest out door 34 35 33 Bosch Chinchilla and Tarr s coord 2000 36 Bosch et al 1998 Pallar s Bordas and Mora 1997 VV AA 2008 29
THE FIRST MEDITERRANEA NEOLITHIC FARMERS  VI-V MILLENNIA BC   Figure 6. Neolithic vessel with impressed Cardial decoration...
30 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE dowry consisting of two globular vessels with high neck and decorative incised lines anked by impressions one of which contained numerous discoidal beads and pendants made of shell and variscite Figure 8 Neolithic vessel decorated with cords with ngerings from the Higuer n cave Rinc n de la Victoria M laga Museo Arqueol gico Nacional Madrid Photograph Ministerio de Cultura Educaci n y Deporte cemetery that we know at the moment The settlement continues to the postcardial phase pottery types being Molinot and Montbol it continues until the carenated vessels reminiscent of French Chassey and points to the culture of Pit Graves as documented by the Reina Am lia street To the west of Sant Pau in the massif of Garraf the Can Sadurn cave shares both living and burial functions from the cardial ware period There a burial level is seen with large vessels containing cereals dated at 6421 34 BP which were part of the offerings and grave goods accompanying the buried 37 As in other cavities at Can Sadurn about the middle of V millennium following are levels that are characteristic of use as enclosure and others for burial Thereafter we see multiple cave burials sometimes sharing this use with other activities such as seen at L Avellaner where nineteen individuals one of them dated to 5830 100 BP in Les Grioteres and were in El Pasteral 38 the three cavities in the northern part of Catalonia or in the cave of Els Lladres in the central regions where several burials were found and a If we return to the coast to the south still within Catalonia the presence of cardial ware settlements by the sea in El Cavet can be con rmed with characteristic dug silos as cited above and already in Valencian lands at El Barranquet A number of caves found in the precoastal mountains are known here containing cardial ware Among them in northern Valencia the Cova Fosca upstream of La Gasulla canyon with small caves of Levantine rock art The southern central Valencian regions provide the most representative sites of the period the caves of L Or La Sarsa and En Pardo and the settlements of Mas d Is and Ben mer all in the central Serpis valley and its tributaries 39 Further inland is located the small cave La Falguera while the cave of Les Cendres opens on a cliff above the sea These regions are home to the most important assemblages of rock art that can be attributed to the Cardial Neolithic period con rming its intense occupation Mas d Is at the head of the Pen guila river from which one seed of Hordeum vulgare dated to 6600 50 BP shows a small number of scattered structures including two overlapping rectangular houses with apsidal ends and bounded by postholes and also attributed to this rst cardial period one of the ditches excavated in an area away from the houses Meanwhile Ben mer at the con uence of the rivers Agres and Serpis near L Or and not far from La Sarsa offers large combustion structures associated with cardial pottery and now seems to be a small place that is related to L Or Then in the rst half of the fth millennium BC a large number of silos are dug and Ben mer seems to become a major agricultural settlement while L Or is mostly an area for pastoral activities This model seems to be repeated in the nearby valley of the river Agres where a number of surface nds relate to the cave of La Sarsa In this small cave it is noted a double burial in a crack one of which has been dated to 6341 30 BP a vessel with cardial decoration as part of the grave goods The ndings of human remains are common in other caves which have materials from the rst Neolithic period and seem to share the sepulchral use with other activities By the mid fth millennium BC the funerary 39 37 38 Blasco Edo and Villalba coord 2011 Gibaja et al 2012 Bernabeu and Molina ed 2009 Bernabeu et al 2003 Garc a Puchol and Aura coord 2006 Soler ed 2012 Torregrosa Jover and L pez dir 2011
30  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  dowry consisting of two globular vessels with high neck and decorative...
THE FIRST MEDITERRANEA NEOLITHIC FARMERS VI V MILLENNIA BC Figure 9 Marble bracelets with grooves from the Nerja cave Nerja M laga Photograph J L Pascual use of natural small caves of this territory is seen in Sant Mart a cave whose characteristics and dimensions could only serve as occasional refuge and a place of burial in which level is characterized by combed pottery were buried at least ve individuals one providing a dating of 5740 40 BP 40 The situation of La Sarsa clearly illustrates the Neolithic expansion into the interior linking the valleys of Serpis and Vinalop where we nd the settlement of Casa de Lara Further south and inland now outside of Valencia the cave of El Ni o in Albacete on the river Mundo and the large cave of Barranco de los Grajos in Murcia near the river Segura also documents Cardial ware ndings and indicates the role the rivers could have played in this expansion 41 For now however in the region of Murcia most known sites are related to the epicardial period such as the Hondo de Cagit n the areas around Lorca the cave of Los Tollos or the rock shelters of El Pozo The idea of an initial introduction of Neolithic being linked to Cardial ware is nuanced in the case of Andalusia as we have seen However we believe that the model of a chronological primacy of the cardial period while the development of facies characterized by impressions incisions and red 40 41 Garc a Puchol Aura and McClure 2012 Borja Garc a et al 2012 Torregrosa and L pez 2004 Garc a Ati nzar 2009 slip surfaces is well suited to that shown by at the sites Without prejudging at the moment the route of expansion we see how the Cardial ware spread along the coast from the open air settlement of Cabecicos Negros at the estuary of the river Antas in Almeria42 to the caves of Nerja El Humo or El Higuer n on the coast of M laga we also nd cardial ware at the inland territory at the cave of El Toro 43 Also to note at the inland sierra Harana 44 where at the cave of La Carig ela shows abundant cardial ware in its rst Neolithic level also as seen in caves near as Las Ventanas in the open air settlement of Las Majolicas in the mountains of Alfacar as well as in the rst level of the settlement of Los Castillejos in western Granada It will be at a later time in the last centuries of the sixth millennium BC when the impressed incised and red slip pottery facies is developed previously known as Culture Caves with decorated pottery which are widely distributed through the Andalusian territory As such it is found in the sub Baetic mountain region with the continued occupation of the previously mentioned caves of the Sierra Harana also at the cave of Agua de Prado Negro and in the southern and western territory around Alhama the caves of La Mujer El Agua or Sima Rica In the mountains of C rdoba we nd the cave of 42 43 44 C malich et al 2004 Mart n Camalich and Gonz lez ed 2004 Carrasco Pach n and Mart nez 2010 31
THE FIRST MEDITERRANEA NEOLITHIC FARMERS  VI-V MILLENNIA BC   Figure 9. Marble bracelets with grooves from the Nerja cave ...
32 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figure 10 Baskets and sandals of esparto grass from the Murci lagos cave Albu ol Granada Museo Arqueol gico Nacional Madrid Photograph Ministerio de Cultura Educaci n y Deporte Figure 11 Neolithic vessel with incised and impressed decoration from the Costamar settlement Orpesa Castell n Photograph E Flors Fundaci n Marina d Or La Murcielaguina Los M rmoles and Murci lagos de Zuheros of which the latter site has provided the most complete records And in the coastal mountain ranges in the caves of El Capit n Hoyo de la Mina El Higuer n El Tesoro or Los Botijos Most of these caves contain human remains which were also found in the strata with cardial ware in La Carig ela cave and as such cave burials are widespread in Andalusia from the last centuries of the sixth millennium BC with evidence of the existence of a funeral ritual which involves pottery vessels frequently with a handle spout and embellishments like stone bangles decorated with stretch marks A signi cant number of these human remains have deboning cuts especially cuts on skulls and long bones which have been linked to rituals or practices cases of cannibalism sites use which would correspond to most of the materials of the cave and a second time during the Copper Age in which the place was used to deposit a collective burial a golden diadem encircled one of the skeletons at the time of its discovery 45 An outstanding nding is at the cave of Murci lagos de Albu ol known since the nineteenth century Pottery with incised and impressed decorations a vessel with handle spout bone and int tools polished stone axes pecten and marble bracelets and a number of wooden objects such as a ladle with a perforated handle Also cylindrical baskets with geometric designs one of which contained Papaver somniferum seeds at baskets bags covers mats and sandals all from esparto grass of which there are four datings between 6086 45 BP and 5400 80 BP These results invite us to consider the existence of a Neolithic phase in the Besides the caves which have sometimes been dwelling places enclosures or burial places according to the time in inland Andalusia early agricultural settlements were developing In the area of the Pe as de los Gitanos in the northern most part of the Baetic Cordilleras the beginnings of the settlement Los Castillejos goes back to Neolithic cardial ware 46 There a communal space relating to roasted cereals has been identi ed with containers benches and hearths in addition to evidence of other activities such as the identi cation of areas of int pressure knapping after preheating Occupation of the site will last for the next millennium so that the stratigraphy shows how Cardial ware gradually disappears and the following levels correspond to the ancient occupations of Murci lagos de Zuheros or Nerja characterized by marble bracelets with marks red slip pottery with incised and grooved motifs and vessels with handle spouts To this period from the late sixth 45 46 Cacho et al 1996 Molina C mara and L pez in Rojo Garrido and Garc a eds 2012
32  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figure 10. Baskets and sandals of esparto grass from the Murci  lagos ...
THE FIRST MEDITERRANEA NEOLITHIC FARMERS VI V MILLENNIA BC Figure 12 Neolithic settlement of Ben mer Muro d Alcoi Alicante Photograph P Torregrosa F Jover and E L pez to much of the fth millennium BC belong other settlements like La Molaina and Catorce Fanegas or Loma de Alomartes already in later stages three settlements in the lowlands of Granada Small settlements have also been recorded in the vicinity of the cave of Murci lagos de Zuheros And in the east in the Almanzora valley the settlement of Cerro Virtud and the corresponding level of Cabecicos Negros that now is related to the manufacture of pendants beads and bracelets from malacological and slate In La Molaina the presence of human bones could indicate burials in pits or silos as found in Cerro Virtud where a multiple burial pit containing human remains have provided dating between 6030 55 BP and 5765 55 BP In addition to the settlements already mentioned noted among the settlements that begin life in the fth millennium are Tossal de les Basses and Costamar 47 located in the southern and northern parts of the Valencian coast and the subject of recent excavations and Barranc de Fabra beside the sea at Tarragona Tossal de les Basses on the coast of the city of Alicante begins at the epicardial period and shows different phases up to the regional carved pottery sequence towards the beginning of the fourth millennium BC Presenting tracings of hut ooring silos a concentrated area where many 47 Rosser and Fuentes 2007 Flors coord 2009 structures are for combustion ditches that cross the settlement interpreted as drainage ditches and other pits that might relate to an irrigation system Among structure tracings are numerous pits used as burial in the central centuries of the fth millennium BC according to the dating of the human remains from four of them As regards the settlement at Costamar in the northern part of the coast of Castell n beginnings corresponding to the epicardial period early in the fth millennium BC Figure 13 Interior of the Gav Neolithic mines variscite mine number 8 Gav Barcelona Photograph M Garc a From the Museu de Gav archive 33
THE FIRST MEDITERRANEA NEOLITHIC FARMERS  VI-V MILLENNIA BC   Figure 12. Neolithic settlement of Ben  mer  Muro d   Alcoi,...
34 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figura 15 The Venus of Gav Feminine representation on pottery front and side views Museu de Gav Photographs J Casanova Museu de Gav archive Figure 14 Grave goods from the burial of Gav mine 83 Coral necklace variscite necklace pottery axes int cores int blades and geometrics obsidian blade variscite fragments and bone tools Museu de Gav Image from 3 photographs J Casanova Museu de Gav archive There are numerous frustum conical shaped silos beside circular bases made with stones and two ditches similar to those of Tossal de les Basses Six of the pits were for burials four of which correspond to the four of which are from the incise impressed epicardial pottery phase emphasizing the burial of an adult individual who is adorned with several bracelets and a necklace made of shell and stained with ochre The analysis of stable carbon and nitrogen isotopes performed on four of the buried shows the isotopic imprint of consumption of marine resources in the two individuals who are attributed to the latest Neolithic phase while the two individuals from the older Neolithic phase do not have evidence of the consumption of marine protein in their diet As regards the settlement of Barranc de Fabra near the mouth of the Ebro and also chronologically from the early epicardial phase it is to note the singularity that no structure traces such as ditches and silos are found but identi es a wide stone wall which could enclose different huts with circular bases with stone footings and post holes but as of now the excavated area is limited So at the end of the fth millennium BC agricultural settlements extend along the Mediterranean coast a process which continues in the next millennium Silos cover large areas though the exact size of the settlement is unknown bearing in mind the brevity of its existence In the Andalusian region of Almer a from the mid fourth millennium BC one can associate to these settlements early funerary structures of simple shapes In the valleys of Serpis and its tributaries centre south of Valencia the growth in number and or size of the settlements leads to some stretches of rivers terraces seeming to form a single site which would extend for kilometres This is the case of the settlement of Les Jovades where two hundred structures have been excavated including silos pits and concavities absolute dating placing them from the mid fourth millennium BC and extends seamlessly to other sites such as Marges Alts Almoroig and Niuet where the segmented ditches appear to de ne successive boundaries of the settlement The systematic occupation of the river valleys is repeated in the case of Albaida valley where the settlement of Cam de Missena goes back to the epicardial phase and in the valley of Vinalop with the example of the settlement of Torreta El Monastil But certainly where the full consolidation of the Neolithic settlement is especially evident is in the Pit Graves culture of Catalonia whose development is considered parallel to the cist burials in the Solsona region in the high plateaux of the Pyrenees and pre Pyrenees and the beginnings of early cist burials passage and pit burials in the Empord area in the northeast of Catalonia In the last centuries of the fth millennium BC these burials in pits dug in the ground and with
34  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figura 15.    The Venus of Gav     . Feminine representation on potter...
THE FIRST MEDITERRANEA NEOLITHIC FARMERS VI V MILLENNIA BC Figure 16 Vessel with cardial impressed decoration from Cova de l Or Beniarr s Alicante with representation of a person in prayer Museu Arqueol gic d Alcoi Photograph Museu Arqueol gic d Alcoi archive distinctive grave goods which have parallels in the Chassey culture of southern France begin to spread mainly through the Llobregat basin and its tributaries the Cardoner and Anoia and the Bes s basin As its name suggests the settlements are much less known than the necropolis of pit graves Consisting of lowland settlements situated close to the graves that cultivate the fertile land and lie close to the water some remains of huts are known as at the necropolis B bila Madurell or silos between the graves at the necropolis of B bila Padr As regards the graves as excavated at B bila Madurell and at Cami de Can Grau they show an evolution from simple pits to those that are composed of an accessible structure and de ned burial space already in the fourth millennium BC 48 Inside the pits usually is buried a single individual along with grave goods and offerings Of special signi cance to note the intense mining activity at the site of Can Tintorer the exploitation of which begins in these last centuries of the fth millennium BC 49 Among the seams of phosphate and silicate the most 48 49 Mart Rosell Pou and Carl s 1997 Bosch Argilag s and Borrell ed 2009 Figure 17 View of the Pla de Petracos Castell de Castells Alicante shelters with drawings in Macroschematic style Photograph MAVISI Universidad de Alicante 35
THE FIRST MEDITERRANEA NEOLITHIC FARMERS  VI-V MILLENNIA BC   Figure 16. Vessel with cardial impressed decoration from Cov...
36 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figure 18 Macroschematic style cave paintings with representation of a person in prayer from Abrigo V shelter from Pla de Petracos Castell de Castells Alicante Photograph MAVISI Universidad de Alicante Figure 19 Macroschematic style rock paintings with serpent form motifs in the Abrigo VII shelter from Pla de Petracos Castell de Castells Alicante Photograph MAVISI Universidad de Alicante searched for mineral was variscite used for making ornaments The existence of beads and pendants of variscite in the process of manufacture and also the drills used to make the holes occasionally totally worn by use would indicate that besides the actual mining the community that exploited the mines of Can Tintorer elaborated on site the variscite to turn it into an object of exchange whose distribution we know permeated much of Catalonia the Ebro valley and southern France Which in turn coincides with the presence among the grave goods of the buried some materials from external sources such as the salt mines of Cardona and from furthest away green int of southern France jadeite from the Alps or more exceptionally obsidian from the island of Corsica walking or shooting and wounded animals along beside other scenes of collecting honey women dances or possible executions all of which seems to refer to the various aspects of the daily lives of their creators The paintings occupy walls of shallow coverings as in Roca dels Moros de Cogul in Els Gascons in Cretas in the Val del Charco in Alca iz Els Cavalls of the Valltorta gorge in T rig La Vieja in Alpera Cantos de la Visera in the Monte Arab de Yecla or at Minateda in Hell n rock shelters that extend through Catalonia Aragon Valencia Murcia and Albacete and are some of the pioneering and especially signi cant discoveries which were made in the early twentieth century discoveries that have continued unceasingly until present times For a signi cant part of the investigation the evocation of the way of life of the hunter that emerges from the painted shelters in many of these scenes would indicate an initial Mesolithic chronology On the other hand however the stone and pottery industries found near the paintings indicate that these rock shelters were frequented by groups of later chronology which also coincides with some details of the gures such as wristbands the possible presence of dogs accompanying hunters or the fact that in some scenes there is a high number of both men and women indicating the size of the groups the painters belonged to all of which are details that would place this art in Neolithic times 50 Neolithic rock art Figures 16 25 In the Mediterranean area we nd a large number of rock shelters with paintings which are the work of Neolithic communities that appear to contain images of their religious world or tell a singular episode of their existence Intensive research developed over the last century on the impact caused by the beauty and dynamism of many of the painted panels which led to the establishment of two groups called Levantine and Schematic art according to the main themes and motifs The Levantine art extending from the Aragonese pre Pyrenean foothills to the eastern Andalusian sierras shows mostly naturalistic depictions of people and animals among which there are many of men armed with bows and arrows in positions of 50 On the history of research and the current state of the problems relating to the Levantine art Sebasti n 1997 Hern ndez 2009 Hern ndez and Segura 2002 Sanchidri n 2001 Utrilla 2005 Garc a Arranz Collado and Nash ed 2012 Domingo et al 2007
36  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figure 18.    Macroschematic    style cave paintings with representati...
THE FIRST MEDITERRANEA NEOLITHIC FARMERS VI V MILLENNIA BC Figure 20 Rock paintings that show the superposition of deers in the Levantine style over Macroschematic style gures in the Abrigo I de la Sarga Alcoi Alicante Photograph Museu Arqueol gic d Alcoi archive Figure 21 Levantine style cave paintings that show a scene of collecting and an archer in the Abrigo I shelter de la Sarga Alcoi Alicante Photograph Museu Arqueol gic d Alcoi archive Meanwhile in the category of Schematic art is included anthropomorphic and animal gures and a variety of non gurative motifs that evoke astral or highly symbolic images cruciform star shaped forms eye shape or double triangular gures all with the common denominator of simplicity These paintings which at the time of their discovery in the second half of the nineteenth century could be considered as signs of a prehistoric writing have formed an ill de ned conglomerate that is spread over most of the peninsula In the case of the Mediterranean coast rock shelters it would be especially abundant in the southern part of Valencia Murcia Andalusia and Albacete The paintings in the gorge of Carbon era in Beniatjar and the Penya Escrita de T rbena in the Valencia region Nerpio in Albacete Ca aica del Calar in Murcia and Los Letreros in V lez Blanco in Andalusia some caves with motifs of Paleolithic art at La Pileta in Benaoj n and Nerja the cave of Diosa Madre in Segura de la Sierra several rock shelters in the Sierra Harana beside the previously mentioned Neolithic caves or the frieze of the goats in the cave of Murci lagos de Zuheros would be examples of this art style The evolutionary sequence proposed jointly to both styles places the development of Schematic art after the decadence of the naturalist Levantine art and proposes a close link with the schematic paintings to the Copper Age societies according to the decorations of vessels of the Los Millares culture and with the bitriangular or eyed idols unburied in funeral and living contexts of the Copper age in the southeast of the peninsula An evolutionary proposal that often led to a fragmented reading of the painted panels whose gures were distributed between these two artistic and chronological periods Levantine and Schematic from Mesolithic to Copper Age on the sole basis of their formal naturalistic or schematic characteristics 51 The current situation suggests that a signi cant portion of these paintings that were attributed to both categories actually correspond to Neolithic times although this is a question that remains open to debate The explanatory line followed here places the meeting point between the rock paintings and Neolithic times in the evidence provided by the pottery decorations Indeed in the nal decades of c XX in the Valencian southern regions a new style of rock art was identi ed christened Macroschematic that differentiated itself from the Levantine and Schematic art the main motifs are the anthropomorphic gures with arms raised and the indication of ngers and other human representations in the form of X and Y serpentine forms that seem to end in hands and other motifs that we see in the rock paintings at Pla de Petracos The presence of this same theme is seen in the cardial and impressed pottery from the caves of L Or and La Sarsa which would provide a precise chronology of the paintings and in this way can be considered as an expression of the religious world of the rst farmers in the area But we can not dwell on the details of the history of the investigation it was also seen that the paintings represented at the Pla de Petracos also relate to the motifs infraponed on the Levantine style paintings in the rock shelters of La Sarga attributed 51 For the state of the Schematic art please consult the conference proceedings Mart nez Garc a and Hern ndez ed and coord 2006 2013 37
THE FIRST MEDITERRANEA NEOLITHIC FARMERS  VI-V MILLENNIA BC   Figure 20. Rock paintings that show the superposition of dee...
38 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figure 22 Levantine style rock paintings that show the gathering of honey in the Ara a caves Bicorp Valencia Photograph MAVISI Universidad de Alicante till then to a style identi ed in the rock shelters of Cantos de la Visera and of La Ara a de Bicorp characterized by linear geometric motifs The new reading that emerges from all this is that rock shelters such as La Sarga and La Ara a show the succession between the Levantine art and the now called Macroschematic without prejudging the degree of relationship or chronological proximity that may exist between them And likewise the attribution of the Macroschematic artistic style to Neolithic groups of cardial pottery opposes that one links the origins of Levantine art with Mesolithic groups Therefore it does not seem acceptable the interpretation which considers Levantine art as a palimpsest in which to collect together the testimonies of the last hunters the rst farmers and even the beginnings of the Metal Age Pottery decorations that relate to the Neolithic rock art namely anthropomorphic motifs star shaped forms or zigzags have been recognized in other sites in these southern regions of Valencia such as Falguera or Cendres where several red painted fragments present zigzag motifs And also in other areas such as in a vessel found at the cave El Ni o in Albacete In Cova Fosca north of the Valencian territory some decorations considered to be Epicardial show incised zigzags while others seem to evoke anthropomorphic motifs a vessel decorated with the eyes shaped motif at the settlement of Costamar can also be related to this pottery Without repeating what is stated several times the decorations of cardial and impressed ware from some Aragonese and Catalans sites close to those found in the settlements of the Figure 23 Levantine style archer in rock paintings from Val del Charco del Agua Amarga Alca iz Teruel Photograph Gil Carles From M Almagro Basch CSIC and IVCR Generalitat Valenciana archive southern region of Valencia show motifs such as the bars separating series of horizontal zigzags Finally in the cave of Chaves in the Alto Arag n are found painted boulders with anthropomorphic and star shaped motifs that belong to the rst period of Neolithic Cardial ware A distribution that seemingly spreads in reference to rock paintings from its rst identi cation in the Alicante regions to various rock shelters in the J car basin and others to the north 52 Cave and portable art from the Neolithic period is well documented in the region between J car river and the sierra de Aitana Besides pottery decoration and painted panels it also appears to be a close relationship between what was considered macroschematic and schematic to highlight the difference between these two styles is not feasible in the eld of pottery decoration which also happens in the case of the rock paintings as can be seen in the rock shelter of Barranc de Carbonera in Beniatjar In such a way therefore the growing geography of these two manifestations tells us of the existence of a Neolithic art movable and rock art being the 52 The main movable parallels for Schematic art in Catalonia Arag n and Valencia Mart 2006 Torregrosa and Galiana 2001 Utrilla and Baldellou 2002
38  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figure 22.    Levantine    style rock paintings that show the gatherin...
THE FIRST MEDITERRANEA NEOLITHIC FARMERS VI V MILLENNIA BC Figure 24 Levantine style rock paintings that show a goat being hunted in the Cova Remigia Ares del Maestrat Castell n Photograph IVCR Generalitat Valenciana archive creation of the rst farming communities The nal question that all this raises is the relationship of Neolithic art with Levantine art At this point the evidence provided by pottery is less precise and decorative motifs relating to Levantine art only comprise of two fragments one impressed with the drawing of a goat a deer and possibly a bull and another Cardial ware fragment with human gures with triangular head and plume which seem to dance with arms raised and intertwined both from L Or or the fragment from La Sarsa in which a tree is shown We do not have therefore decorations near what would be a Levantine scene that permits us to specify the chronological distance between the Levantine cave paintings and the Macroschematics the only the evidence of its formal and conceptual differences and the observation that the industries associated in many rock shelters with naturalistic painting advocate a delay in its initial chronological period until more advanced Neolithic times with a prolonged and diverse development depending on the area A relatively new proposal that continues to nd opposition to its generalization for the geographic spread of Levantine art with arguments which emphasize the regional differences and interpretation of its images as pictorial of a way of life for groups of Mesolithic hunters 53 The existence of rock art during the Neolithic period is equally true for Andalusia here referring to rock shelters of Schematic art for which we also have parallels between the pottery decorations that imply a review of the placing of them in the Copper Age The initial period of these Schematic paintings would be placed in the last centuries of the sixth millennium with a notable development through the fth millennium We should mention the fragments with anthropomorphous motif made with impressed technique from the cave of Agua de Prado Negro full of red material as ochre a goat print and also full of ochre in a pottery fragment from the cave of El Canjorro of Ja n the vessel with eyes motif from Murci lagos de Zuheros as with numerous zoomorphic and sun motifs found in the caves of various mountain ranges incised and impressed besides geometric motifs painted on esparto grass baskets from the cave of Murci lagos de Albu ol 54 Everything leads therefore to the existence of cave paintings being created by Neolithic groups with clear differences between the different territo Figure 25 Schematic style rock paintings in the Abrigo de la Penya Escrita T rbena Alicante Photograph MAVISI Universidad de Alicante 53 54 Hern ndez and Mart 2001 The main movable parallels for Schematic art in Andalusia Carrasco Navarrete and Pach n 2006 39
THE FIRST MEDITERRANEA NEOLITHIC FARMERS  VI-V MILLENNIA BC   Figure 24.    Levantine   -style rock paintings that show a ...
40 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figure 26 Main settlements and rock art sites mentioned in the text Catalonia and Lower Aragon 1 Cova de les Grioteres 2 Cova 120 3 Plansallosa 4 Cova de l Avellaner 5 Cova del Pasteral 6 La Draga 7 Font del Ros 8 Cova del Parco 9 Cova del Toll 10 Cova de la Guineu 11 Cova del Frare 12 Cam de Can Grau 13 B bila Padr 14 Cova dels Lladres 15 B bila Madurell 16 Coves de Montserrat 17 Les Guixeres 18 Cova de la Font del Molinot 19 Sant Pau del Camp 20 Can Tintorer 21 Cova de Can Sadurn 22 El Cavet 23 Cogul rock paintings 24 Els Gascons rock paintings 25 Val del Charco rock paintings 26 Botiqueria dels Moros 27 Barranc de Fabra Valencia region Albacete and Murcia 28 Cova de les Bruixes 29 Cova dels Cavalls rock paintings 30 Cova Fosca 31 Costamar 32 Cueva de la Cocina 33 Cuevas de la Ara a rock paintings 34 Cueva de la Vieja rock paintings 35 Cam de Missena 36 El Barranquet and El Collao 37 Cova de Bolumini 38 Cova de l Or 39 Barranc de Beniatjar rock paintings 40 Cova d en Pardo 41 Ben mer and Niuet 42 Les Jovades 43 Mas d Is 44 Pla de Petracos rock paintings 45 Penya Escrita rock paintings 46 Cova de les Cendres 47 Cova de la Sarsa 48 Abric de la Falguera 49 La Sarga rock paintings 50 Casa de Lara 51 La Torreta El Monastil 52 Cova de Sant Mart 53 Tossal de les Basses 54 Cueva del Ni o 55 Minateda rock paintings 56 Abrigo del Pozo 57 Hondo del Cagit n 58 Barranco de los Grajos 59 Abrigo de la Diosa Madre rock paintings 60 Nerpio rock paintings 61 Ca aica del Calar rock paintings 62 Los Letreros rock paintings 63 Lorca 64 Cueva de los Tollos Andalusia 65 Cerro Virtud 66 Cabecicos Negros 67 Cueva de los Murci lagos de Zuheros 68 Cueva de los M rmoles 69 Cueva de la Carig ela y Cueva de las Ventanas 70 Los Castillejos 71 Majolicas 72 La Molaina 73 Cueva del Toro 74 Cueva de la Mujer Cueva del Agua y Sima Rica 75 Cueva de los Murci lagos de Albu ol 76 Cueva del Capit n 77 Cueva de Nerja 78 Cueva del Higuer n 79 Complejo del Humo and Cueva del Hoyo de la Mina 80 Cueva Bajondillo 81 Cueva de los Botijos ries In the Valencian southern regions this rst Neolithic artistic period seems to conclude in the transition to the V millennium meanwhile as in the case of Andaluc a rock shelters Neolithic cave paintings would endure longer Previous hypotheses about Schematic artistic manifestations that endured and spread widely give way to the consideration of different creations according to the chronology and
40  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figure 26. Main settlements and rock art sites mentioned in the text. ...
THE FIRST MEDITERRANEA NEOLITHIC FARMERS VI V MILLENNIA BC geography of the compartmentalized Neolithic not excluding the relations between the territories The geographical distribution of motifs and decorative styles different lexical and syntax will be another indicator of the territory occupied by the various Neolithic societies and the process of consolidation So one last artistic episode manifested through Neolithic pottery decoration corresponds to the carved motifs shown in some vessels from the Pit Graves culture in Catalonia and the corresponding period in the lands of Valencia In the rst case to note the so called Dama de Gav from the variscite mines of Can Tintorer while in the Valencian case the carved decorations include only star shaped and branch shaped motifs and vertical and horizontal zigzag lines 41
THE FIRST MEDITERRANEA NEOLITHIC FARMERS  VI-V MILLENNIA BC   geography of the compartmentalized Neolithic, not excluding ...
Manuel A Rojo Guerra The Neolithic in inland and Northern Iberia Precedents and the rst evidence of Neolithic Development The Lands of the Interior and the North includes for the purposes of this study the Middle and Upper Ebro Valley the two Mesetas Extremadura and the Atlantic territories of Galicia Asturias and The Basque country comprising a vast area 353 662 km2 with a huge variety of topography climate and landscape It includes broad valleys traversed by the rivers of the Iberian Peninsula remote mountain systems peneplains and sedimentary plains high above sea level that are completely surrounded by mountain ranges that serve as a natural barrier to communication1 If we assume that the Neolithic period in the words of A Sherratt2 is characterised as a period of the movement of animals and plants out of their natural habitat to new niches due to human intervention we have to admit that there must exist some environmental and demographic conditions that in some way interceded at a certain pace and penetration into this new way of life in a vast and disparate territory but What do we know about the previous Late Mesolithic settlement ca 6 500 5 500 cal BC and its impact on the process of Neolithic development What environmental data do we have in order to assess this impact in an era of newly forming relationships between man and nature The current data for this period ca 6 500 5 500 cal BC is very distinct in comparison to the available records While in some areas a signi cant number of sites are well known for example shell middens of Muge and Sado in Portugal or the shelters in the Upper and Central Ebro basin in other areas the Mesolithic settlement is almost completely absent as is the case in both Mesetas or knowledge is very new and for this reason dif cult to interpret Extremadura or there 1 2 Universidad de Valladolid marojo fyl uva es Much of the data collected in this study come from Rojo Guerra et al 2012 This is a recent Handbook on the Neolithic Age in the Iberian Peninsula offering an extensive bibliography as well as all chronological references with their quotations from the text The rest of the bibliography is more speci c letting recent work prevail where possible Sherratt 1999 exists a marked break between the point it rst manifested itself and the rst actual evidence of Neolithic development Cantabria This situation is no doubt the result of super cial and biased research that was centred on other eras rather than a true historic reality as shown by the recent publication on the rst open air Mesolithic settlement in the Ebro Valley namely the settlement of Cabezo de la Cruz in La Muela Zaragoza3 Either way studies that we have on these communities have so far focused on the evolution of its stone industry characterised in its nal phase by the appearance of geometrically shaped projectile tips and models of survival de ning an economy of broad reach planned exploitation and territorial diversi cation4 There is also conjecture over social organisation suggesting that these communities developed a certain socio economic complexity likely to have been of great importance to Neolithic development in terms of hierarchical relationships exchange of prestige goods including social domestic worth and status the organisation of communitybased labour the development of territory and lifestyle environmental pressures5 etc From a theoretical point of view these last Mesolithic communities probably had to relate and interact with the rst Neolithic groups although a true re ection of these historical situations in the archaeological record is very dif cult to de ne However at some sites these interconnections can be traced We refer in particular to certain enclosures showing broad Mesolithic events in which during the later stages appear some Neolithic elements mainly pottery but also domestic animals sickles etc These contexts appear from the ca 5 700 5 600 cal BC at the same time as the arrival to the Iberian Peninsula of those de ned as the rst Neolithic pioneers a movement thought to continue until 5 400 5 300 cal BC when the Neolithic period extends to almost all the Peninsula and the process of Neolithic development can generally be said to 3 4 5 Rodan s Vicente and Picazo Mill n 2013 Alday Ru z 2006 Utrilla Miranda and Montes Ram rez 2009 Garc a Mart nez de Lagr n 2008a
Manuel A. Rojo Guerra   The Neolithic in inland and Northern Iberia  Precedents and the    rst evidence of Neolithic Devel...
44 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE be complete Interestingly the sites that demonstrate these characteristics are spread along the Ebro Valley a natural route of communication and densely populated in the Mesolithic and where change was rapid and diversi ed Abrigo de ngel 1 Stage 8bsup ngel 2 Stage 2a1 Forcas 2 Stages 5 and 6 Mendandia Stages 3sup 2 and 1 La Pe a Stage d sup Plano del Pulido Stage cg Pontet Stage c inf Secans Stage 2a Zatoya nivel 1 a2 2 to which must be added the recently excavated Valmayor 11enclosure in Mequinenza Zaragoza These contexts which we describe as Mesolithic with Neolithic elements have centred much of recent historical debate on Neolithic development and some authors regard them as the rst of a Neolithic context that appears in the Peninsula record6 In turn Paleo environmental data helps us to understand human impact on the landscape at these times of change Despite the fact that a certain amount of deforestation took place in the North of the Peninsula during the Mesolithic interpreted as wood clearance to make it easier to hunt certain ungulates in makeshift grassland the reality is that the arboreal layer was diminishing precisely at the same time as economic output was deferred Indeed the combined evidence from the study of peat bogs and wetlands tells us about the rst signs of human activity in distinct regions of the Interior between 5 6005 400 cal BC in the Ebro Valley between 5 4805 300 cal BC in Cantabria and during the rst half of the 5th millennium cal BC in the mountains of Northern Galicia In all cases the apparent decline in tree cover is accompanied by an increase in worthless shrubs and a rudimentary taxonomy interpreted as the rst indications in high areas of a pastoral economy particularly in the absence of cereal pollen usually associated with this type of deforestation However direct evidence of agriculture and livestock is available at dates that rival in antiquity those presented in the previous chapter dates that would con rm in our view that the arrival of the Neolithic at least along the major prehistoric routes of communication rivers valleys is an almost instantaneous occurrence or one that took place over a time interval of no more than 200 years Therefore it is impossible to provide sequencing following the methods of absolute dating available today The following examples serve to con rm this fact The rst dates for sheep are taken from sites at Pe a Larga 5 700 5 560 cal BC and Chaves 5 570 5 470 cal BC and for cereal at Paleta 5 671 5 483 cal BC the cave of the Mirador 5 467 5 212 cal BC and Revilla 5 4665 209 cal BC On the other hand we should point 6 Alday Ru z 2005 out that the rst evidence of domestication animal and plant indicate stable economies in many cases specialised and fully adapted to the distinct environments into which human groups chose to divide themselves The most signi cant cases in this regard are in the early Neolithic deposits in the Ambrona Valley Soria The clear dominance of dressed wheat einkorn and spelt in the deposits at La L mpara and La Revilla is explained by the speci c continental conditions and the insuf cient preparation of soil which required the use of very speci c species resistant to this unfavourable medium such as Triticum Monococum and Dicoccum On the other hand and of a general nature it also con rms the presence of all groups of domestic species in these early stages at the most important sites in the Interior undressed wheat and the preferential use of sheep at Chaves Pe a Larga La Vaquera and El Mirador dressed wheat and the preferential exploitation of cattle at Los Cascajos dressed wheat and the preferential exploitation of sheep at La Revilla and La L mpara where the earliest evidence of ax Linum Usitatisimun cultivation and a seed from the opium poppy Papaver Somniferum P Setigerum of possible Mediterranean origin has also been documented Others that form part of the range of species cultivated at nearly all these sites are some legumes and dressed and undressed barley Hordeum Vulgare o Nudum Proposal for the sequencing and types of site The interpretation of archaeological evidence in the Peninsula record allows us to establish the following proposal on the introduction and consolidation of economic strategies implied by the Neolithic Age Mesolithic with Neolithic elements 5 700 5 600 5 400 5 300 cal BC Fig 1 Overall in reference to a number of similarly characterised sites spread out along the Ebro rock covered enclosures large stratigraphic sequences continuity between Mesolithic and Neolithic stages the progressive incorporation of Neolithic elements in a sequence that includes a transition phase lacking domestication but with pottery or traditional stone working considered to be Neolithic The most representative sites are Mendandia Forcas 2 levels 5 and 6 Valmayor 11 level 2 Outside of this geological sphere we can include in this group the Verdelpino enclosure Cuenca although given its uncertain history in terms of research offers up doubts about its real signi cance Special mention should be given to level 3 sup of Mendandia which dates between the end of the 7th and the beginning of the 6th millenni
44  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  be complete. Interestingly, the sites that demonstrate these character...
THE NEOLITHIC IN INLAND AND NORTHERN IBERIA Figure 1 Map of Neolithic development A Neolithic pioneers lava 3 Pe a Larga level 4 bottom 5715 5561 Huesca 8 Chaves level Ib 5614 5478 5482 5375 B Neolithic elements in Mesolithic context Condado de Trevi o 1 Mendandia level 3sup 6235 6019 6239 5916 6207 5983 level 2 5621 5371 lava 2 Kanpanoste Goikoa level 2 Navarra 4 La Pe a levels d and dsup 5 Zatoya level 1 a2 2 6 Aizpea 3 5476 5221 7 Padre Areso level 3b Huesca 9 Forcas 2 level 5 5726 5575 Stage 6 5721 5569 Zaragoza 10 Valmayor 11 Phase 2 5609 5478 11 Plano del Pulido level cg 12 El Pontet level c inf Teruel 13 Els Secans level 2a 14 ngel 1 and 2 ngel 1 level 8b sup ngel 2 level 2a1 Cuenca 15 Verdelpino level 4 um cal BC that represent a pioneering breakthrough of domestication and consequently of the Neolithic between dates which at the moment are dif cult to interpret in the light of current material evidence In short as stated by Alday7 himself we can say that for the moment this site is an anomaly These enclosures are located in areas of territorial control close to water sources occupied between Spring and Autumn and with direct access to various ecosystems woods rocky areas grasslands etc as is evident from the variety of fauna noted in records 7 Alday Ru z 2011a In some cases they become linked to form site networks created in order to both control and exploit the territory Such is the case of a group of sites in Alava and the region of Trevi o where up to six stations Atxoste Fuentehoz Kampanoste Kampanoste Goikoa La Pe a Socuevas in the words of Alday Ruiz conform to a network organised to exploit the territory8 Generally they can be characterised as encampments logistically specialised for such tasks as hunting although studies in traceability also recognises 8 Alday Ru z 2011b 45
THE NEOLITHIC IN INLAND AND NORTHERN IBERIA  Figure 1. Map of Neolithic development. A  Neolithic pioneers    lava  3  Pe ...
46 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE that work of a domestic nature took place such as the curing of skins food smoking and int shaping Wildlife is absolutely predominant in the archaeological record as is the activity of gathering however at more recent stages there is evidence of planting and animal domestication at level 3b Atxoste there has allegedly been found a relatively small amount of domestic animal remains compared to the vast majority of strewn about wildlife remains in the Forcas 2 enclosure 2 or 3 archaeological sheep remains have been identi ed out of a total of 800 archaeological remains and lastly interesting due to its implications on the Neolithic process of development is the presence of a T3 haplotype from a piece of auroch molar at level 3 Mendandia sup This haplotype is characteristic of Middle Eastern populations and associated from the scarce DNA samples of animals studied with domestication in short representing an anomaly at the site Also identi ed in several of these sites is some evidence of plant domestication based on the discovery of ruderal species that is plants which accompany crops or grow in waste ground mills polished axes and some int blades with a gloss of cereal Neolithic pioneers 5 700 5 600 5 400 5 300 cal BC Fig 1 These merit the classi cation of level 4 of Pe a Larga 5 720 5 560 cal BC on sheep and goats in Rioja Alavesa and levels 1a and 1b in the cave at Chaves 5 780 5 580 cal BC on carbon and 5 5705 470 cal BC on sheep and goats in Aragon In this context we present the earliest dates for singular events of short duration concerning domestic species that share almost identical characteristics marking new activity due to the existence of a broad sedimentary interruption between the previous activity and the Neolithic with evidence of an economy of production established due to the species of animals and plants found in the archaeological record The site of La Paleta on the Southern Meseta may possibly be included in this section due to the dating of cereals between 5 671 5 483 cal BC although from characteristics we will describe later we are not in agreement with this an authentic village Recent excavations made until 2007 the year of its fateful destruction identi ed the cave s complex interior spatial distribution with distinct spaces living space with plentiful re pits some possibly used for meat smoking and roasting acorns and a storage area with trays and large pots The rst inhabitants of Chaves lived a fully Neolithic way of life domestic species mainly sheep to a lesser extent cattle and swine make up nearly 70 of the recovered animal record whilst on the margins agriculture is attested to by some evidence of carpology due to the presence of cereal pollen in the interior of the cave suggesting the existence of elds within a radius of not more than 2km Meanwhile Pe a Larga10 has a peculiar and somewhat different character Here we are dealing with a enclosure of small dimensions where the livestock percentage is somewhat less as hunting was more important However the archaeological images documented at the lower levels illustrates an intensi cation of the exploitation of livestock the enclosure having served as an animal pen sporadically from the start Neolithic consolidation from 5 400 5 300 cal BC Fig 2 The data we now have allows us to con rm that at this time the Neolithic period had virtually spread throughout the entire Peninsula territory although absolute dates for singular events of short duration concerning domestic species divide this phase in two a The end of the 6th millennium Cal BC Occupation of most of the Valley of the Ebro both Mesetas and with some reservation for lack of domestic dating Extremadura The most important sites are Los Cascajos El Mirador La Revilla La L mpara La Paleta y La Vaquera b 5th millennium Cal BC Neolithic expansion to the entire Peninsula including the regions of Cantabria and Galicia The most important sites in addition to the above although some without absolute dates for singular events of short duration El Mir n and Pico Ramos in Cantabria Kobaederra in Guip zcoa Monte dos Remedios and O Regueiri o in Galicia y Canaleja 2 and Los Barruecos in Extremadura We can point out some general characteristics in the sites belonging to this stage activity of various ecosystems archaeological sites as much in caves as outdoors the practical absence of sites in enclosures sites of a new stamp alongside large Neolithic stratigraphy an escalation Undoubtedly the cave at Chaves9 can be considered as the site most paradigmatic of this phase although it is a site that has been destroyed by the insensitivity and carelessness of its owners We can say that this site was a huge cave with more than 3 200 m2 of living space with a water course running at its foot It was therefore an ideal place to establish 9 Baldellou Mart nez 2011 10 Fern ndez Eraso 1997 and 2011
46  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  that work of a domestic nature took place, such as the curing of skins...
THE NEOLITHIC IN INLAND AND NORTHERN IBERIA Figure 2 Map of the Early Neolithic Period 6th and 5th Millenia cal BC Sites Galicia 1 Monte dos Remedios 2 O Regueiri o Asturias 3 Los Canes Cantabria 4 La Calverra Pe a Oviedo 5 El Mir n 6 Los Gitanos Vizcaya 7 Pico Ramos 8 Arenaza 9 Kobaederra 10 Lumentxa Guip zcoa 11 Herriko Barra 12 Marizulo I Palencia 13 La Velilla Burgos 14 Molino de Arriba 15 El Mirador 16 El Portal n de Cueva Mayor lava 17 La Renke Norte 18 Atxoste 19 Los Husos I 20 Los Husos 2 21 Pe a Larga La Rioja 22 L brega Navarra 23 Abauntz 24 Paternanbidea 25 Los Cascajos Zaragoza 26 Paco Pons 27 Gato 2 28 Riols 1 29 Valmayor 11 30 Costalena 31 El Pontet Huesca 32 Espluga de la Puyascada 33 Els Trocs 34 Pacencia 35 Huerto Raso 36 Chaves 37 Forcas 2 38 Moro de Olvena Segovia 39 La Nogaleda 40 La Vaquera Soria 41 Abrigo de La Dehesa 42 La Revilla del Campo 43 La L mpara Teruel 44 Las Torrazas 45 Botiquer a dels Moros Madrid 46 La Higuera 47 La Ventana 48 Arenero de Los Vascos 49 Casa Montero 50 Arenero de Valdivia 51 La Deseada 52 Cueva del Aire 53 El Congosto 54 H 05 C ceres 55 Los Barruecos Toledo 56 La Paleta 57 Azut n 58 El Castillejo Cuenca 59 Verdelpino Ciudad Real 60 Villamayor of the economics of production and evidence of functional specialisation and intensi cation mining compost type structures This stage presents us with two types of site a Open Air Sites Sites without a vertical stratigraphy and broad surface area characterised by the presence of negative structures in the form of pits and holes for dif ferent functions11 A type of domestic settlement that persists until the Bronze Age is known as a pit site These are very diverse structures in terms of their measurement size and function Some have no doubt served as storage silos with large thick sided vessels for basic cooking eg La Paleta or La L mpara in others are silos of speci c form with a 11 Rojo Guerra et al 2008 47
THE NEOLITHIC IN INLAND AND NORTHERN IBERIA  Figure 2. Map of the Early Neolithic Period  6th and 5th Millenia cal. BC. Si...
48 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE 1 2 2 4 5 Figure 3 Different aspects of the site at Los Cascajos Los Arcos Navarra 1 Hut No 6 2 Ditch 2 3 196 Funerary structure and its grave goods 4 Various decorated vessels 5 Remains recovered in structure 475 With thanks to Jesus Sesma Sesma and Jes s Garc a Gaz laz
48  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  1  2  2  4  5 Figure 3. Different aspects of the site at Los Cascajos,...
THE NEOLITHIC IN INLAND AND NORTHERN IBERIA bulging base and narrow mouth such as in pit 1 at La L mpara or in Villamayor de Calatrava which once having lost its basic function was used as a tomb Finally in other cases graves are made up of individual burial tombs as in Los Cascajos or Paternanbidea amongst others The presence of room structures is not very usual except at the enclave of Los Cascajos Fig 3 where up to 8 huts have been identi ed each with an almost circular oor of a diameter of 6 to 8 metres and marked out by postholes Close to 3 5 hectares of this site has been excavated and around half a thousand negative structures corresponding to pits ditches re pits waste dumps pens and tombs etc have been found Everything seems to have been the result of following a certain plan and spatial management in which we can see perfectly individualised areas for residential use storage livestock and a necropolis12 Other sites are known to have clear living space one around the change from the 6th to the 5th millennium cal BC Riols 1 in the Lower Ebro13 another at the end of the 5th millennium cal BC La Velilla on the sedimentary lands of the Northern Meseta14 They are similar in that they have a tendency to be oval and bounded by postholes although in the case of Rios 1 the entire inside of each hut appears paved with at stones ready to be used as a main home It is worth highlighting the presence in two sites Los Cascajos y La Revilla of two separate open areas that are marked out as spaces for a certain use or ritual In the case of Los Cascajos parts have been excavated of an enormous ditch in 5 which has a diameter as determined by electromagnetic surveys of about 2km We could possibly be facing an area marked out for primitive land use delineated from the surrounding landscape In La Revilla an oval enclosure has been excavated Fig 4 of more modest dimensions bounded by a double ditch with the remains of wooden posts with stone footings There function could have been simply to demarcate a single space within the habitat that covers an area considerably larger than that taken up by the ditches and was possibly dedicated to ceremonial activities15 We cannot rule out that it might also have served to enclose and de ne the perimeter of an earlier occupied habitat in the manner of certain American Indian villages that we know of through observing XVI century illustrations Either way these structures inaugurate a tradition that will set 12 13 14 15 Garc a Gaz laz et al 2011 Royo Guill n and G mez Lecumberri 1992 Delibes de Castro y Zapatero Magdaleno 1996 Rojo Guerra et al 2008 Figure 4 Reconstruction of the enclosure with double palisade at the site of La Revilla Ambrona Soria Drawing Luis Pascual Repiso the standard for settlements throughout the Chalcolithic period and the Bronze Age and that is the moated enclosure Examples of open air settlements are scattered throughout the geography but with greater densities in both Mesetas La Deseada La Revilla La L mpara La Velilla and also there are numerous examples along the Ebro Valley the most prominent being Riols 1 Los Cascajos Paternambidea etc b Sites in Caves As is logical these sites appear in regions with suitable geological conditions such as those throughout the Pyrenees and the Pyrenean foreland of Navarra and Aragon the Basque country and the forested foothills that surround both Mesetas where one can nd the interesting archaeological stations of La Vaquera 14 in Segovia El Mirador and Cueva Mayor in Burgos or Las Cuevas del Aire La Higuera and La Ventana in the mountains around Madrid The seasonality of most of these cave sites has been regularly argued and special emphasis has been placed on this interpretation due to the characteristics on record in the case of Els Trocs because of its high altitude above sea level suggesting an authentic seasonal migration from lands further South near the Ebro However in the example of the cave at La Vaquera16 it is thought more in terms of short distance migration semi nomadic from the valley at the foot of the mountains of the Central System Also given the special climatic conditions in the Atapuerca highlands around Burgos it has been argued that 16 Estremera Portela 2003 49
THE NEOLITHIC IN INLAND AND NORTHERN IBERIA  bulging base and narrow mouth such as in pit 1 at La L  mpara or in Villamayo...
50 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE there was a semi sedentary style of shepherding during the Neolithic at El Mirador17 Either way the majority of Neolithic settlements in caves have a long stratigraphy that spans the development of practically the entire sequence from of the 6th until the end of the 5th millennium BC In all cases the material record including palaecological data tells us of groups that established agriculturallivestock economies and if this is true it is certain that perhaps because of the condition of preservation on record they favoured the latter examples would be Los Husos 1 and 2 in La Rioja Alavesa and El Mirador in Atapuerca to which we can add Pe a Larga in terms of some of the aspects commented on earlier These sites especially the rst could have served as enclosures for ocks of sheep and goats to a lesser extent cattle that could be used according to recent interpretations of the evidence at El Mirador for both meat and small scale milk production and this can be seen by analysis of the age of death as archaeo zoological evidence Common features shared by sites in the open air and sites in caves are the choice of strategic locations perfectly adapted to suit livestock and agriculture and the monitoring of a certain amount of growing economic activity and specialized production With regard to the rst point it should be noted that virtually all Neolithic sites are located in exceptional environments able to bring under control large areas for the exploitation of agriculture and the rearing of livestock Recently Gar a Mart nez de Lagr n18 stressed certain characteristics that seem to recur in open air habitats that could explain the rapid process of Neolithic development of the territory from the displacement of an inef cient straightforward people towards de ned biotopes through a mechanism known as leap frogging or in ltration into the territory For this reason these rst sites share in a special way occupation of wooded areas close proximity to lakes watersheds and areas with abundant water courses and at areas at the base of gently sloping terrain with good open views of the areas of landuse Finally they are situated along natural routes of communication or strategic crossings the importance of which is shown by the proximity of historic routes of migration leading to a large majority of these Neolithic settlements A singular site that from carbon samples dates from the end of the 6th millennium cal BC is the Casa Montero int mine20 in Madrid We consider it unique because we have gained knowledge of a very speci c non subsistent type of activity that is therefore already specialised from the rst instances of Neolithic development This fact shows us without doubt the level of development and social organisation of these rst Neolithic communities capable of allocating people and time to activities not of a subsistent nature but which we imagine were highly productive Casa Montero was a int mine that was exploited principally through vertical wells From the Neolithic era 3 824 wells have been documented from 42 383m2 of excavation work in an area that covered 8 hectares according to super cial surveys of the site According to ongoing research it seems that the mines were used to select and transform the int nodules to obtain a nal product essentially of a blade format Evidence of an entire chain of operations has been revealed at the site with the exception of the nal product which makes us think that the int was distributed and commercialised rapidly through the various networks of exchange both near and far the established scale of which is the subject of current research In relation to growing economic activity and specialised production we should refer to two particular types of site caves for animal enclosure and the manufacture and supply of int at the Casa Montero mine Vic lvaro Madrid The Neolithic package As in the case of the outlying areas of the Peninsula and as we have seen in the previous chapter in this geographical area particularly throughout the 5th millennium cal BC we nd a series of cave sites whose characteristic sedimentology is based on a succession of ash strata with abundant spheralites that have been interpreted as manure compost or as evidence of sheep pens19 The most signi cant 17 18 19 Verg s et al 2008 Garc a Mart nez de Lagr n 2008b Fern ndez Eraso 2008 Polo D az and Fern ndez Eraso 2010 In essence the Neolithic Age represents a way of life and a form of relationship with nature From this perspective we cannot be typologists who might de ne the Neolithic Age from certain archaeological material or a particular technical perspective Human groups are Neolithic because they had a certain way of life and interaction with nature based on an economy of deferred output and that which comes with it from the point of view of social relations the symbolic world settlement patterns and in part material culture which adapted progressively to the needs of the new conditions 20 Consuegra Rodr guez et al 2004
50  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  there was a semi-sedentary style of shepherding during the Neolithic a...
THE NEOLITHIC IN INLAND AND NORTHERN IBERIA For this reason we believe that at the beginning of the Neolithic development process 5 500 5 700 cal BC there existed a duality of states on the one hand the very early Neolithic whose pioneers settled in the best locations that offered up the total package of a new way of life based on the cultivation of crops the rearing of livestock and to a certain extent brought about a discriminating material culture that also paid particular attention to the production of pottery which will be discussed later in more detail These rst Neolithic populations initiated contact with Mesolithic communities in those places in which these opportunities were relatively plentiful primitive and autonomous manufacture of pottery at this site as is sometimes suggested for the Verdelpino enclosure in Cuenca It is clear however that if one looks at the material culture one observes certain differences or evolutionary processes that are fair to point out In turn the stone industry in this context is basically characterised by size of int the abundance of natural resources and microliths among which importance is beginning to be attached to dentiform types that have a bevelled nish on both sides Not infrequently the toothed double bevelled combination is considered as a faithful indicator of the process of Neolithic development throughout the Interior and very speci cally in the Ebro valley However there is no lack of both toothed and double bevelled in the Mesolithic context as for example level 4 of Botiquer a or Horizon 1 of Valmayor 11 From this we can say that the double bevel as the toothed or especially the toothed to the double bevel should be considered not as evidence of Neolithic development per se but as a progressive adaptation of a local substrate to new needs and can be interpreted as the nal stage of the technical evolution of the Mesolithic age of microlith as already proposed by Arias Cabal22 If we accept this idea its presence within a Neolithic context could be considered as a contribution to the groups of hunter gatherers during the process of Neolithic development for example of exchange with the appearance of pioneers in settings like Chaves or Pe a Larga and that remain throughout the Early Neolithic the presence of which is manifest in many Neolithic settings from 5 400 5 300 In the absence of actual Neolithic life forms the Mesolithic setting with a Neolithic element is de ned by the presence of a very few remnants of pottery Only in 3 settings Mendandia 3 sup and 2 and Atxoste are there suf cient amounts to be able to deduce some considerations that can be inferred for the rest of this type of setting in the Ebro Valley and for some settlements in the Interior such as the La Dehesa enclosure in the Ambrona Valley Soria In a recent work Garc a Mart nez de Lagr n21 and others have de ned this type of pottery work as characterised by simple form with a unique decorative arrangement under the lip created using a single technique Fig 5 It would at the time be the earliest pottery known in the Iberian Peninsula alongside that in context to the Neolithic pioneers to the extent that it is very dif cult to know if the dates for Stage 3sup of Mendandia end of the 7th millennium cal BC correspond to authentic contact with Neolithic communities Neither would it result in an aberration in this case to conjecture and to propose In terms of material wealth pottery can be highlighted In effect interpretations revolve around classic cardial designs these contexts although it is certainly true that the cardial designs from Pe a Larga have little to do with those at Chaves in terms of technique and composition It is equally true This situation would necessarily create an interaction between these human groups particularly evident in Mesolithic settlements for the exchange of information and material products in particular due to the economic strategies and standardisation of their material cultures We present therefore the above mentioned duality of cultural states as that of Mesolithic groups who received through exchange signi cant Neolithic elements of a cultural and material nature together with Neolithic groups whose pioneers settled in the best locations and who would develop a way of life totally dependent on the exploitation of the natural environment receiving at the same time elements and in uences from the Mesolithic groups they interacted with 21 Garc a Mart nez de Lagr n et al 2011 The rst Neolithic groups here referred to as pioneers were to a greater or lesser extent already in possession of the total package That is pottery polished stone farmed vegetables mainly cereals and livestock preferably sheep although to a lesser extent other species such as cattle goats and swine The stone industry was pretty standardised and particularly dominated by int blades and variously reworked blades depending on the sites They were also of differing geometric dimensions in addition to toothed double bevelled trapezoid and triangular and some for drilling boring were very common in the context of the end of the 6th century cal BC Polished utensils and milling tools were also becoming common 22 Arias Cabal 2007 58 51
THE NEOLITHIC IN INLAND AND NORTHERN IBERIA  For this reason we believe that at the beginning of the Neolithic development...
52 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE 1 2 3 Figure 5 Style 1 1 and 2 Mendandia 3 Valmayor 11
52  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  1  2  3  Figure 5. Style 1  1 and 2, Mendandia  3, Valmayor 11.
THE NEOLITHIC IN INLAND AND NORTHERN IBERIA that they co existed and rivalled in antiquity with impressed enscribed ribbed pieces that will de ne what Garc a Lagr n and others have described as style 2 Fig 6 This duality of decorative traditions only present in the regions of Aragon and Catalonia and at one site in the Interior La Paleta at a time so early can be interpreted in different ways or alternatively if the current record allows us none Namely it could represent an area of contact between different currents of Neolithic development to a single group that decorated using two styles or equally a con uence of autonomous groups Ultimately what seems to be clear is that the Neolithic process of development in the Peninsula requires some form of the phenomenon of colonisation that already existed at this time to explain the appearance of such complex styles of pottery and as such the Early Neolithic arrived to Iberia already developed in all these facets From the last quarter of the 6th millennium cal BC we can say that the Neolithic is fully established in a large part of the interior of the Peninsula and from then on its presence increases in the Bay of Biscay and Galicia Human groups already Neolithic in nature occupied different ecosystems adapted to suit the needs of production developed certain specialisations such as mining as mentioned above in Casa Montero practised seasonal migration in mountainous areas and were exploiting the plains of Extremadura and the Southern Sub Meseta At the same time we witness a spatial diversi cation in regions where there are many open air enclaves and occupied caves that will eventually be transformed into enclosures as happened in the Levant In terms of stone materials int blades and variously reworked blades are still in common use Through archaeological trace analysis we know that many of these were used as sickles with longitudinal and transverse handles23 Their use for making holes also increased for skin piercing necklace beads or to drilling pottery pieces with semi processed wool as an ornamental element Those that were geometrical particularly trapezoids and triangular shapes were used as points for projectiles But undoubtedly out of the total Neolithic package it is pottery production at this time that arouses the most interest for two reasons Firstly for the huge variety and decorative complexity of form at the end of the 6th millennium cal BC and also in some areas the rst quarter of the fth Secondly because precisely around the middle of the fth millennium traditional decoration dis appeared completely for reasons we are about to comment on and that are generally regarded to signify the beginning of the phase known as the Mid Neolithic From 5 500 5 400 cal BC the above mentioned Style 2 Fig 6 would extend to new areas It is characterised by the overwhelming predominance of print technique that goes along with grooved corrugated inscription There is an increase in the shapes of decorated vessels Jugs and bottles gain in importance whilst there is also an increase in ornamental work Style 2 perfectly corresponds to that which follows it known as epicardial that is very widely spread and coexists with the franco iberian cardial the pure Levantine and Catalan cardial and the rst pottery from the interior of the Iberian Peninsula From this perspective and taking into account the implications the epicardial concept carries with it we consider it necessary to generically rule out this term as it does not do justice to the archaeological reality that it de nes The print technique and the creation of a grooved corrugated inscription has been proven including anterior to the cardial and the reality is that they are part of the same historical process and to keep a term that segregates them when they are identical phenomenon we do not consider justi ed Within Style 2 due to interest that different works have aroused we nd a peculiar decoration known as boquique It is a special technique with a number of identi able variants which consist of a succession of impressions made by a sharp object on the clay before drying Its wide geographic distribution and its chronology are not signi cantly different to the cardial and as it may be earlier this technique plays an important role as a marker for the beginning of the Neolithic Age24 From the rst third of the 5th millennium cal BC in the Ebro Valley and in Northern areas and from the middle of the 5th millennium in Central areas we have to recognise that archaeological information about the Neolithic Age drops considerably at the same time as decoration is eliminated from pottery but not form Now handles are added together with applied decorations conical shapes and a shaped lip We would point out exceptions to this dynamic in the central regions of the Peninsula and the Cantabrian coast where habitable structures under tumuli are starting to be recognised such as in La Velilla on la Northern Meseta La Calvera Pe a Oviedo in Cantabria and Azut n or El Castillejo on the Southern Meseta25 24 23 Gibaja 2008 25 Alday Ru z and Moral del Hoyo 2011 Bueno Ram rez et al 2005 53
THE NEOLITHIC IN INLAND AND NORTHERN IBERIA  that they co-existed, and rivalled in antiquity, with impressed enscribed-rib...
54 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE 1 2 3 4 5 7 6 Figure 6 Style 2 1 La Revilla 2 La Vaquera 3 La Revilla 4 La Vaquera 5 Atxoste 6 La L mpara 7 Molino de Arriba
54  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  1  2  3  4  5  7 6  Figure 6. Style 2  1, La Revilla  2, La Vaquera  3...
THE NEOLITHIC IN INLAND AND NORTHERN IBERIA to nd human remains scattered more or less throughout the stratigraphy This is the case of the skull of an adult male found in the La Vaquera cave in Segovia27 among various remains of 7 individuals in the cave at Chaves others at La Nogaleda in Segovia and a very interesting set in the recently excavated cave at Els Trocs in Huesca From the study made of the skull at La Vaquera and the evidence from Trocs we are inclined to think that at the beginning of the Neolithic period a series of rites were practised in the interior of both caves that had a human body either already deceased or sacri ced as the protagonist of the occasion It has also been suggested that such remains could have served as an authentic relic that was circulated between different groups or sites The Ritual and Symbolic World It is complicated to enter the symbolic world of some human groups that are gaining a foothold in a territory developing survival strategies changing old habits and creating new niches where to impose their established way of life In the previous chapter we have already referred to the relationship between the early stages of the Neolithic Age and the overall schematic and the Levantine schematic so were not going to get involved in this here It is simply convenient to comment on the part of our territory Albacete Cuenca Guadalajara Toledo South of Zaragoza Huesca that is affected by these same currents to the extent that in certain places Do a Clotilde Remosillo Varfaluy some semi naturalistic images have been considered as a local version of the Petracos style due to sinuous motifs or simple characters with their ngers wide open26 What seems clear is that in the Interior the symbolic world of the Neolithic Age is particularly associated with the simple representation of reality and the universal mindset Associated to many Neolithic enclosures we can recognise anthropomorphs of different types zoomorphs rods and dots idols with eyes soliforms and grids All these motifs or at least some are perfectly incorporated in an interesting set of painted rock faces in the lower level of the cave at Chaves b Standard graves Fundamentally found in open air settlements although in one or two cases they have been found in caves at level 1a at Chaves and at Marizulo In practically all cases they follow the same burial norms individual internment in graves in which the individuals are left in a doubled up position Examples are increasingly numerous in the Ebro Valley most famously Greater accuracy can be established for the funerary world as the archaeological evidence is found in settlements and or in settings that contain suf cient features to be de nitively ascribed to a productive economic phase Along these lines the rst Neolithic funeral evidence second half of the 6th and early 5th millennia cal BC is not very abundant in our area of study and of course has little to do with the dawn of monumentality that characterises the Megalithic Age from the 4th millennium cal BC The internment of a male in a grave at the cave at Chaves Abundant remains of ochre are preserved throughout the tomb but particularly in the skull and according to Utrillo and others28 were left in a crude pit where he even found a small piece of cloth bandage remains that has been impossible to preserve The grave goods were not abundant limited to a ring of bone that the individual held in his right hand A curious aspect of this tomb was the accumulation of 296 small white pebbles less than 8cm that formed a small mound over the grave However it is fair to say thanks to the huge blossoming of archaeology and its management in our country through which have been excavated a huge number of settlements and from the development of major research projects that the geography of the Peninsula is lled with new evidence and so we can draw a genuinely homogenous picture of these early times Two ways of treating a human corpse can be identi ed The exceptional set of graves at Los Cascajos Los Arcos Navarra These form part of a genuine necropolis a restricted area for burials within an impressive Neolithic settlement in the open air29 From this time about 30 graves have been excavated All of them are small pits dug into the unspoilt territory The remains are primary in all cases and they are placed in doubled up positions with a clear predominance of adult males The grave goods are not a The presence of scattered bone remains in a domestic setting mixed together with other archaeological evidence without which they could be considered to belong to any funerary stage In some caves it is more common 27 28 26 Utrilla Miranda y Calvo 2000 29 Delibes de Castro et al 1999 Utrilla Miranda et al 2008 134 Garc a Gaz laz and Sesma Sesma 2008 55
THE NEOLITHIC IN INLAND AND NORTHERN IBERIA  to    nd human remains scattered more or less throughout the stratigraphy. Th...
56 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE very rich and when present usually consist of smooth ceramic bowls ints some element to do with milling axes and ornaments made of shell or bone Worthy of a mention is the presence in this restricted burial area of certain structures also in the grave of remains that are evidence of a ritual but are not of human origin such as the remains of fauna or of various materials representative of agricultural activities two dogs and other objects Fig 3 3 The Neolithic necropolis at Paternanbidea30 where the only examples found up to now have been double burials two of them simultaneous and two cumulative In the latter case there would have been facing open structures where after prior preparation of the space the newly deceased would be placed in the new tomb In a total of four graves up to 11 individuals have been recovered both male and female young adults As opposed to that in the tombs at Chaves and Cascajos here the grave goods are rich particularly in adornments such as pendants necklaces made of shells bone or green stone pottery geometric microliths ints and pieces of rock crystal In the interior on both Mesetas we increasingly see more examples that when reproduced show similar patterns of behaviour31 namely individual burials in a doubled up position placed in graves located in habitats in the open air Examples are not plentiful Arenero de Valdivia and Congosto in Madrid Alto de Rodilla and Molino de Arriba in Burgos Villamayor de Calatrava in Toledo and the grave of La L mpara in Ambrona in Soria This last is perhaps the most signi cant of them all It is the burial of an adult female that was deposited in what may be a silo turned into a tomb for it is wide and has a rounded base and is narrower at the neck and mouth The deceased is deposited in the bottom of the hole accompanied by rich grave goods such as a beautiful bottle with an inscribed imprinted decoration Fig 7a and a int with traces that show it served as a cereal sickle Right in the narrow part of the grave and to help seal the gaps between at slabs of limestone are 354 ceramic fragments corresponding to different vessels including a section of a large bowl and a small bottle with an impressed comb decoration All this is accompanied by various elements of stone and bone that would have been most certainly deposited during a complex funeral ceremony Fig 7B Well into the 5th millennium a phenomenon occurs similar to that detected with respect to settle30 31 Garc a Gaz laz 2008 Rubio de Miguel 1990 ments the practical absence of burial remains In this area we only know one other tomb burial site close to Burgos unveiled at the 5th Neolithic Peninsula Congress held in Lisbon and still unpublished El Hoyo and several tombs in another grave at Los Cascajos that dates from the second half of the 5th millennium cal BC Towards the end of the 5th millennium cal BC and parallel to the emergence in the periphery of the so called proto megaliths in Portugal and in the North East of the Peninsula the group at Tavertet in the Catalan Pyrenees can be considered despite their individual character as an early manifestation of the monuments that characterised the age of the Megalith Here we observe particularly in the Interior an intensi cation of the evidence of habitats under mounds as previously commented on We are situated at the gates that lead to important changes in the funerary eld at a Peninsula level and this is the setting for the emergence of a complex phenomenon and a great diffusion The Megalithism The emergence of funerary monumentality The Age of the Megalithism Spatial distribution Megaliths as discussed in this section represent above all a funerary expression that arises between the end of the 5th millennium cal BC and the beginning of the 4th Much has been written about the megalithic phenomenon its ideology culture rituals space etc However we wish to give a more descriptive connotation adding to the traditional megalithic funerary display a uniformity that is embodied in its monumental character In all cases the variety of manifestations that we will later look at are an emerging mass anthropic that imposes itself on a space and that sometimes may delimit or mark a territory but which always crystalizes a thought and a need to perpetuate a memory This funerary monumentality as has been de ned extends throughout the Interior and Northern lands with varying density and adopting various architectural forms Practically all the Peninsula Interior with the exception of some areas in the central sector and the eastern edge of the Southern Meseta possess some kinds of monumental construction while it is fair to acknowledge that there is a decrease in density towards the central Ebro Basin and the sectors of the central Interior This has often been linked to greater anthropic pressure exerted by agricultural cultivation which would have caused the destruction of much of the evidence
56  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  very rich and when present usually consist of smooth ceramic bowls,   ...
THE NEOLITHIC IN INLAND AND NORTHERN IBERIA Figure 7 Floor and section of an early Neolithic burial site La L mpara Ambrona Soria and reconstruction of the funeral ceremony drawing Luis Pascual Repiso 57
THE NEOLITHIC IN INLAND AND NORTHERN IBERIA  Figure 7. Floor and section of an early Neolithic burial site, La L  mpara  A...
58 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE In Galicia32 The Cantabrian Coast and the Western Pyrenees33 monuments although they occur in different topographies often occupy higher areas such as La Sierra de Barbanza in A Coru a Morrazo in Pontevedra Sierra Plana de la Borbolla in Asturias and numerous groups in Las Sierras de Urbasa Aralar in Navarra and the mountainous area of Viescas as well as in settings such as Guarrinza and Somontano in the Aragonese Pyrenees All the areas noted have very high densities of monuments that are sparser as we head into the Highlands of both Mesetas In the central sector of the Pyrenees we also note signi cant concentrations in the forested foothills that surround Las Penillanuras Zamorano Salmantinas La Lora in Burgos and the foothills of the Iberian System in the same province34 as well as in the neighbouring province of Soria A very important concentration is situated in the Sierra de Cameros close to VigueraNalda in la Rioja which links to the very important Riojano Alavez concentration to the South of the Sierra de Cantabria However to the South in the Central System the number of sites is much smaller with just a few examples in the provinces of Avila Segovia and Madrid The at areas of the Northern Meseta offer up examples in all provinces but in dispersed form and never in high concentrations We have already alluded to the vacuum found in the Eastern subsection of the Southern part of the Central System while in the Western sector there is a well stocked group of monuments in the Tajo Central basin that are increasing with the appetite for research emanating from the University of Alcal de Henares Extremadura for its part has important centres in the region of Alcantara and La Sierra de San Pedro and in general in the areas close to the border with Portugal aside from important monuments some 100 in number in the province of Badajoz35 Aside from the distribution of monuments by Peninsula geography it is interesting to highlight the sites they occupy in the local topography In this sense it is convenient to point out certain patterns 32 33 34 35 General references on this aspect can be found in Criado Boado 1989 Criado Boado and Vaquero Lastres 1993 Criado Boado and Villoch V zquez 1998 and L pez S ez et al 2010 The landscape aspects of these sectors can be found in Blas Cortina 1997 b Carlos Izquierdo 1998 Rup rez Andr s 1987 Arias Cabal et al 2005 Teira Mayolini 1994 Bibliographic references on these aspects Delibes de Castro and Santonja G mez 1986 Rojo Guerra 1990 and 1994 Work on aspects of Southern Submeseta and Extremadura Bueno Ram rez and Balbin Behrmann 2000 L pez Romero and Walid Sbeinati 2005 Gal n Domingo and Mart n Bravo 1991 1992 that can be observed in the majority They generally sit on small platforms or reliefs that are elevated above the immediate landscape and that increase the sense of monumentality on not very high hills in low mountain ranges in natural mountain passes and at the bottoms of valleys or at the foot of mountains where there is a lot of territorial control It has sometimes been said that megaliths were built to be seen hence the general trend as to their setting at points that stand out with ample visibility and frequently in areas of transit The monument and its funerary architecture Fig 8 From a practical and not symbolic point of view a Megalith is a tomb a collective cemetery diachronically used to house the deceased of a community for a relatively long period of time To accomplish this a Megalith requires a space in which to house the funeral remains that is of a varied and polymorphic architecture that through analysis and description can be observed as consisting of two parts The Barrow and the main burial site of an appropriate megalithic nature The tumulus consists of a mound of earth and stones which surround the main burial site and has a double function From its great size it turns a burial site into a monument by exceeding the height and bulk and bearing of the structure it covers Secondly in the majority of cases it is architectural in that it resists the downward forces of the colossal stone structure The actual burial site is the nal resting place of the deceased and possesses a varied typology although its origin in the majority of cases is simply an open hollow space bounded by a structure made of large stones Architectural considerations given over to this space vary but are a form of synthesis according to the characteristics of each and from which we can establish the following typology36 Non megalithic tombs Fig 8A These are tombs that share monumental character volume growth but which do not possess a colossal stone architecture to house the deceased Instead they are simply small pits protected or covered by stones or protected by stone walls or even wooden structures They tend to be small monuments which rarely exceed 10 metres in diameter and are known almost virtually in all the areas studied We can cite La Madorra da Granxa 36 Additional references on megalithic architecture in different work areas Blas Cortina 1987 Vivanco 1981 Bueno Ram rez 1988 y 1994 F bregas Valcarce and Vilaseco V zquez 2003 Rodriguez Casal 1979 and 1983 L pez Plaza 1982 Delibes de Castro 2010
58  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  In Galicia32, The Cantabrian Coast and the Western Pyrenees33, monumen...
THE NEOLITHIC IN INLAND AND NORTHERN IBERIA Lugo Galicia Monte Areo XII in Asturias and Trikauaitzi II in Guip zcoa They are also present in the interior where well known examples are El Rebolledo in Burgos La Tarayuela in Soria El Castillejo in Toledo or Dehesa de Rio Fortes in Avila Simple dolmens Fig 8B We consider simple dolmens to be those monuments that have a closed orthostatic chamber under the mound The varieties are enormous from chambers that have a tendency to be square in the Northwest the Cantabrian coast and the Western Pyrenees to those with a tendency to be upright but polygonal also represented in Galica and in Extremadura and some with a tendency to be circular such as in Fuente Pecina 2 in La Lora in Burgos and some Zamoran monuments such as the San Adri n Dolmen in Granucillo Access to these simple chambers is often through a portico which is nothing more than an opening at one end blocked by one or two stone slabs that are smaller than the rest This is the case for the Dolmen at La Capilla de Santa Cruz in Cangas de On s for example Passage graves Fig 8c These include a variety of open megalithic structures that is to say they have a structure tailor made for access Depending on the area they too may be differentiated between short passage graves in which the passageway does not directly connect the funeral chamber to the periphery of the grave and long passage graves where the passageway on the periphery of the mound connects directly with the chamber Among the rst type we can include those passage monuments in which the chamber but for a slight widening is practically a continuation of the passage a type relatively abundant in Galicia However almost all have a chamber that is well differentiated with a small access passage of a lesser height than the chamber The best examples of this type can be found in the group of dolmen in Valencia at Alc ntara Long passage graves on the other hand are the most spectacular monuments as they are much larger for example the tomb at Torrej n in Salamanca that is 90 metres in diameter although less in number These are concentrated in Western Asturias areas around lava Navarra and La Rioja Possibly due to the colossal nature of their bearing it was for a long time believed that these were the only manner of burial of a monumental nature that existed in the Interior This thinking has been completely discounted due to advances in research and the discovery of a large number of small mounds of varying architectural structure However they are the reason why research efforts have been dedicated to La Penillanura in Salamanca La Lora in Burgos and the core sites in Toledo In Galicia and Extremadura the entrance to a passage around the perimeter of the monument of ten contains an atrium or open space in a U or V shape that could have served as a ritual space where celebrations preceding the nal laying to rest of the deceased would take place There are some other notable characteristics for these types of monument such as those seen in the area of Rioja Alavesa and that is the partitioning of the passage with slabs La Cascaja in La Rioja or La Chabola de la Hechicera in lava or the closing of the chamber with a stone slab at the Tremedial grave C ceres Another feature worthy of note at some of the largest passage graves as at the core site at El Tajo and in Extremadura is the presence of raised stone blocks at the entrance or in the middle of the chamber in the style of stelae such as the excellent examples of Lagunita 3 in Santiago de Alcantara or at Azut n and Navalc n in Toledo Special types we include in this particular denomination some not very abundant speci c types in certain areas which by their spectacular nature and rarity are worthy of consideration in this view as general as it is concise We refer to certain covered galleries such as at La Mina de Farangortea in Navarra that has a perforated slab as a gateway to the chamber No less interesting or spectacular is the hipogeo of Longar also in Navarra Fig 8D It is a chamber with an excavated oor with masonry walls covered by a single enormous stone slab Entrance to the burial site is through a perforated stone located at one end of the passageway by way of a V shaped atrium In the sedimentary terrain of the El Duero basin two tombs given the name of Redondiles Los Zumacales in Valladolid and La Velilla Fig 9 in Palencia show a main burial site of a horizontal orthostatic nature not upright that de lineate a perfectly circular space In the second of these monuments covering both the peripheral area and also within the interior of this huge ossuary debris of clay and straw makes us think that the original structure was at and covered by this material Finally a peculiar type of tomb that strikes a chord are those called limekiln graves37 They would have a false dome structure made of at pieces of limestone thought from the beginning to have been used for sealing the tomb by re Current evidence for this is the huge crust of quicklime Fig 8E that seals off the area of collective burial This crust can only have been formed by an intentional re conceived and intended to convert limestone to quicklime in order to seal the burial chamber for eternity Monuments that have been sealed in this peculiar way are found in the sedimentary terrain in the central basin of the Duero El Miradero Valladolid on the border and to the East 37 Rojo Guerra et al 2005 59
THE NEOLITHIC IN INLAND AND NORTHERN IBERIA   Lugo, Galicia , Monte Areo XII in Asturias and Trikauaitzi II in Guip  zcoa....
60 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE A B C D E Figure 8 The most characteristic Megalithic typologies in the Iberian Peninsula A La Tarayuela Ambrona Soria NonMegalithic Tomb B La Pedra de la Arca Malpica de Berganti os La Coru a Simple Dolmen C El Terinuelo Aldeavieja de Tormes Salamanca Corridor Tomb D Hypogeum from Longar Viana Navarre Hypogeum E La Pe a de la Abuela Ambrona Soria Tumba calero References A and C The Author B Cebri n del Moral F Yanez J Leston M Vidal F y Carrera F 2011 The Dombate Dolmen Archaeology Restoration and Architecture Provincial Council of La Coru a p 19 D Author Jesus Sesma E Memory tombs p 8 Fig 8
60  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  A  B  C  D  E  Figure 8. The most characteristic Megalithic typologies...
THE NEOLITHIC IN INLAND AND NORTHERN IBERIA of the same basin the monuments of La Pe a de la Abuela y La Sima 1 in the Ambrona Valley Soria and there are also examples in the Sierra de Cameros La Rioja and El Portillo de los Ladrones that could be of this type The material culture Fig 10 One interesting aspect is that to a certain extent there is some uniformity of material culture throughout this monumental era so that one can compose a kit that is strictly speaking genuinely megalithic It is made up of pottery of largely even nish geometric microliths int blades polished axes and various ornamental objects38 However this homogeneity is disparate in both the overall proportion and relative presence of each type in each region of the Interior and so we can make our analysis by category Pottery As noted in the above pottery is one of the essential elements of the Neolithic pack and one of the keys for interpreting the Neolithic Age We already know of the trend from the second quarter of the 5th millennium cal BC of the disappearance of decorative forms in favour of the maintenance of simplicity of form This trend continues in the pottery that we nd in the Megalithic period An exception to this is in the Northwest where there is a certain abundance of globular forms and simple pro les with some examples showing simple and shallowly inscribed motifs however the rest of the pottery found is a testament to simplicity as decoration is completely absent From the few examples subject to radiometric analysis made in Cantabria and Galicia we can deduce that they have been made using local clays heated on rare occasions in temperatures up to 800 degrees Celsius39 The age of dolmen building covers a long time period but during their use or subsequent re use in its later phase can be found a great variety of decoration as happened in Galicia of pottery inscribed in a measured way or tipo penha that is chalcolithic pottery decorated with comb imprints and painted in the style from Salamanca and in all the sector that has been analysed a pottery that is typically bell shaped The Stone Industry stone objects present in dolmens include the following carved stone some highly reworked and others that are round and functional often used for milling or grinding Within the carved stone industry we nd a few types that con38 39 References on different areas can be found in Cerrillo Cuenca 2005 Gonz lez Cordero 1993 F bregas Valcarce 1990 and 1991 Apell niz 1973 P rez Arrondo and L pez de Calle C mara 1986 Prieto Mart nez et al 2005 Figure 9 Redondil La Velilla Osorno Palencia and bone spatulas On the right female outline Image Museum of Palencia 61
THE NEOLITHIC IN INLAND AND NORTHERN IBERIA  of the same basin  the monuments of La Pe  a de la Abuela y La Sima 1 in the ...
62 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE stantly recur simple and reworked blades are present without exception in practically all megalithic grave goods found in the area of study and in some cases as in Lora in Burgos they exceed more than 50 of all the stone pieces found in the graves They generally do not leave hints or traces as to their use except in the strange case of a group of ve blades intermittently reworked and present on the extreme edge of El Taraluela Ambrona which are considered solely as ceremonial pieces a remarkable discovery due to their having been made in situ as is the case of a group of blades discovered at the core site at Fuente Pecina 240 or another group of blades that were assembled and that appeared together in a speci c sector of the tholos at La Sima 2 With regard to their size conclusions can be made as to their technical ordering and chronology41 We can say that in general they are small In none of the examples do they measure more than 20cm although in some monuments there are blades that t with this category such at Sima 2 where examples measure up to 16cm the two graves at Teri uelo Castraz and Aldeavieja or the castle of Castro Enriquez all of them in Salamanca which exceed 15 cm and of course the magni cent examples in the mound of the Dehesa de Rio Fortes Monte Areo 16 and Dombate Geometric Microliths These are equally common in all Megalithic centres of activity and are associated with the use of scrapers chisels and blades in Galicia and on the Cantabrian coast and have served to de ne a horizon for the archaic use of monuments This horizon is also veri ed by the presence of micro boring techniques in the collection of tombs in the Ambrona Valley and in Rioja Alavesa which testify to the epi palaeolithic origin42 for these types of tools that although in unequal numbers have been discovered in three typical forms segments or half moons triangles and trapezoids In Galicia there is a particular predominance of variations of the trapezoid form of up to 65 of the total sample followed by triangular forms then segments Different techno typological sequences for these types of tools in connection with their polishing and shape have been developed using the following guidelines despite a considerable percentage of the segmented type of microlith particularly in the earliest megalithic horizon at Penillanura Salamanca de ned by the grave of Guijo 1 at Villarmayor or in the megalithic group of La Lora in Burgos more prominence is placed on triangles and trapezoids 40 41 42 Delibes de Castro et al 2003 80 Pelegr n and Morgado Rodr guez 2007 Cava Almuzara 1984 Alegre Frandovinez 2005 with concave cutting edges some of which are considered as a type of cooking implement43 Evolving through time in the Interior alongside more monumental architectural forms we see more triangular forms and particularly trapezoids roughly reworked with straight cutting edges as the predominant forms equal to those found at the Azut n dolmen Toledo Arrowheads although in function microliths could serve well as the point of a projectile44 we refer in this section to chips or small blades made through reworking the surfaces generally dual edged and fully covering their base substrate with simple akes or more elaborate pieces such as embedded tips or triangular convex straight or concave stemmed ns passing through the base of an implement Due to the techniques used for their manufacture these types of pieces have been considered part of the Chalcolithic transition although without doubt they were already present in the nal third of the 4th millennium as attested by those present at the Alav s settlement of San Juan ante Portam Latinam45 Examples feature in graves considered to be from the nal phase of monumental expression such as las Arnillas el Moreco la Nava Alta and some of the most spectacular passage tombs in Salamanca Numerous examples are also known in Extremadura particularly made of slate although also of int and quartz Those with a at base including microliths are considered to belong to the rst phase of use whilst those with a concave base or those with ns and stems above a at or concave base are more recent46 1991 155 Other Stone products with some frequency but in smaller quantities we nd some of the above types especially blades and microliths that are associated with scrapers chisels and blades that in Galicia and on the Cantabrian coast have been used as an argument to de ne the rst megalithic horizon In some areas notably Extremadura and to a lesser extent on both Mesetas discs and pebbles made from limestone slate or schist have been recovered that have been shaped by hammering and can be classi ed as microliths Within the polished stone industry we also include a set of pieces that according to their typology were used as axes gouges hoe blades knives chisels etc In all cases they are pieces used repeatedly that end up as grave goods in megalithic graves where on occasion they are abundant as in El Miradero 43 44 45 46 Delibes de Castro and Rojo Guerra 2002 Gibaja and Palomo 2004 Gibaja 2008 Armendariz Guti rrez 2007 Fabregas Valcarce 1991 155
62  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  stantly recur  simple and reworked blades are present without exceptio...
THE NEOLITHIC IN INLAND AND NORTHERN IBERIA Figure 10 Archaeological materials characteristic of Megalithic funerary offerings in Iberian Peninsula A Blades of int from La Sima tunulus Mi o de Medinaceli Soria B Polished stone axe from La Sima tumulus C Polished stone adze from La Tarayuela tumulus Ambrona Soria D Bone stamps from La Tarayuela tumulus E Charred bone esp tula with idols from La Pe a de La Abuela Ambrona Soria F Geometric microlites of int La Pe a de La Abuela G Necklace beads of type Dentalium La Pe a de La Abuela H Necklace beads of green stone from La Pe a de La Abuela Photos Alejandro Plaza Numantino Museum 63
THE NEOLITHIC IN INLAND AND NORTHERN IBERIA  Figure 10. Archaeological materials characteristic of Megalithic funerary off...
64 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE tremadura Striking cases such as the 54 fragments in Plasencia or the case of the Lagunita 3 tumuli where objects related to offerings were left outside the monument Rarer and centred in Galicia the Cantabrian coast and the Southern Central System particularly in Extremadura we nd the presence of small stone idols reminiscent of human form that are usually found at the entrance or in the atrium of a monument Some have linear decorative motifs as in the examples at Azut n Trincones Paniciegas Parxubeira or the interesting group at Dombate At times they are identi ed as pebble betilos or pebble idols Figure 11 Lime kiln tomb and Tholos from La Sima Mi o de Medina Soria la Tarayuela or la Pe a de la Abuela more than ten examples In Extramadura and Galicia most are made from minerals such as gabbro or slate and of serpentinite in Lora Burgos etc In rare cases they are made from allochthonous raw materials from the area where they are found hornfels and sillimanites from El Miradero and hornfels sillimanites and serpentinite in the tombs in the Ambrona Valley whose source of supply is within a radius of 150km In Galicia it is interesting to highlight a peculiar horizon of pieces containing bi conical perforations which are known as Rechaba and which are associated to similar examples that have appeared in the tumulus at La Dehesa de Rio Fortes Avila47 at La Capilla de Santa Cruz Asturias at the Balenkaleku Dolmen in Navarra and on the Cantabrian coast This peculiar type relate more to a phenomenon of contact and exchange in the bosom of hierarchical societies and are therefore from the end of the Neolithic Age or already in the Chalcolithic In this section Other Stone Products we also include some curious and unusual products such as some functional objects that have lost their primitive use but have been used as grave goods in tumuli This is the case for pieces used for milling and grinding that appeared throughout the megalithic period in Galicia The Basque Country on both Mesetas and in Ex47 Estremera Portela and Fabi n Garc a 2002 C Stone adornments in this category we include objects of a clearly personal nature particularly pendants and necklaces that are present at all megalithic centres Necklaces are made from different materials but those made from thousands of small disc shaped beads of slate that formed part of even more complex necklaces stand out These have been inferred from the discovery of various pieces in the Interior from beads made from dentalium in the grave at Fuentepecina 2 Burgos Throughout Galica and the Cantabrian coast there are frequent accounts of beads made from jet Dombate Larrarte The Villaescusa Cist and from green stone Parxubeira o Aizkomendi amongst others A special mention has to be made of a type of beaded necklace made from beads that could have come from Northern Europe We refer to Amber present in Galicia and The Basque Country in particular at the monument at Larrarte Guip zcoa Beaded necklaces made from lignite bone green stone and shells of distinct typology are found by the hundreds in graves on both Mesetas and in Extramadura The dentalium remains common at La Lora Burgos the centre of the Duero basin and the Ambrona Valley stand out To these we must add a glycimeris shell bracelet found in the passage grave at Cubillejo de Lara Burgos and various beads made from unimportant material in the area of La Velilla Palencia Bone beads are common in Dolmens in the Western Pyrenees Rioja Alavesa and on the Northern Meseta where we also nd multi segmented bone beads Finally we have to mention the discovery of a necklace made up of hundreds of unbaked clay beads at the El Miradero monument Valladolid Within this category of adornments we also include some curious and spectacular objects considered to be symbolic We refer to bone spatulas These are made from sheep tibia and have two well de ned parts a handle and a blade The handle is proximal epiphyseal and part of the diaphysis so characterised because they are frequently decorated with inscribed lines in the simplest examples and in the most extravagant with decorations in relief lacework pat
64  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  tremadura. Striking cases such as the 54 fragments in Plasencia or the...
THE NEOLITHIC IN INLAND AND NORTHERN IBERIA terns and also genuine outlines of the feminine form head and breasts such as the magni cent example from La Velilla that is shown as Figure 9 The blade for its part makes up the rest of the diaphysis and the distal epiphysis and is cut to size and sharpened at its end Leftover remains of ochre so often present provide unequivocal evidence of ritual burial as this red powder was sprinkled over the deceased These have been documented for the rst time at the Kurtzebide tumulus and the grave at San Mart n in Rioja Alavesa and later appearing abundant in the graves in the sedimentary terrain of the Duero basin El Miradero Los Zumacales La Velilla 48 Today we know of examples in many of the megalithic graves of Lora in Burgos in all the monuments excavated on the South Eastern edge of Soria province Ambrona Valley in the main sites close to Sig enza including the area it shares with the Central System whilst also recognising the most southerly example the El Castillejo tumulus in Toledo The Ossuary and Ritual The fact that in some of the areas analysed Penillanuras Zamorano salmantinas Galicia a large part of Extremadura there is acid soil means that organic material has due to PH values been absorbed into the soil structure and as such a great deal of the most important information about megalithic tombs has been stolen from us Complete information can therefore only be provided from monuments excavated in the earth from more alkaline soils In this sense the bibliography associated to rituals and funerary management is concentrated in three sectors of the Northern plateau La Lora Burgos the terrain of the central basin and the Ambrona Valley basin the monuments at El Portillo de las Cortes El Castillejo and Azut n in the Southern Meseta a good number of excavated settlements to the South of the Cantabrian mountains in Rioja Alavesa and the Eastern sector of the Cantabrian coast It is traditionally accepted that a megalith is a tomb for the purpose of burial human burial diachronic in nature that houses remains that over the lifetime of the monument have suffered removal or replacement in a more or less continuous manner including using the tomb for the burial of more recent corpses For this reason it is commonly accepted that the use of the term burial should be replaced by the term deposited or left since strictly speaking the dead have not been buried and covered with earth but left in an empty space Under these circumstances continual visits to the site were common 48 Delibes de Castro et al 2012 in order to remove skeletal remains in which all soft tissue had decayed including the ligaments holding the skeleton together This de nes our approach in general upon nding skeletal remains in an ossuary within a megalithic settlement Fig 12 Classi cation of ossuary as primary burial sites is therefore based on the fact that all parts of the body without exception and including a minimal amount of the smallest bones should be present These circumstances apply as much to the majority of ossuary as they do in Las Arnillas la Velilla la Tarayuela or la Sima 2 Larrarte south Igaratza Los Llanos Pe a Guerra etc Within these graves it is common to see some vestigial connections between joints such as phalanges Finally another fact that corroborates this classi cation is the presence of all parts of the postcranial skeleton in logical proportions On the other hand the diachronic use of many of these graves is evident and well re ected by the interior aspect and contents of many tombs We refer to the fact that it is common to nd that the interior and piles of bones generally long bones or skulls have been reorganised to suggest the need to create new spaces for new depositions To this we should add that large bone collections have been repeatedly found around the perimeter of monuments next to the slabs of megalithic structures Such is the case of the collection of long bones femurs stacked next to the slabs at the chamber of San Quirce or the pile of skulls under cover in the passage at Las Arnillas without the discovery of the post cranial skeletons to which they correspond The continual deposition of corpses in open graves with each new burial caused the displacement of previously deposited bones To this must be added that in certain graves La Velilla El Miradero and La Pe a de la Abuela for various reasons completely anatomically connected skeletons exist in the upper levels of the ossuary therefore the nal depositions which is evidence that at the time of closure by re such as in the case of El Miradero or La Pe a de la Abuela the skeletons showed differing amounts of soft tissue loss suggesting that the closure of the tomb occurred soon after deposition of the nal corpse or corpses49 In the case of La Pe a de La Abuela a large accumulation of larvae were found around bone remains in a large and continuous line that conforms to the area where esh would have been The absence of this evidence in the rest of the chamber tells us that the tomb was closed shortly after the deposition of this last corpse which had not at that time lost its soft esh 49 Stika 2005 295 and Fig 20 65
THE NEOLITHIC IN INLAND AND NORTHERN IBERIA  terns and also genuine outlines of the feminine form  head and breasts  such ...
66 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE In the Castillejo tumulus in Toledo50 one can appreciate certainly from the optimistic interpretation of the records that the original remains were always placed in the same position the traditional foetal position that can also be inferred for the graves at Azut n On occasion51 it has been argued that the deposition of corpses in the tomb happened simultaneously This might be the case at Los Morcales in Barbadillo de Mercado as the original tomb was of a perishable nature a wooden house bounded by trunks sunk into the ground in the interior of which were three corpses occupying a space at the end opposite to the tomb entrance They sit awkwardly on their left side and despite their calcination maintain perfect anatomical connection Despite being close to each other each occupies a differentiated space which makes us discern that their deposition was simultaneous and singular Another consideration for believing that their deposition was of a simultaneous nature is the distribution of grave goods located in close vicinity to the deceased and not in the rest of the sepulchral space although not in connection with any speci c individual In addition to reassembling what we know in large part of the stone industry it gives us leave to consider stone manufacture in situ as appropriate for each occasion the tomb house for the dead sealed by re and later going through a process of restoration of the monument in order to carry out the function for which it was originally conceived by turning it into a territorial landmark within the landscape and culture of the valleys This circumstance is reaf rmed by marking the monument with a sandstone stela menhir that has a visibly pointed end that was still in the centre of the tomb at the beginning of archaeological investigation Another clear example of simultaneous burial is the tomb at San Juan ante Portam Lat nam of hundreds of individuals connected anatomically in which some had arrowheads stuck into their bones Although strictly speaking it is not a megalithic grave but an enclosure under rock dated from the end of the 4th millennium cal BC chronologically alongside some of the most spectacular megalithic monuments52 Another interesting aspect is the use of re as an active and essential part of sealing the tomb a process repeated albeit showing different characteristics in El Miradero La Pe a de la Abuela La Sima I Los Morcales La Tarayuela El Rebolledo and El Portillo 50 51 52 Bueno Ram rez et al 2010 174 Rojo Guerra et al 2002 24 y ss Delibes de Castro 2010 24 Vegas Aramburu et al Dirs 2007 Figure 12 Collective ossuary Reinoso Monasterio de Rodilla Burgos F Cebrian del Moral de los Ladrones The rst three monuments are part of what is termed lime kiln tombs In origin we are dealing with a few stone huts set in a row with each topped by a false dome that is to say a true tholos In all cases they are constructed in limestone as from the beginning they were conceived in order to be burned and so by a process of pyrolysis turn the limestone into quicklime and so seal the dead for eternity Later the tomb is restored as a monument through the construction of a stone tumuli and the placement of an stela menhir at its centre so transforming the monument into a territorial landmark that would transcend time Arousing constant interest is the use of ochre or a similar type of substance with a reddish pigmentation within the megalithic funeral ritual In the Interior of the Peninsula there are good examples of this from the analysis of iron oxide nodules taken from the sites at Los Zumacales El Miradero some dolmens at La Lora Burgos The Ambrona Valley Soria Chan de Armada in Pontevedra and Pe a War 1 and 2 in La Rioja etc Similarly the analysis of red pigment that appears on various bone spatulas at La Pe a de la Abuela and other settlements in the sedimentary basin of the Interior leads us to consider the possibility that these objects served to sprinkle ochre in funerary ceremonies particularly at La Velilla Palencia where the entire ossuary is of an intense reddish color Analysis of this substance showed the presence of cinnabar pulverized in mortars decanted and washed to bring out its vermillion color as at La Velilla grave in Palencia53 53 Mart n Gil J et al 1995 Delibes de Castro 2000
66  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  In the Castillejo tumulus in Toledo50 one can appreciate, certainly fr...
THE NEOLITHIC IN INLAND AND NORTHERN IBERIA Two circumstances combined to make this a rather exceptional nd Mercury sulphide is completely alien to the lithology of the area which means that it had to be imported from at least 150km away as this is where the nearest veins are located the district of Ria o to the North of Le n An important amount has been documented tens of kilos This gives rise to the possibility that this substance was introduced intentionally into the tomb with the aim of preserving the bone remains by preventing degradation by destructive microorganisms Such practices are also used on mummies in certain pre Columbian communities embijadas de Colorado where there are signi cant signs of treatment using mercury sul de Art and Symbolism Megalithic art that during the eighties decade54 seemed to be exclusively focused on the Northwest of the Peninsular is now presented as a generalized phenomenon although there are distinct regional densities While in Galicia the western sector of the Cantabrian coast the Southern Submeseta and Extremadura megaliths are lavishly decorated with paintings or inscribed motifs applied in general to the chambers and passages On the Northern Meseta in Rioja Alavesa and the Western Pyrenees there are also isolated examples In the rst mentioned area we should say that painting is the most common technique used to cover orthostats in chambers and passages Dombate Forno dos Mouros 5 in La Coruna Coto dos Mouros in Pontevedra and Santa Cruz Dolmen in Asturias 55 although it is often combined with engravings The most common forms are triangular or zig zag sinuous and reticulated etc Spaces are often painted in red preferentially appearing as divided into quarters by black lines Color is applied directly to the rock or onto a substance that acts as a surface primer usually a mineral kaolin dissolved in water or some form of animal fat as is evident at the Dombate grave Fig 13 In the Interior we nd that artistic forms are merely symbolic tokens such as anthropomorphous paintings in the Moreco dolmen at Lora Burgos or with zoomorphic motifs suns and tree shapes in the passage of the Cubillejo de Lara grave Burgos Quite different is the situation of the Southern Meseta where almost all the dolmens excavated in the province of Toledo show signs of paintings engravings or sculpture such that decoration in the words of Bueno and others56 can be thought of as a basic component of the megaliths on the Southern Meseta A team of researchers from the University of Alcal de Henares have led a working group that took up the study of Iberian megalithic art using the excavation of the Azut n and Navalc n dolmens in Toledo as the main focus of their activities Their bibliographical references are a must as are the publications published in recent years57 Some of their analyses and proposals are as follows Decoration in dolmens may act as secret territorial markers or as views of daily life the same as for schematic art situated in the open air at the most strategic locations for survival Some are tied into the universal mindset of these populations serving to acknowledge property and probably the safety of movement in the territory and the megalith builders were a part of this routine life Their proposed interpretation of the megalithic is an anthropomorphic one The partitioning of supports in symmetrical bands horizontal and vertical in which acute angular forms zig zags chevrons dominate draws us to similar structures above supported columns So for example plaques from Alentejo and anthropomorphic images were characteristically representations of the people they represented and have close transpositions to the supports of the Azut n and Navalc n dolmens for example Equally the anthropomorphic intention manifests itself in a stelae form trend towards many orthostatic sculptures as for example at Azut n In addition to the symmetric bands mentioned some other artistic themes have circular motifs bowls very common in Azut n Navalc n etc with a variation similar to much less common petroglyph circular motifs with only one recognized example in orthostat 8 at Azut n Both the menhir on the South side of the structure at Azut n and the statue at Navalc n show bowls In the rst case in association to a line that is interpreted as a belt unlike in the second case which is completely covered in bowls Other geometric themes trapezoidal oblong or rectangular shapes are also present at Azut n and are related or occur in parallel to those found in Brittany The study and interpretation of these graphics is required in order to completely reconstruct mega56 54 55 Shee Twohig 1981 Bello Di guez 1994 Carrera Ram rez 2006 57 Bueno Ram rez et al 2005 174 Bueno Ram rez and Balbin Behrmann 1992 1994 1997 2000 y 2003 67
THE NEOLITHIC IN INLAND AND NORTHERN IBERIA  Two circumstances combined to make this a rather exceptional    nd. Mercury s...
68 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE lithic monuments In the words of Bueno and others58 Every one of the supports at Azut n is an stela menhir in its basic con guration as shown by the geometric drawings that cover them and those on decorated plates They probably represent human gures that protected the ancestral remains persevering with the notion of relationships between human form and human sculptured remains re ected closely in the concept of gures for protection in conventional religions Many of the orthostats at the Navalc n dolmen are stela menhir reused to re vindicate a long symbolic tradition At the same time they show a strong connection to examples found in the Algarve suggesting signi cant interaction between Interior and coastal proponents The location of stelae and anthropomorphic menhirs in the entrance of chambers at sites such as Navalc n or Guadalperal re inforces the idea of human gures as protectors of ancestral remains Tomb access Age and Sex Reference to the range of people who had access to tombs is based on the analysis of certain projects59 that provide data on age sex and the number of individuals buried in various megalithic tombs and so we can observe the following pattern Individually children are rarely present but their presence is more striking where noted and on many occasions are referred to in the category Children 2 from 5 to 12 years old Elderly individuals above the age of 40 are also rare and we estimate this to be because this age represented the life expectancy or a little over the life expectancy that could be hoped for in populations The most represented range is undoubtedly that of adults between the ages of 25 and 40 There is a moderate representation of youths between 12 and 25 years old considered normal within the standards of behavior of populations By gender there is a clear predominance of male individuals compared to female which could represent a cultural trait since in graves in which a directly proportional spread of the living community are found there is a relatively unvaried ratio of around 1 1 However at the monument of La Sima 2 the gures are reversed in favor of the female 3 males and 9 females Therefore and with the odd exception men received preferential burial rights that 58 59 Bueno Ram rez et al 2010 180 Velasco V zquez 2005 Nicklisch et al 2005 Figure 13 Megalithic art in the Dombate dolmen Cabana La Coru a References Cebrian del Moral F Yanez J Leston M Vidal F y Carrera F 2011 Dombate Dolmen Archaeology Restoration and Architecture Provincial Council of La Coru a p 235 237 238 show non parity between the sexes among all those who came to bury their dead In this way the ossuary would be the result of an unequivocal expression of intentional funerary practices which favored one sex over the other In general terms we nd the typical characteristics of demographic structure in pre industrial populations where the majority of the population died before reaching adult age or a little after reaching adulthood While it is true that collective opinion agrees that in ossuary there is a complete chaos of bones that generally have no anatomical connections including repeated grave goods in no order or association with any individual it is no less true that under certain circumstances and in certain areas of the Interior evidence is to the contrary Such is the case of the lime kiln tomb at El Miradero Valladolid where under a thick crust of lime the remains of a score of individuals showing perfect anatomical connections is found One of them60 number 7 was an adult male with a great deal of objects Standing out are the 11 bone spatula idols that adorned his head a third of all those found in the tomb and with these int blades geometric microliths an adze more than 4 thousand stone discs 4 dentalium and a barrel of stones that probably formed part of a necklace We are therefore facing incipient symbols of inequality and of breaking tensions in a traditionally 60 Guerra Doce et al 2009
68  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  lithic monuments. In the words of Bueno and others58     Every one of ...
THE NEOLITHIC IN INLAND AND NORTHERN IBERIA egalitarian society possibly divisive at whose core tensions are already being created that preclude more complex social relationships But if these data are interesting they are much more so for the fact that at La Pe a de la Abuela and Sima 2 authentic spatial segregation within the main burial site has been found61 Indeed La Pe a de la Abuela suggests a clear asymmetry in the burial space With reference to the hypothetical tomb entrance to the left various stone structures have been documented that were designated for speci c individual burials in particular two cists and up to six at stone slabs This sector has been called the noble area along the right hand side and central space free from structures and where successive depositions were left in the typical pattern of collective ossuary In the noble area the individually interred are perfectly set between two types of structures cists and at slabs Under some of these slabs the charred remains of genuine matting have been found made of bulrushes and wicker that served as shrouds in which the corpses were wrapped 61 Rojo Guerra et al 2005 Something of a similar nature occurs in the tholos at Sima 2 One of the most striking peculiarities is the presence of two twin cists in the interior of the tholos placed very close to the entrance and attached to the left hand wall of the structure We believe that the form and the structure of this tomb resembles that at La Pe a de la Abuela made in both cases out of sandstone and also share similar meaning in the cultural and ritualistic eld as symbolic settings for ideological discourse that came about in the context of social change evident from the second half of the 4th millennium to the rst half of the 3rd millennium BC Less clear evidence of certain spatial divisions as has also been suggested in the dolmen at El Prado de las Cruces in Avila come from the presence in the chamber of worked blocks or as in the tomb at El Castillejo from the construction of an arrangement of rocks which coincide in the distinct structural bipartition of the interior spaces also documented in the necropolis of arti cial caves in the Valle de las Higueras 62 62 Bueno Ram rez et al 2005 174 69
THE NEOLITHIC IN INLAND AND NORTHERN IBERIA  egalitarian society, possibly divisive at whose core tensions are already bei...
Joan Bernabeu Aub n and Teresa Orozco K hler Mediterranean Iberia in the 4TH and 3RD Millennia The period covering the third and fourth millennia cal B C in the prehistory of the Mediterranean Peninsula is not an easy one to de ne within this broad geographical context If we take into account that the Neolithic economy based on domestic resources developed in the mid sixth millennium B C various kinds of transformation should have left their mark on the archaeological record over the course of a long cycle of nearly two millennia The traditional view is that socioeconomic trends developed towards the end of the Neolithic cycle that propelled the transition towards increasing social complexity that culminated in the crystallisation of hierarchies in the course of the second millennium Evaluating the changes that occurred in the timeframe considered poses certain dif culties in view of the uneven extent and quality of the archaeological record A geographical survey reveals that there was no clear demarcation between cultural areas Fig 1 and highlights a key idea that helps us to evaluate this stage increased interaction and contact on various scales In the following pages we present some general sections below settlement material culture funerary world and symbolism covering the most notable elements in which we take recent studies and approaches into account Pattern of settlement habitat and subsistence The development of open air settlements in river valleys and the use of cavities as places of habitat is attested from the early Neolithic in the Mediterranean region In the north of this area the so called Sepulcros de Fosa pit burial culture or Middle Neolithic can be dated to the fth millennium It is de ned as a period of consolidation and expansion of pastoral communities based on open settlements on the plains B bila Madurell would be an example the abandonment of caves and rock shelters and a characteristic funerary record pit burials Determining when this phase ended is not easy The beginning of a new stage the Late Neolithic can be dated to around the middle of the fourth millennium on the basis of a material repertoire in uenced by developments originating in the south of France1 Traditional interpretations of the pattern of settlement explained the invisibility of the late Neolithic and Chalcolithic archaeological record in terms of the abandonment of large settlements and the intensive occupation of mountain areas Current data shows that there is no clear break in the pattern of settlement the fact is that some Middle Neolithic sites continued to be occupied throughout the fourth and third millennia At the same time new open air sites appeared Camp del Rector2 La Prunera3 Ca L Estrada4 Espina5and Serra del Mas Bonet6are some of those that have come to light as a result of emergency or preventive action The structural elements that appear in the sites consist mainly of negative structures of different morphologies sizes and functions ditches re structures pits silos post holes it is a broad repertoire that coincides with the length of the Mediterranean coast of the Peninsula and which in recent years has incorporated new examples in the south con guring the characteristics of this stage which is more widespread than that supposed not long ago Authentic palimpsests that are dif cult to interpret appear and the horizontal dispersion of structures and or the existence of various periods of occupation sometimes makes it dif cult to determine the sequence of construction use and abandonment In many cases the wide dispersal of remains and structures makes it dif cult to estimate the area occupied by settlements which means they cannot be evaluated and compared Architectural evidence is scarce so it is the re structures and the dispersal or concentration of material remains that allow areas of habitat and activity to be de ned Recent interventions have 1 2 3 4 5 Universidad de Valencia jbauban uv es 6 Mart n 2003 Font 2005 Alcalde et al 2005 Fort et al 2006 Piera et al 2009 Rosillo et al 2012
Joan Bernabeu Aub  n  and Teresa Orozco K  hler  Mediterranean Iberia in the 4TH and 3RD Millennia  The period covering th...
72 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figure 1 Location of sites mentioned in the text 1 Serra del Mas Bonet 2 La Prunera 3 Costa de Can Martorell 4 Ca L Estrada 5 Regueres de Ser 6 Espina 7 Camp del Rector 8 Carrer Par s 9 Riereta 10 Reina Amalia 11 Cova de Can Sadurn 12 Costamar 13 La Vital 14 Ereta del Pedregal 15 Colata 16 Arenal de la Costa 17 Cova d En Pardo 18 Niuet 19 Les Jovades 20 Cova de la Pastora 21 Illeta dels Banyets 22 Tossal de les Basses 23 La Torreta 24 El Prado 25 Camino del Molino 26 Molinos de Papel 27 Casa Noguera 28 Cueva Sagrada revealed the exceptional nature of certain remains such as the large rectangular re structures that have been discovered at Ca l Estrada and Can Piteu whose dimensions morphology and contents have clear parallels with those found in southeast France and which were most probably used for cooking food7 Settlements are not located solely in inland valleys but also in coastal areas which were occupied throughout the fourth and third millennia B C as some urban excavations have shown in Barcelona the structures and materials found at the sites of Riereta8 and Reina Amalia9indicate that they were 7 8 9 Fort et al 2008 Carl s y Gonz lez 2008 Bordas y Salazar 2006 occupied throughout the Late Neolithic when it is thought the ecological environment was highly favourable with nearby freshwater lakes and forestry resources available on the nearby mountain of Montju c The existence of settlements in coastal areas is well attested throughout the region as the sites to the south such as those at Costamar10 La Vital11 and Illeta dels Banyets12 amongst others indicate In the south the extensive archaeological record has been known for some time it reveals a pattern of settlement that is repeated with slight variations 10 11 12 Flors 2010 P rez et al 2011 Soler 2006
72  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figure 1. Location of sites mentioned in the text  1.- Serra del Mas B...
MEDITERRANEA IBERIA IN THE 4TH AND 3RD MILLENNIA alongside the coastal sites already mentioned from the mid fourth millennium cal B C onwards communities occupied large settlements situated in lowlying areas or valley oors next to water courses or near endorheic areas The shared characteristics of all these sites were access to water and the proximity of land suitable for livestock production They are the so called silo settlements whose existence is already documented in previous stages and which became more common in the course of the fourth and third millennium cal B C when they were occupied and new areas were exploited In them the structures excavated silos pits ditches are amongst the best known and visible elements of the archaeological record Colata13 Niuet14 Jovades15 or La Torreta16are some examples Fig 2 This pattern of settlement extends southwards to the Segura river basin and the high plateau of Yecla Jumilla the site ofEl Prado17 It is in the late third millennium with the development of the Bell Beaker horizon that we nd variations in the pattern of settlement at a regional level In the south a model evolved that combined the appearance of hilltop enclaves with extensive visibility over basins and valleys which were presumably used for controlling the surrounding area with open settlements on the plains below which in some cases were a continuation of earlier occupations or were abandoned As in other parts of the Peninsula the existence of pits within enclosures that de ne an area in the landscape existed from the end of the Neolithic until the Bell Beaker horizon18 although we are still a long way from understanding their meaning and function Fig 3 Although only a few have yet been excavated in the Valencian region Niuet La Torreta Arenal de la Costa amongst others a structure of this kind in Ca L Estrada19 deserves to be mentioned where the stretch excavated follows a winding route This settlement pattern not only re ects an increase in the population but also the consolidation of a system of farming that evolved out of bringing new land into use and changing the role of livestock In the Mediterranean world we see con rmation of a varied repertoire of structures used mainly for storage which tells us about the productive practices of these communities that compared with previous horizons demonstrate an increase of agricultural pro13 14 15 16 17 18 19 G mez et al 2004 Bernabeu et al 1994 Bernabeu 1993 Jover 2010 Jover et al 2012 Bernabeu et al 2012 Fort et al 2006 duction sustained over time The carpological data in the regions to the south indicate that from the mid fourth millennium cal B C a reduction in the varieties of cereals cultivated can be detected and these were now mainly common wheat Triticum aestivum durum common barley Hordeum vulgare var nudum andlegumes This reduction was a result not only of environmental conditioning factors but also of the change towards an extensive agricultural mode earlier practices the cultivation of different species were abandoned and work was invested in cultivating two or three species of cereals this must have been compensated by higher yields which allowed the accumulation of surpluses20 The cultivation of vegetable species such as ax Linum usitatissimum for non subsistence purposes is attested at this time it has been found already processed in some funerary contexts It is dif cult to quantify agricultural production but the differences in the storage capacity of silos and their position within a settlement and also the unequal storage capacity of different settlements that can be observed are a response to the conservation of surplus production The management of this surplus re ects the social dynamic of these communities unequal distribution of the structures with the largest capacity both within settlements and amongst hamlets which can be interpreted as intra and intergroup differences As in other areas of the Iberian Peninsula there is an intensi cation of pastoral activity which is quite clear from the mid fourth millennium cal B C onwards This intensi cation was not associated with a particular species but we see a complementary and diversi ed use of the principal domestic species sheep goats cattle suidae sometimes in order to obtain secondary products The variety of species exhumed does not help to establish a general idea of either the livestock population or hunting activities Bone pathologies resulting from their use as draught animals are now well documented in the remains of cattle21 Our knowledge of the architecture of dwellings is very limited and we have a collection of heterogeneous data In general we can say that most of the construction materials wood branches cane held together with mud and the loss of aerial architectural elements walls and roofs show that investment in the construction and maintenance of living space was limited In many cases the archaeological record of huts is de ned by post holes or re structures which mark out approximately elliptical but generally incomplete areas or oor plans 20 21 P rez y Carri n 2011 P rez Ripoll 1999 73
MEDITERRANEA IBERIA IN THE 4TH AND 3RD MILLENNIA  alongside the coastal sites already mentioned, from the mid-fourth mille...
74 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figure 2 Most of the open air settlements have a wide dispersal of features and remains forming an authentic palimpsest Plan of Les Jovades Cocentaina Alicante after Bernabeu et al 2006
74  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figure 2. Most of the open-air settlements have a wide dispersal of fe...
MEDITERRANEA IBERIA IN THE 4TH AND 3RD MILLENNIA 2 3 1 Figure 3 Ditches and ditched enclosures appear in some open air settlements Their dimensions are very varied 1 La Vital Gand a Valencia 2 C La Pau Muro de Alcoy Alicante 3 Tros de la Bassa Planes Alicante Photo authors Occasionally stone foundations are identi ed in the construction of living areas in this stage One of the settlements traditionally known for its stone architecture is Ereta del Pedregal which has rectilinear walls with stone foundations that mark the boundaries of large spaces although it is impossible to determine the oor plan of the structures exactly22 The use of masonry can be seen in Illeta dels Banyets where there is a hut with an oval oor plan built on a foundation of earth and stones recent excavations at El Prado have also brought to light the incomplete oor plan of three roughly oval shaped huts with masonry foundations23 The data are insuf ciently complete to allow signi cant differences to be recognised either at the settlement level or amongst villages in the case of dwellings Specialised crafts exceptional artefacts prestige artefacts It is dif cult to establish anoverall synthesis ofall the characteristics of the material repertoire since different crafts tell us not only about communities technological development but also about their contacts and interactions 22 23 Juan Cabanilles 1994 Jover et al 2012 In the stone chipping industry the features that de ne this stage are the development of laminar production particularly large supports and at retouches which were used to make arrowheads and daggers Fig 4 These items are usually made from high quality int Large int blades are one of the most typical elements of this period and their singular character is de ned both by the high degree of specialisation required in order to obtain them for which reinforced pressure knapping or using a lever has recently been identi ed and by their frequent presence in funerary contexts as part of the grave goods which gives them certain ritual or symbolic connotations24 however it has been shown that many of these tools were used for activities such as working skins butchering animals cutting some kind of mineral material and the use of large akes for reaping and processing cereals has also been documented25 In the Mediterranean world the appearance of large blades is a clearly indication of the circulation of these products We should not lose sight of the fact that at the present time other lithic implements such as polished tools in addition to providing evidence that new types were developed for new activities allow regional and pe24 25 Garc a y Juan Cabanilles 2009 Gibaja et al 2010 75
MEDITERRANEA IBERIA IN THE 4TH AND 3RD MILLENNIA  2  3  1  Figure 3. Ditches and ditched enclosures appear in some open-ai...
76 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figure 4 Large format laminar supports area characteristic element of the ensembles of the IV III Millennium B C Cova de la Pastora Alcoy Alicante Photo O Garc a ninsular interactions to be traced by identifying the raw material26 If we look at the pottery repertoire we can see this stage as a mosaic that reveals relations between the north of the region and southeast France if we take Verazian pottery into account while in the far south it suggests relations with Andalucia taking into consideration such diverse items as painted pottery gypsum vessels and other evidence Between these two extremes a world developed in which plain pottery with open shapes predominated Towards the end of the period with the appearance of Bell Beaker ceramics of an international style we can track a unifying element Recent studies of petroarchaeological characterisation carried out on Bell Beaker pottery both in Catalonia27 and in the Valencian region28emphasise the complexity of the phenomenon by showing that it was also made locally A change in the repertoire of items of adornment can also be seen Interest in variscite fell sharply and broadly paralleled the decline in the working of the Gav mines Personal adornments now tended to be made from other kinds of material shells bone ivory amber jet steatite and metal gold and copper In fact metal has always played an important role in de ning this period the advent of metallurgy long being equated with the birth and growth of social inequality It used to be thought that the lack of metal resources in the area and the technological complexity of working metal ores was the 26 27 28 Orozco 2000 Clop 2007 Molina y Clop 2011 reason why this activity was of little importance in this geographical area where it was only associated with obtaining certain pieces of metal through trade networks Gold is only present in the northeast of the Peninsula where it makes an occasional appearance from the end of the fourth millennium cal B C Gold beads of various types produced using various manufacturing processes found in late Neolithic contexts are interpreted as the result of interactions between this geographical area and the south of France29 The data on copper metallurgy suggest that in this area it originated in the south of France not only because mining had been going on for longer in France but also because of the typological parallels and cultural interactions V raza Tre lles Ferri res and Fontbuisse re ected in the material culture The rst metallurgical production in Catalonia dates to the earlier stages of the Bell Beaker cycle 2800 2350 cal B C and classic pieces appear awls points and at axes amongst other objects The idea of the technological complexity necessary to produce these objects has been resolved simple materials that allowed this material to be processed have been recovered such as pottery kilns or ceramic nozzles amongst other things With regard to the impact of these activities on these societies it is considered that the community as a whole would have taken part in mining and processing the ore obtained from small open cast mines on seams found in the territory whilst the rest of the metallurgical process would be restricted to a speci c group of people 30 29 30 Soriano et al 2012 Soriano 2013
76  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figure 4. Large format laminar supports area characteristic element of...
MEDITERRANEA IBERIA IN THE 4TH AND 3RD MILLENNIA The data recently obtained in the Valencian region give us a fuller picture of the early days of metallurgy providing evidence of other possibilities At La Vital as well as various copper objects raw metal and other remains of metallurgical activities were found in a context that preceded the appearance of the rst Bell Beaker ware The interpretation of the nds made at this site is that the raw copper obtained at the places of production nodules and granules was traded and it was worked in the settlement in this case an analysis of the lead isotopes suggests that it came from other parts of the Peninsula and in particular from the area around Almizaraque31 Although both models suggest small scale activity a domestic industry that left little in the way of remains and was perhaps pursued only sporadically we cannot ignore the fact that metallurgy is an element of social differentiation particularly in the consumption of the pieces produced Fig 5 Another craft that is rarely visible in the archaeological register is the production of cloth The manufacture of both linen and possibly wool is re ected in items such as loom heddles recovered at La Torreta or El Prado In this case it is not the technological complexity of production that makes these nds so striking but the fact that they are made in exceptional contexts forming part of particularly signi cant grave goods as described in the next section These are just some of the examples that show the importance and notable increase of trade between groups at this time An increase in social distance is also seen in the funerary record increasing the perception of the consolidation of certain elites The funerary world If there is one characteristic that broadly speaking de nes the funerary record of the fourth and third millennium cal B C it is multiple inhumation a concept that allows for a very varied repertoire of funerary practices as we shall see below The use of natural caves megalithic tombs or holes amongst other kinds of burials and the development of various rituals makes them dif cult to describe as a group In the peninsular northeast one of the features that characterised the Middle Neolithic was the proliferation of pit burials forming veritable necropolis At this time the construction of the rst megalithic funerary structures began The rite of inhumation individual or double practised is one of the main Figure 5 Flat copperaxe recovered in a burialpit of La Vital settlement Gand a Valencia Photo authors elements that distinguish this period from the Late Neolithic Chalcolithic The construction of megaliths in the Catalan region reached its height at the end of the fourth millennium cal B C with the appearance of the so called developed passage graves or Catalan galleries and during the rst half of the third millennium with the construction of simple dolmens and megalithic cists32 The oor plan and dimensions of these funerary structures are very varied and no clear evolution from one type of burial to another can be clearly recognised In any case all the varieties are intended to receive successive inhumations whether in a primary or secondary rite Hypogea or arti cial caves are perhaps the type of burial that has received most attention in recent years Like megalithic tombs they reached their height in the course of the third millennium cal B C and disappeared at the beginning of the Bronze Age the presence of Bell Beaker pottery in hypogea in the Catalan region is considered a constant33 The types 32 31 Rovira y Montero 2011 33 Tarr s 2003 Tarr s 2003 77
MEDITERRANEA IBERIA IN THE 4TH AND 3RD MILLENNIA  The data recently obtained in the Valencian region give us a fuller pict...
78 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE and dimensions of these structures varies depending on the geographical area and also on the nature of the rock into which they were cut granite sandstone decomposed granite or saul clay These holes reached by a passage or pit are in general small and simple constructions34 In Catalonia they have been located along the coast and the area immediately behind it The best known hypogea are those that have been excavated recently at Costa de can Martorell the inhumation of some 200 individuals most of whom were adults took place over a short space of time35 The paucity of grave goods deposited in this burial is striking they consist almost exclusively of arrowheads displaying impact fractures which suggests an episode of violence In contrast the excavation of the hypogeum atCarrer Par s de Cerdanyola36 reveals more abundant and varied grave goods beside the dead arrowheads plain and Bell Beaker pottery evidence of a change in the ritual The funerary use of natural caves is well known in the Catalan region and is already documented from the beginning of the Neolithic As an example of the use of cavities for this purpose we would mention level 9 of the Can Sadurn sequence where there are some 300 primary and successive inhumations with grave goods that include arrowheads ivory buttons pottery some of it Bell Beaker ware throughout the late Neolithic Chalcolithic The datings obtained from this site situate this long period between the end of the fourth and the rst half of the third millennium cal B C 37The presence of re structures in this level suggests they were used for ritual or puri cation purposes As in other parts of the Peninsula the use of re in burials is well attested in the Mediterranean and sometimes partially affects the human remains Another geographical area in which the funerary record is well known is the central area of the Mediterranean Here too although to a lesser extent the use of caves as a place of burials at the beginning of the Neolithic has been established38 The use of caves for colective burials together with the absence of megalithic architecture are considered characteristics of the fourth and third millennium in the Valencian region The traditional view was that this ritual could be found throughout the Bell Beaker horizon when inhumations began to appear in pits or silos within settlements representing some kind of prelude to the Bronze Age Recent work sheds light on a more complex panorama 34 35 36 37 38 Petit y Pedro 2005 Mercadal 2003 Franc s et al 2004 Mart nez y Edo 2011 Bernabeu et al 2001 In addition to the use of cavities for burials recent work indicates that burials within the habitat were also practised from earliest times to the end of the Neolithic period This simple form of burial is present from the fth millennium B C perhaps reusing structures excavated for some other purpose as can be seen at some sites Costamar Tossal de les Basses39 and La Vital Inhumations in silos or pits in places of habitation coexist with the period of development and use of caves for multiple burials Differences can be seen not only in the type of burial but also in the ritual of deposition In this case burials in excavated structures the ritual identi ed varies most are primary or secondary individual inhumations sometimes inhumations appear virtually complete in othercases they consist of partial remains Neither is it possible to establish a clear pattern in the composition of the materials deposited to accompany the dead Fig 6 In the same territory settlements can be found with burials containing grave goods of some importance for example La Vital while in others Arenal de la Costa deposits are negligible40 Apart from these two extremes the funerary record displays greater complexity on one hand scattered human remains in no particular place and with no grave goods frequently appear in settlements41 on the other the ritual deposit of domestic animals in structures within settlements silos pits alone or accompanying an inhumation is increasingly common Fig 7 Without looking more in greater depth at the meaning of the activities or rituals that led to these deposits we can see that they are becoming increasingly evident in the funerary record of the Iberian Peninsula in the course of the third and fourth millennium In the Valencian region recent excavations of burial cavities such as Cova d En Pardo42 and the reevaluation of multiple burials excavated in the midtwentieth century are providing new insights not only with regard to chronology or burial rituals but also to our knowledge of the osteopathologies and palaeodiet of these populations The initial results obtained underline the value of these lines of research in Cova de la Pastora a collective burial well known since its discovery in the 1940s because of the special type of the cranial trepanning practised a minimum of 59 individuals have been identi ed of which the majority date to the late Neolithic Osteological analysis has highlighted the incidence of pathologies related with oral health caries missing teeth peri39 40 41 42 Rosser 2010 Garc a et al 2013 Bernabeu 2010 Soler 2012
78  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  and dimensions of these structures varies depending on the geographica...
MEDITERRANEA IBERIA IN THE 4TH AND 3RD MILLENNIA Figure 6 In addition to ceramics funerary objects usually have a varied repertoire of ornaments made of bone int amber brown coal among other raw materials Items recovered from the Late Neolithic Chalcolithic burials of Cova de la Pastora Alcoy Alicante Photo O Garc a et al odontitis and clear nutritional de ciencies cribra orbitalia porotichyperostosis an analysis of stable isotopes carried out on the same population sample provides evidence of a terrestrial diet with high levels of animal protein with no indication of marine resources43 results that in principle agree with those obtained for other contemporary European populations on which work is still being done In the far south the funerary world was structured around burials in caves and rock shelters or in megalithic structures without signi cant differences being detected in the contents of these two types of burial Burial in megalithic tombs is linked to the Andalusian region and to the development of the Los Millares culture as certain elements of the material culture show such as gypsum and stone vases and painted ceramics amongst other things And al43 McClure et al 2011 though they are not found outside the western parts of Murcia their coexistence in space with cavities used for burial should be emphasised Although a large proportion of the burial deposits in the Murcian region were excavated many years ago the remarkable nature of some grave goods makes them worthy of mention The nature of the soil gypsiferous loams has allowed the exceptional conservation of organic objects in this area making it possible to recover remarkable pieces in some sites of which Cueva Sagrada is one of the best examples At least three inhumations have been recordedin this cavity accompanied by mats twine and espadrilles made from esparto grass Stipa tenacisima L remains of leather wooden bowls owers and fragments of a linen tunic with evidence of having been dyed deposited folded next to a skull44 The dating obtained 44 Ayala 1987 79
MEDITERRANEA IBERIA IN THE 4TH AND 3RD MILLENNIA  Figure 6. In addition to ceramics, funerary objects usually have a varie...
80 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE heads and other items made of int very few metal objects 17 awls a point and a copper tanged dagger In addition to the multiple inhumations there are also funerary deposits within the habitat area using storage structures silos as documented in the settlements of Casa Noguera and Molinos de Papel47 Current work will certainly not only increase current data but will also open up new research perspectives on the funerary world The expression of ideas the symbolic and ideological repertoire On the Mediterranean seaboard we nd a diversity of symbolic expressions and elements of material culture that enable us to discover not only the extent of contacts and interactions which help to de ne the limits of various territories but also an insight into the ideological world of the communities that inhabited the area Figure 7 Complete bovid placed in a pit near a women burial at La Vital Gand a Valencia This kind of ritual deposits are becoming better known in Mediterranean Iberia during IV and IIIrd Millennia BC Photo authors puts these nds in the last quarter of the third millennium cal B C 45 Current research also shows a wide variety of rituals in the Chalcolithic funerary record of this area Amongst recent interventions we would mention the exceptional character of Camino del Molino a cavity in which a multiple burial was found containing at least 1300 individuals with ages extending to all segments of the population with few objects deposited as grave goods and accompanied by 50 canines46 It is an immense record whose study will enable some of the lesser known aspects of a multiple burial such as the minimum number of individuals to be de ned and the association of much of the material culture phases of use and the process of deposition of deposits and subsequent manipulations to be understood providing a very detailed picture of ritual aspects The initial datings indicate that Camino del Molino was used over a period of some 350 400 years in the rst half of the third millennium cal B C In view of the number of inhumations the scarcity of grave goods recovered in this deposit is striking a few polished axes arrow The recent appearance in the northeast of singular elements of megalithic art should be emphasised stelae and menhir statues some with anthropomorphic features These manifestations are an expression of European sculpturein the late Neolithic Chalcolithic and have been found in burial contexts and the principal megalithic centres and also in places of habitat48 The assemblage of anthropomorphic stelae of Regueres de Ser the stelae of Serra de Mas d En Bonet and the menhir statues of Ca l Estrada and Pla de les Pruneres the latter with schematic anthropomorphic features indicate a panorama of increasing complexity and although they are clearly symbols with their own particular character they share features with other nearby gurative groups49 At Serra de Mas d En Bonet the fragmentary remains of six stelae were discovered in habitation structures Their peculiarity lies in their morphology trapezoidal and the presence of two appendices or horns carved at one end The possibility that they served some practical purpose has been discounted and they have been interpreted as images of bulls50 Current research in this region is focusing on establishing the connection between open air settlements and megalithic tombs and also the role played by carved rocks and menhirs as territorial markers In the south one of the examples that is being examined in order to analyse not only contacts but also symbolic manifestations are eye motifs which 47 48 45 46 Eiroa 2006 Lomba et al 2009 49 50 lvarez y de Andr s 2009 Tarr s 2011 Moya et al 2010 Rosillo et al 2010
80  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  heads and other items made of    int, very few metal objects  17 awls,...
MEDITERRANEA IBERIA IN THE 4TH AND 3RD MILLENNIA are expressed in very different ways This symbol appears on various kinds of movable elements bone ivory wood limestone slate pottery etc and on gures painted in caves and or carved on megalithic monuments showing a similar design eyes and facial tattoos which are interpreted as representing the same concept or ideogram Fig 8 Their distribution links a vast territory that covers much of the Iberian Peninsula throughout the third and fourth millennia from the southwest Portugal to the Mediterranean and central region and also testi es to the movement and exchange of objects the circulation of information through contacts made possible by local and distant communities sharing a common iconographic repertoire This underlines how important it is to extend our knowledge of the various networks that operated on different scales through which ideology also circulated and penetrated different territories and evaluate their scope in the processes of cultural change Exchange networks and contacts can be traced on different scales and levels People and objects sometimes everyday tools in other cases exceptional crafted items and very possibly a more extensive repertoire of goods that have left no trace in the archaeological record would have travelled along them In the northeast of the Peninsula there is evidence of relations with the south of France but also southwards as the circulation of polished tools indicates in the same way interactions can be traced between the Valencian region and the southeast right from the beginning of the Neolithic51 This long period of time would have seen the creation of interpersonal links the de nition and establishment of identities and the construction of alliances but also the establishment and maintenance of inequalities as re ected in the consumption of prestige goods of restricted use The uidity of these relations is a re ection of the variety of objects technologies knowledge and peoples that formed these networks Increasing our knowledge and understanding of them with give us a broader view of these communities 51 Orozco 2000 Figure 8 Chalcolithic eye idol Ereta del Pedregal Navarr s Valencia Photo courtesy of Museu de Prehist ria de Val ncia 81
MEDITERRANEA IBERIA IN THE 4TH AND 3RD MILLENNIA  are expressed in very different ways. This symbol appears on various kin...
Francisco Nocete Southern Iberia in the 4TH and 3RD Millennia Cal BC Introduction The period between the 4th and 3rd Millenniums BC BCE in the Iberian Peninsula de nes a historic unit a longue dur e that is crucial and essential to any understanding of the ensuing historical development of the Iberian Peninsula and Western Europe and to any re ection on its present and future This by virtue of the emergence of the rst so called complex economic and political societies and with this one of the greatest ruptures in the history of humanity and the start of a historic process that would lead to the forms and contents of modern society the origin of the State The period would also give rise to the main contradictions still abounding today in a process that would set gender class and territories in confrontation and set society itself against nature and one that evidently requires both explanation and transformation This longue dur e laid and subsequently strengthened the foundations of the agrarian economy and saw the emergence of the rst large concentrations of stable populations together with the rst specialised craft and mining sectors the large scale circulation of raw materials and goods the monumentalization of space tombs and cities and the rst regional centres of political power It was also the scene of the rst environmental impacts and disasters caused by society deforestation pollution the beginning of the unequal development of territories communities and people the appearance of social forms and relations based on inequality and exploitation as well as the rst explicit means of violence destruction and coercion weapons strongholds However the fact that the development and magnitude of these changes were not uniform over time or space and did not affect all societies to the same extent though none of these would remain untouched this analysis rather than providing a purely descriptive narration of this diversity shall then give precedence to those cases that reveal the rst symptoms of this transformation as these are the only means of explaining the potential causes of their appearance Universidad de Huelva nocete uhu es the circumstances where these did not occur the relation between both situations and the processes that led to the shaping and subsequent incorporation of all other societies One of these perhaps the rst in Western Europe and hence a case in point is to be found in the Southern Iberian Peninsula However the archetypal nature of the Southern Peninsular goes beyond the identi cation of the rst and more complex forms of social organization in 4th 3rd Millennium BC BCE Western Europe Here the variety of ecosystems coasts marshes ood plains valleys mountains etc allows an evaluation of the environmental impact the existence of one of the major sources of agrarian resources the Guadalquivir Valley and Western Europe s most important ore resource the Iberian Pyrite Belt all allow examination of the extent of farming and mining escalation and their interaction in the process and its location at the crossroads of the Atlantic and Mediterranean and between Europe and Africa allow an analysis of the form and extent of external factors However over and above all these factors the archetypal nature of the area lies in the quantity and quality of empirical documentation and models of interpretation that have been produced as a result of a profound transformation of its archaeology over the last 30 years The last two decades of the 20th century and the start of the 21st century have marked the beginning of this transformation overcoming the history of cultures tradition with new schools of thought Functionalism Historical Materialism etc new substantive theories cross cultural pristine states initial class society core periphery relations etc and above all new modes of empirical assessment extensive evacuations territorial analysis which have allowed the incorporation of the records of the Guadalquivir Valley and the south western Iberian Pyrite Belt within a debate traditionally maintained in the Southeast and Los Millares and the ensuing recognition of a far more complex system 1 However the most recent years of the 21st century with Spain and research in general in full recession have proved particularly crucial 1 Chapman 2008 Nocete 2001
Francisco Nocete   Southern Iberia in the 4TH and 3RD Millennia Cal. BC  Introduction The period between the 4th and 3rd M...
84 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figure 1 Location of central settlements of the main territorial nesting systems 3300 2500 AC ANE in the South of the Iberian Peninsula documented by extensive excavations and systematic analysis Iberian Piryite Belt Area 1 Cabezo Jur Bajo Guadalquivir 2 Valencina and 3 Carmona Alto Guadalquivir 4 Alcores and Albalate 5 beda Southeast 6 Los Millares In spite of falling between the rock of the cutbacks and the hard place of certain lobbies both inside and out of government who on confusing History with personal histories and Heritage with their own have changed public debate in to some sort of cultural speculation that allows the destruction of archaeological records when this comes into con ict with urban speculation and where emphasis is only given to the conservation restoration historical false and reinterpretation from the symbolic speeches made of early 20th century archaeology vintage symbolism of its most monumental elements artistic or astronomical megalithomania to create staged and complacent speeches of past glories targeted at institutional promotion or tourist business investigation focused on interdisciplinary archaeological studies has generated a volume quantity and quality of empirical documentation that has allowed the resizing of both technological scales and the evaluation of its environmental and social effects and above all the interpretative scales to establish veri able age space interaction correlations The establishment of highly variable radiocarbon dating in the main types of 3rd 4th millennium BC BCE settlements and territories in the South Iberian Peninsula2 has allowed a more precise evaluation of the historical process In terms of diachrony by identifying the emergence and development of the rst complex social systems in alluvial valleys and with respect to synchrony by putting an end to the evolutionist tradition that organized the complexity of 2 C mara et al 2012 Molina et al 2004 Nocete et al 2010 2011 sites by age and one that instead acknowledges the unequal development of societies At the same time and in correlation with the analysis of raw materials this has allowed the redimensioning of time and space scales with respect to the movement of goods and intersocial interaction on identifying direct relationships between settlements and recognizing the existence of regional supra regional and transcontinental connections This has similarly made it possible to identify direct relationships between social models that illustrate varied forms of development and show the presence of hierarchical relationships and the technical and territorial dependence or division of labour An archaeological periodization may then be proposed prioritizing the processes of change of the more dynamic societies of the South occupying the alluvial valleys and the effects generated by the same with respect to other groups developing around them and one that attempts to summarize the social periods of the historical process making up the longue dur e of the 4th to 3rd Millenniums BC BCE in the Southern Iberian Peninsula 3800 3200 BC BCE The origin of the earliest forms of political organization As from the 6th Millennium BC BCE there are signs of uneven development between those societies living in the caves to the south and those occupying outside settlements in areas with known and constant resources or in ecotones with diverse resources such as the marshes of the Atlantic coast This in view of the growing social complexity of this latter society as implied by the start of concentrations of population or the erection of the rst menhirs that would de ne these as tribal societies organized through totemic lineages However the fragile nature of these systems shown by the lack of continuity of the population concentrations over time and a limited capacity to produce durable and storable surpluses meant that this uneven development would not be fully materialized until the start of the 4th Millennium BC BCE and once the foundations for an agrarian economy had been set in place and once these societies had embarked on the systemic conquest of the alluvial valleys While the current state of research does not allow us to conclude whether the changes in the social structure relationships and contradictions of the rst lineage based societies led to the conquest of the alluvial valleys population growth predictable and sustainable surpluses or whether the conquest of the alluvial valleys led to social transformation it is certain that by 3800 BC BCE the equal develop
84  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figure 1. Location of central settlements of the main territorial nest...
SOUTHERN IBERIA IN THE 4TH AND 3RD MILLENNIA CAL BC Figure 2 Forti cations of the Los Millares settlement Photo M A Blanco Cabezo Jur Alcores and La Junta Phot Grupo MIDAS III Milenio ment of societies had ended and a new process had started leading to the rst political structures Running from West to East pollen analysis taken from sample columns at Villa Real de Santo Antonio in Portugal Mari L pez in Huelva Laguna Medina in C diz Siles and Pontones in Ja n Baza and Laguna de R o Seco in Granada San Rafael and Sierra de Gador in Almer a3 show that following the mesophillic Holocene Optimum 7500 5000 BP there was with a gradual xerophilic adaptation of the landscape that would progressively extend throughout the uvial valleys until reaching the lands towards the interior by the start of the 3rd Millennium BC BCE Here the presence of plantago and rumex the increase in ruderal species and the reduction in pine with the progression of cerealia show that the climate was not the determining factor in the change of the vegetation and that this was instead the result of social factors and ever more extensive and intensive farming as re ected by the increased phytoplankton and erosion rates in the estuaries The coincidence between these processes and the increasing intensity and direction of occupation throughout the alluvial valleys lends further weight to this possibility as does the colonizing process itself which was started and was particularly intense at the main basin the Baetic Depression Archaeological records of the4 point to their links with agricultural economies in conjunction with a fully consolidated management of plants and animals However the con rmation of this process has been provided by the systematic study of pollen carpological archaeozoological and chronological records of the uninterrupted sequence of settlement at beda Ja n 5 as from the second quarter of the 4th Millennium BC BCE that point to the correlation between the constant presence and growth of the settlement with the increased level of agricultural activity and deforestation throughout the 4th 3rd 2nd and 1st Millenniums BC BCE As opposed to this another long and parallel sequence as found at the settlement of Montefrio 4 3 Carri n 2012 Fletcher et al 2007 5 Nocete 2001 Nocete et al 2010 85
SOUTHERN IBERIA IN THE 4TH AND 3RD MILLENNIA CAL. BC  Figure 2. Forti   cations of the Los Millares settlement  Photo M.A....
86 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Granada 6 shows the other face of unequal development small semi troglodyte farming communities in the Baetic Mountains with a limited in uence on their surroundings and where the technological and social changes witnessed throughout the 4th and 3rd Millenniums BC BCE in the alluvial valleys had a limited and late impact if any at all However the process that started in the large alluvial process gave way to other processes First a tendency towards population growth and concentration in stable and long lasting settlements and with it the availability and movement of a workforce towards non agricultural production sectors Second a tendency to strengthen the position of the community with respect to outsiders through proprietorial and territorial deterrents as by the burial of animals and ancestors within near the settlements and the building of defensive trenches in the face of external con ict Third a tendency towards the development of biological and local lineages differentiated in the forms and distribution of room and burial areas as well as in the progressive replacement of individual burial by collective ossuaries of the group fact that will lead to increased competition and internal con ict Fourth a tendency to concentrate farming on predictable durable and storable products such as barley and the management of domesticated animals pigs sheep goats cattle and horses that in addition to providing regular supplies of meat could also provide associated products such as dairy produce and wool etc while also serving as draft animals and adding further stability growth and organisational complexity Fifth the increased circulation of raw materials and or manufactured products from the mountains bordering the alluvial valleys to offset the lack of materials required for farming tools mills hoes scythes etc craft instruments drills chisels etc and the tools required for the manifestation of social relationships ornaments large sculptures and idiomorphic representations which promotes integration between communities and territories The ensuing development and interrelation during the 4th Millennium BC BCE would in uence 6 Molina et al 2004 the evolution of the forms ways and limits of social relationships On the one hand these led to the appearance of the rst political forms in the valleys and where increased farming and the formation of independent settlements led to competition for control over the territory the labour force and the external networks of raw materials and products On the other a gradual transformation of the surrounding societies especially those located at the source of raw materials and or circulating products led to the technical and territorial division of labour and new production methods and relations Finally the emergence towards 3200 BC BCE of plurilocal political systems based on the hierarchy between settlements and where the differences between communities and lineages would become increasingly larger as a result and cause of the provision of the main source of production the human work force a monopoly over the movement of raw materials and the derived artisan economies and the means of coercion ideological propagation and destruction defence and repression 3200 2500 BC BCE The rst hierarchal territorial systems The chronological sequences of pollen columns in the South of the Iberian Peninsula show an exponential acceleration of the social impact on the environment as from 3200 BC BCE The extension towards the inter uvial territories of west Andalusia Sierra de Gador or Baza high plateau and the Southeast Iberian Pyrite Belt and increased presence in the valleys led to an increased rate of erosion and the formation of coastal spits and bars in the drainage basins However this process involved more factors than a simple increase in agricultural land To one extent the pollen carpological archaeozoological and pyrolitic analysis of storage vessels found at the valley settlements show the development of more diversi ed ef cient and intensive systems of farming with the presence of vitis olea poaceae quercus evidence of cereals and legumes which suggest complex production systems such as crop rotation the colonization of new lands the use of bovids as draught animals or the increase in secondary products such as malt essential oils dairy products and textiles In addition to which the appearance of hierarchical territorial systems around large settlements 10 ha provided with complex defence systems and in certain cases cemeteries arranged around monumental tombs such as those at Millares Alme
86  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE   Granada 6 shows the other face of unequal development  small semi-tro...
SOUTHERN IBERIA IN THE 4TH AND 3RD MILLENNIA CAL BC Figure 3 Necropolis of Los Millares Photo M A Blanco chamber and corridor in the passage grave of la Pastora Valencina Photo MA White and original mound of tomb 1 of Soto Phot Group MIDAS III Millennium 87
SOUTHERN IBERIA IN THE 4TH AND 3RD MILLENNIA CAL. BC  Figure 3. Necropolis of Los Millares  Photo M. A. Blanco   chamber a...
88 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE competitive tribal system and approaching more tributary and classist relations of a incipient form of state9 Figure 4 Metallurgical furnace of Cabezo Jur Phot Grupo MIDAS III Milenio ria in the southeast7 or Valencina Seville Carmona Seville and Albalate Alcores Ja n in the Guadalquivir Valley 8 show that the economic intensi cation was related to a profound transformation in the form and scale of social organization The varying sizes and approaches to the forti cations of these settlements arranged as territorial networks their central position on the best lands and in enclaves that could be better defended and watched over and the appearance of settlements that were specialized in territorial control suggest a qualitative change with respect to the preceding model Over and above the de ance of the community with respect to the outside world the internal distribution of surpluses and workforce point to unequal development and con ict in the valleys and the use of disuasory not purely symbolic and effective forms of supralocal politics based on hierarchy and external control with respect to other communities of the territory and the workforce itself However the unequal access of the residents of the settlements organized by intersocial networks to the means of defence walls the rst large visible and monumental burial constructions and the consumption and storage cisterns storehouses of food and craft products and particularly those produced outside the settlement clams sea sh ivory etc suggest that this unequal development con ict and hierarchical structuring within the society was also the cause of territorial hierarchization This then going beyond the dynamics of a simple and 7 8 Molina y C mara 2005 Nocete 2001 However one of the contradictions of these hierarchical systems and namely the constant demand for products from the outside would lead to its greatest transformation as a result of the new social forms and relations created due to this demand Those societies set in the outer lying areas of the valleys and where these products originated would see the emergence of communities specialized in mining mines quarries and production processes In the valley societies the appearance of new craft sectors and new social relations associated with their organization and administration and which would further consolidate these differences internal and external by further extending the control over and among individuals and settlements in accordance with their capacity to create farming surplus and control the circulation networks In addition to these factors the emergence of forms of interaction based on the technical and territorial division of work and the development at a peripheral position to the valleys and at the gateways to the sea as the main route of communication of the major settlements of each system Millares on the Mediterranean and Valencina on the Atlantic by converting these into ports gateway for the entry and departure of products and raw materials This process which is documented by the mining of stone from the int formations of the Baetic Systems and in the chert and tuf te of the Southwestern Pyrite Belt 10 reached it maximum complexity and social impact with the development of metallurgy Metallurgy led to the emergence of a production system whose very maintenance farming and forestry surplus etc and technical complexity mining pyrotechnics etc would in itself hasten the development of the productive forces The multiplying effect would be noted in other production areas such as those related to stone working bone ivory working pottery or textile work on providing these with more ef cient tools However its main contribution and one that would convert this into the main strategic sector and the benchmark of social complexity would be that developed in the political sphere on creating more complex and dependent social relations and one serving as a motor for further inequality in and among settlements and creating products as symbols of status such as copper weapons or gold ornaments 9 10 Molina et al 2004 Molina y C mara 2005 Nocete 2001 Mart nez et al 2012 Nocete 2004
88  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  competitive tribal system and approaching more tributary and classist ...
SOUTHERN IBERIA IN THE 4TH AND 3RD MILLENNIA CAL BC This all meant that in spite of more intensive production by the end of the 4th Millennium BC BCE in the outer lying mining areas to the alluvial valleys such as the Southwest Pyrite Belt by the start of the 3rd Millennium BC BCE this would end up being controlled through the political action of those receiving these products This is demonstrated by the progressive transfer of raw materials and the development of metallurgic activity in all the large settlements in the Southeast and the Guadalquivir Valley and show that the scale of supplies and the intensity and technical complexity of production would depend on the capacity to create surplus the relevance of the settlement s leaders and their positioning in the territorial hierarchy rather than on the distance of these sources of supply 11 In the Guadalquivir Valley the main centres of highly hierarchical organized territories such as Carmona were the forerunners of this activity and introduced supply systems from various different sources together with ef cient technology in the form of furnaces tuy res and crucibles and specialized production areas To the contrary other cases such as beda set in less hierarchical territories would start this activity much later and organize supplies through one speci c source and use simple production techniques without furnaces tuy res or crucibles and domestic scaled production areas Finally the settlements set at the bottom rung of this territorial hierarchy would have no access to these raw materials and would only develop activities related to the maintenance and recycling of artefacts This then led to the unequal development of the Southeast and Southwest of the Iberian Peninsula on converting the area incorporating the main mining district of Western Europe the Iberian Pyrite Belt the main alluvial valley to the south Baetic Depression and the main interior waterways Guadalquivir River and shipping route Atlantic Ocean into an area of greater innovation intensity and complexity in terms of metal production and with this that of social relations In the Iberian Pyrite Belt the mineral resources were controlled and managed in a more complex specialized and intense manner that in any of the other mining districts in the south of the Iberian Peninsula and in Western Europe in general This complexity and specialization was brought about by a technical and territorial division of labour organized from a forti ed network of settlements aimed at controlling the movement of resources such as La Junta 0 25 ha and factories such as Cabezo Jur 2 ha 12 organized to transform massive mineralization copper and alluvial deposits gold by extraction technology consisting of furnaces tuy res crucibles and temperatures in excess of 1200 C and the manufacture of artefacts in complex chain operations mechanical and heat treatment 13 This intensity is shown by the rapid and almost complete deforestation of the area as recorded by pollen columns and even more so by the regional levels and scales of pollution registered in molluscs and sediment throughout the drainage basins 14 The lack of similar indicators in the eastern area of Andalusia up to the start of the 2nd millennium BC BCE con rm both the degree of specialization and intensity as well as the unequal development of both territories The largest settlement 300 ha in the south of the Iberian Peninsula was formed at the mouth of the Guadalquivir following its conversion into the main port gateway of entry for raw materials of supraregional origin tuf te chert oolitic silici ed limestone cinnabar marble fossil ivory copper gold amber etc and transnational origin ostrich eggs African and Asian elephant ivory etc and in a centre of intensive and specialized transformation of these raw materials into products Metallurgy was the most important of all these production sectors by scale complexity intensity specialization and its affect on all other production areas and this activity has been recorded in most of the settlements ranging from purely domestic production to entire districts providing specialized production and equipped with their own technical spatial work areas and a technology furnaces tuy res crucibles similar to those identi ed at the factories in the Pyrite Belt mining district However the systems of supply of raw materials and the production from these artisanal districts point to more complex and intensive procedures 15 including the production of gold metal 16 Isotopic analysis of the minerals reveal multiple storage on a regional scale that affected all the sources of supply within a radius of 100 km and with a residual waste far higher than that recorded anywhere else in Europe 17 The result of all this industry was seen in all manner of products ranging from domestic artefacts needles punches knives and tools for other economic sectors hooks chisels saws to the manufacture of products of social standing such as weapons spears large axes and gold ornaments This similarly led to a capacity to attract other highly specialized craft sectors that were provided with the necessary 13 14 15 11 12 Nocete et al 2011 Nocete 2006 Nocete et al 2011 16 17 Bayona 2008 S ez et al 2003 Delgado et al 2012 Leblanc et al 2002 Nocete et al 2005b Bayona 2008 Inacio et al 2011 Nocete et al 2008 Nocete et al 2014 Bougarit 2007 89
SOUTHERN IBERIA IN THE 4TH AND 3RD MILLENNIA CAL. BC  This all meant that, in spite of more intensive production by the en...
90 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figure 5 Tuy re 14 cm from a metallurgical context of Cabezo Jur Photo F J Nocete Figure 6 Crucible 16 cm from a metallurgical context of Cabezo Jur Photo F J Nocete tools as is the case of workshops dedicated to the transformation of Asian elephant ivory 18 and ivory products manufactured in the artisanal district19 found exclusively in central tombs also points to the presence of an institutionalized economic and social system aimed at reproducing and perpetuating social differences as both the products and the craft sectors producing the same were assigned to this function monopolized by the social minority A residential context set at the centre of the settlement and removed from the artisanal districts similarly suggests that this system was based on a form of exploitation in which a social group that did not participate in any part of the production a non producer had access to gold production for the purposes of accentuating and perpetuating social differences as well as that of copper three axes with a weight of over 4 kg that would serve as a demonstration of force and violence 20 However the greatest transformation caused by these highly specialized artisanal systems whether directly or indirectly associated with metallurgy occurred in the social sphere on the creation and reproduction of the more complex vertical and unequal social relationships of the south of the Iberian Peninsula Full time metal production in specialized factories far removed from purely subsistence production such as Cabezo or the metal producing district of Valencina not only accelerated the development of social complexity by requiring more complex forms of political organization to regulate the technical and territorial division of work that gave meaning and sustenance to the same but completely transformed society by establishing and reproducing on this basis the classist and exploitation relations of a edgling state In Valencina the variability of its funerary systems and their relation with the products produced in these craft sectors point to a social distance and dissymmetry that goes beyond the simple hierarchical relation between lineages As opposed to the burial systems within the settlement housing the ossuaries of generations of men women and children the construction outside the settlement of visible necropolis set around large monumental tombs tholoi such as those at La Pastora Matarrubilla Ontiveros and Montelirio did not only give way to public spaces of political power on exhibiting through monumental and spatial manifestations a model of social relationships that surpassed the structures group gender age etc of lineage in favour of prominent individuals The presence of gold In factories such as Cabezo Jure that depended on the exterior for essential supplies the classes and exploitation relations were even more explicit antagonistic and con ictive as the non producers on holding complete control over the storage storehouses cisterns of foodstuffs held total command of the entire production process by disposing of both the means of subsistence of the producers and the means of circulation of their products This then gave them access to three times the amount of food of any of the metal craftsmen and the exclusive access to both internally produced goods gold and those from the exterior clams essential oils limestone cups etc that further accentuated the social differences However this also forced them to reserve means of destruction weapons and to reside in strongholds at the highest point of the settlement 21 19 20 18 Nocete et al 2013 21 Nocete et al 2013 Nocete et al 2014 Nocete et al 2014 Nocete 2006
90  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figure 5. Tuy  re  14 cm  from a metallurgical context of Cabezo Jur  ...
SOUTHERN IBERIA IN THE 4TH AND 3RD MILLENNIA CAL BC Another characteristic of this process and one that would have great consequences in their ensuing development was its expansive nature and tendency to build systems of increasingly larger territorial interaction While the methods of supplying workforce and raw materials suggest the presence of hierarchical but independent political units the appearance of large entry port gateway settlements such as Valencina or Millares and the circulation of products and raw materials that these generated point to their open nature and the overlapping of large networks of interaction These eventually became large systems that would have control over their products and the reproduction of each political unit The largest of these was that developed after Valencina in the Southwest and Lower Guadalquivir on directly incorporating on a supraregional and hierarchical scale both the other hierarchical systems in the Valley and the mining territories on the outskirts The scale of circulation of raw materials related to this intensive metal production in itself reveals an area of economic in uence over a radius in excess of 100 km This expansion could well have led to the network of small forti ed settlements between this centre and the smaller political systems that emerged in the Guadiana to the west in Torrao to the north in Pijotilla and in the Algarve in Alcalar 22 and which suggest the presence of possible borders However if these did exist they would have been readily passable as these did not impede the intense circulation of certain products that would affect all the hierarchical centres in the South and particular their dominant groups and would lead to the establishment of common signs of identity toloi products and iconography and the creation of larger intersystemic networks Proof of this may be found in the presence of larges blades of tuf te at the Pyrite Belt quarries at Millares and La Pijotilla or the enormous and intersystemic distribution of larges blades of oolitic silici ed limestone of the Subbaetic 23 Within this open and expansive structure we may also include the distribution of African and Asian ivory24 Associated to this fact is the opening up to other extracontinental systems in which Valencina would take a relevant and active position as instead of having access to manufacture products it would have access to raw materials and became a centre of manufacturing and distribution 22 23 24 Nocete 2001 Lozano et al 2010 Nocete et al 2005a Schumacher 2012 Figure 7 Gold casting spill 6 mm from Valencina Photo F J Nocete However this expansive action went beyond the mere circulation of products The hierarchical structure and technical and territorial division of labour implemented by these systems also led to a spatial process of relations and contradictions between the centre and the periphery This process explains the gradual transformation formation of systems of lineage increased inequality peripheral hierarchies documented by the megalithic necropolis of the societies located in the outerlying area25 their relations integration resistance marginalization with the process and nally their collapse 2500 2200 Cal BC BCE Crisis collapse and transformation The end of the rst territorial hierarchical systems Radiocarbon dating shows that in 2200 BC BCE the two largest settlements holding control over the territorial organization of the Southeast and Southwest Valencina and Millares had collapsed through different processes However this was neither the result nor the effect of particular natural catastrophes of earthquakes or tsunamis26 though if their scales ate correct these would have undoubtedly contributed to the same The parallel collapse of the large settlements of the Guadiana and Algarve27 and their relation with the crisis processes that preceded that of Millares and Valencina together with the fact that the social forms and organizations that had led the historic development over the 2nd millennium BC BCE in the South now began to emerge in their peripheries all show that their collapse was as much to do with the limits 25 26 27 Nocete 2001 Nocete y Peramo 2010 Abril et al 2013 Molina y C mara 2005 Nocete 2001 91
SOUTHERN IBERIA IN THE 4TH AND 3RD MILLENNIA CAL. BC  Another characteristic of this process and one that would have great...
92 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE and contradictions of the systems established by Millares and Valencina as the very system itself Around 2500 BC BCE and after reaching its maximum development a complete transformation of its ideological system related to the disappearance of the so named symbolic pottery appearance of maritime bell beaker pottery and the escalating defensive activity in the settlement and the surrounding forts marked the start of the crisis of Millares This activity became more marked after 2400 BC BCE and culminated in 2200 BC BCE with its total abandonment in a climate of particular con ict that coincided with the implementation of a greater defence system the con nement of the population within local ramparts and forts the presence of metal weapons and the parallel emergence of new centres on the outskirts and more unequal and isolated forms of power such as those identi ed on the Granada high plateau and particularly in those territories that would give rise to Argar communities While this all reveals an internal process of relations and contradictions core periphery on a regional scale the fact that this coincided with the end of the large networks and methods of circulation of raw materials and products out to the Mediterranean and the Southwest and the opening of new and more restricted circulation towards the Upper Guadalquivir suggest that their collapse was also the result of external factors and among which the emergence of another crisis of even greater scale arising in the Southwest and in Valencina Around 2500 BC BCE and coinciding as in Millares with the appearance of maritime bell beaker pottery a crisis started in Valencina with the progressive dismantling of its transport networks of raw materials a reduction in size and the construction of large monumental tombs 28 However its nature and scale were very different and was to be found in the crisis and ensuing collapse of the intensive metal and mining industry throughout the Southwest In 2500 BC BCE it was not just Valencina that entered into crisis with the dismantlement of its metal working districts and the start of smaller production methods and systems that were more controlled by the dominant classes but this extended to the whole of the mining and metallurgy activity in the Pyrite Belt Here the concentrated and complex network of settlements that gave rise to this activity simply disappeared and the intensive production of their metal producing factories such as Cabezo Jur collapsed This collapse led to the recovery of the arboreal ground cover throughout 28 C ceres et al 2014 Figure 8 Metal products in domestic context from Valencina Copper axes biggest 35 cm length and gold leaf Photo F J Nocete the area as documented by the pollen series together with a reduction in pollution on a regional scale as registered in the sediments and living organisms at all the mouths of their drainage networks Around 2400 BC BCE this tendency became even more marked with a drastic reduction in the size of the settlement and by 2200 BC BCE their decline was complete However unlike Millares Valencina was not totally abandoned and retained a residual occupation In the large settlements in the vicinity such as Soto the last great tombs were constructed and at the former sites of the metal working factories of the Pyrite Bely such as Cabezo Jur only a small group of population dedicated to farming activities would remain and any metal industry would purely be on a domestic scale and geared to the maintenance of tools Finally the arboreal cover and pollution regained the levels recorded prior to the 4th millennium BC BCE 29 While this crisis and collapse cannot be considered to be completely devoid of causes derived from the contradictions and limits of environmental sustainability deforestation and social sustainability increased technical and territorial division of work and inequality that such a complex and intense system such as the metallurgical system of the Southwest must have caused by still fragile political system and by limited forms of coercion there is another 29 Nocete et al 2011
92  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  and contradictions of the systems established by Millares and Valencin...
SOUTHERN IBERIA IN THE 4TH AND 3RD MILLENNIA CAL BC Figure 9 Central Place of Valencina de la Concepci n Seville with its peripheral burial areas F J Nocete factor that could well explain this and which as with Millares occurred at the periphery of this system on the Upper Guadalquivir At the very time of the crisis in the Southwest and Lower Guadalquivir the political systems emerging in the Upper part in the 4th Millennium BC BCE based on more intensive farming not only continued but increased in complexity and after 2300 BC BCE began to form more hierarchical organized territories Alcores and Albalate o beda with dependent settlements geared towards farmer colonization and territorial control and internal dissymmetries founded on private property and the subjection of the population 30 These would also increase their systems of internal metal pro30 Nocete 1994 Nocete et al 2010 duction and mining activity in the areas of the Sierra Morena and Linares La Carolina to the point where by 2200 BC BCE they would be capable of creating networks of settlements dedicated to the transport of minerals to the banks of the Guadalquivir and to large settlements associated with intensive production such as Marroquies 31 which would be converted into points of interaction between the political structures organizing the territory Furthermore and in addition to copper they began to exploit a new resource that would serve to bring about new more individual and wide ranging form of inequality silver This then allows us to introduce a further and crucial variable to explain the crisis and collapse of 31 C mara et al 2013 Nocete 2001 Nocete et al 2011 93
SOUTHERN IBERIA IN THE 4TH AND 3RD MILLENNIA CAL. BC  Figure 9. Central Place of Valencina de la Concepci  n  Seville  wit...
94 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Valencina and Millares the growth of the political systems of the Upper Guadalquivir and the West East swing of more intense mining and metallurgic activity A comparative study of the metallurgic pollution sequence of the Southwest and Upper Guadalquivir proves particularly relevant and show a maximum fall in the pollution of the former and the start of pollution in the latter around 2200 BC BCE 32 These changes help explain the complex historical map that developed after 2200 BC BCE and that would mark the Bronze Age a network of more unequal violent and decentralized social forms that in the face of the generalized collapse of the Southwest would see the rise of the Southeast and Upper Andalusia and where its two major systems El Argar and the societies in the Upper Valley would convert the control of the mines of the Upper Guadalquivir and its silver into the focus of the geopolitics of the South and transform the Levante Southeast Upper Guadalquivir route and its surrounding territories into a new main axis of interaction and population movement in a complex mosaic of societies in which the traces of ones or an others would intermingle 33 However this similarly provides a more general explanation On one hand the priority given in the general process by the farming societies in the valleys to systems based on the control of the workforce pristine generating surplus and demand free of collapse and their relations and contradictions core periphery on being the cause of the emergency and peripheral collapse of the more complex and unequal forms of economic and social organization and the rst large political systems as would also be the case of those developed at the end of the second Millenium BC BCE which returned the spotlight to the Southwest On the other hand the fragile nature of these political systems that could not gain political control beyond that permitted by the circulation of their products Finally and something that returns us to the start of this text and the present the effects of economic and political systems based on the hierarchical technical and territorial division of labour on taking environmental and social sustainability to the very limit then increased the dependence and inequality among the population and the territories and converted their contradictions and effects into the basis for their very collapse and ensuing development 34 34 32 33 Leblanc et al 2002 Nocete et al 2005 Delgado et al 2013 vs Garc a et al 2013 Nocete et al 2010 Acknowledgements I wish to express my gratitude to Drs F Molina and J A C mara for allowing me to consult the most recent information of the investigation into the Southeast of the Iberian Peninsula to J M Vargas for allowing access to graphic documentation of Valencina to F J Nocete for his work in preparing the graphic documents and finall to Dr Almagro Gorbea for his assistance and trust in participating in this work
94  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Valencina and Millares  the growth of the political systems of the Upp...
Germ n Delibes de Castro The Chalcolithic in the Central Plateau and its Atlantic fringe 3200 2500 cal AD This work aims to analyse the behaviour of the societies that in the nal centuries of the fourth millennium up until 2400 BCE occupied the Northwester corner of the Iberian Peninsula This is an area that covers most of the central plateau of the peninsula known as the Meseta in Castilian but that also includes the Cantabrian coast and the western Atlantic shoreline along with what is today the northern half of Portugal from the Tagus estuary up We are talking about a time span that covers the intermediate part of the Sub Boreal a cold period that gradually grew warmer up to the event known as 4 0 ka BP This was also a time of social development that saw the consolidation of Neolithic peasant life coinciding with economic growth and the rapid spread of sedentarisation as evidenced by the appearance of infrastructure in settlements Another innovation of this time was the appearance of metallurgy an event that ushers in a new period in Pre history the Copper Age although it would not be until the end of the third millennium that this would manifest in terms of manufacturing itself in the area under discussion coinciding with the beginning of the Bell Beaker phenomenon Geographic palaeo environmental and chronological context a Environmental conditions the area under discussion is not an entirely homogenous entity which requires some explanation The common characteristic is that it is entirely Atlantic All the rivers in the northern area run into the Atlantic the Minho Duero Mondego and Tagus However the Guadiana and Guadalquivir basins in the south of the country will not be included in this study because of their particular historic development From a geo morphological perspective the area under study is relatively diverse 1 covering the cen 1 Universidad de Valladolid delibes fyl uva es Cabo Vigil 1973 Figure 1 Prehistoric works in the copper mine of Aramo Asturias at ca 1200 m altitude Sequence of tapered pillars and domes Photo M A de Blas tral high area of the Castilian plateau which was formed in the Palaeozoic era at around 700 metres above sea level over an area of some 210 000 square kilometres or around half the area of Spain and is made up of slate quartzite and granite which only in the lower areas of the Douro and Tagus have a light carpet of clayish Cenozoic sediment which was later used for agriculture To use Macpherson s term this is a bastion that is bordered to the east by the Ebro depression to the north by the wall of the Cantabrian Cordillera and its coastal belt and to the west by the Beiras hills This has affected its climate given that these high areas along with its position close to the Tropic of Cancer in uence temperatures and the ows of the Atlantic storms In general terms there are three main climates in the peninsula whose sharp contrasts
Germ  n Delibes de Castro   The Chalcolithic in the Central Plateau and its Atlantic fringe  3200-2500 cal. AD   This work...
96 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE in uence agriculture 2 the Atlantic including Cantabria coastal Galicia and the north of Portugal with benign temperatures throughout the year and high rain fall more than 1 000 mm per year in Gij n and Oporto the Continental which given its altitude is characterised by strong frosts in winter and a notable de cit of rain due to high summer temperatures and the dif culties that the entry of the storms from the west face less than 600 mm of rain and the Mediterranean which has a higher annual overall temperature mild winters and hot summers with irregular tending to scarce rainfall that affects most of the Mediterranean basin as well as southern Portugal Extremadura and all of Andalusia The backdrop for this work is therefore the rst of these two climates while the singularity of the third provides us with a new argument for leaving the study of the prehistoric communities of the southwest for another occasion b Paleo environmental context The Chalcolithic Pre Bell Beaker Culture develops during the SubBoreal phase dry and warm although somewhat fresher than the preceding Atlantic period During this stage of the Holocene there are important oscillations linked to variations in the activities of solar spots 3 of which at the European scale there is evidence from data taken from alpine glaciers palynology oxygen isotopes from ice columns in Greenland and C14 variations in tree rings All these show a very cold and wet climate before 3200 BCE 4 which began to grow warmer and drier toward 3000 when the rst effects of the 4 0 ka BP event began to be felt The climate of the Chalcolithic peninsula is therefore characterised by a progressive increase in aridity and temperatures 5 which is noted in the northern sub Plateau by palynograms of various Chalcolithic sites in vila a signi cant advance of xerophitic grasslands6 a signi cant advance of xerophitic grasslands and of the peatbogs of Espinosa del Cerrato Palencia which is in the centre of the Duero basin toward 3000 BCE a major reduction in tree pollen is observed that coincides with the increase of herbaceous species Poaceae which is to say the major impact of human activities but at the same time beech trees disappear a species associated with humid climates proof that the process of desiccation was not just anthrop2 3 4 5 6 ic 7 Around the same period of time toward 2400 BCE an evident decline in pollen samples is observed the re ection of a reduction in vegetation a fact that cannot be attributed solely to farming activities because there is also a decline in indicators of livestock activities such as ribwort Plantago or sun ower species asteraceae In short a climatic period of transition from a cold dry period in the Final Neolithic to another that is warm and dry now in the Beaker Bell of which there is evidence in the northwest as the end of a period of progressive climate warming which in its driest moments reduced rain to the minimum 8 c Time frame the periods before and after the time under study produced events such as the beginning of metalworking and the appearance of the BellBeaker Culture The latter phenomenon was already present in the Iberian Peninsula from the middle of the third millennium BCE 9 As regards copper working leaving aside the testimony from Cerro Virtud 10 by the end of the fourth millennium BCE there is evidence of smelting at sites in the Guadiana basin in Portugal such as San Br s or Sala 1 11 From that point on throughout the rst half of the third millennium metalworking techniques steadily spread northward and into the interior of the peninsula most probably due to Neolithic prestige goods networks Finally although we are highlighting the importance of copper within the beginnings of the Metal Age it is not clear that access to the rst smelters unleashed a revolution in productive goods There is no denying that the Copper Age was a major step forward in social evolution bringing about population increases arable agriculture surplus harvests and the creation of population centres as life became more sedentary But there is no evidence that metalworking was the sole catalyst for this There are doubts as to whether sites from the transition between the fourth and third millennium BCE belong to the end of the Neolithic or the Copper Age The technological aspect of smelting The rst Spanish archaeologist to argue for the existence of a Copper Age prior to the Bronze Age was F M Tubino in 1876 although it was J Lautensach 1962 7 Geel et al 1998 545 Cacho et al 2010 14 Fabi n 2006 449 452 9 Eddy 1977 8 10 11 Franco M gica et al 2001 354 355 F bregas et al 2003 862 R os et al 2012 Ruiz Taboada Montero 1999 Hunt y Hurtado 1999 291 293
96  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  in   uence agriculture 2 the Atlantic, including Cantabria, coastal Ga...
THE CHALCOLITHIC IN THE CENTRAL PLATEAU AND ITS ATLANTIC FRINGE 3200 2500 CAL AD Vilanova y Piera who at an international conference in Lisbon in 1880 really began to use the terms Copper Age Chalcolithic or Eneolithic to describe that period in history when man with the aid of re managed to convert stones the minerals that include copper into metal Metalworking has its origins in the Iberian Peninsula as the Cerro Virtud site suggests around 4000 BCE but copper smelting was only consolidated in the nal centuries of the fourth millennium and above all throughout the third millennium 12 This process required carbonates and Cu oxides as well as mastery of re given that temperatures of more than 1000 degrees centigrade were involved Spanish researchers have tended to assume that these metallurgy secrets were brought into the peninsula from outside perhaps by colonisers from the Aegean whose settlements were discovered at Los Millares Vila Nova de S Pedro 13 Today however there is some consensus that metalworking skills were developed locally as suggested by Cerro Virtud as well as because of the singular smelting technology discovered in the far west of the Mediterranean 14 The technological uniqueness involved using clay bowls as ovens which were lled with charcoal and fragments of mineral deposits which were then partially broken down by the heat The copper was then separated from the dross by being subjected to further heat processes until it could be re ned in smelting pots A primitive process such as this developed in tiny workshops and hardly compatible with large scale production would be the norm until the beginnings of the Metals Age in the peninsula 15 But metalworking at sites such as Cabezo Jur Huelva and Valencina de la Concepci n Seville16 point instead along the lines of what has been described earlier in regard to Los Millares to a more centralized model based on the existence in Valencina of a neighbourhood of smelters with using several relatively complex smelters along with hundreds of crucibles and tuyeres along with dozens of kilograms of copper mineral from a range of quarries in the southeast As a counterpoint to the earlier model this is clearly a large metallurgical centre being used to supply external markets 12 13 14 15 16 Rovira y Montero 2013 Kunst 2013 Delibes y Montero 1997 Montero 2005 Rovira y Montero 2013 Nocete et al 2004 Nocete et al 2008 Figure 2 Barbican of the Bell Beaker forti cation of Zambujal Torres Vedras Portugal View from the Southeast Photo M Kunst D DAI MAD MK DG 18 2012 493 as well as meeting local demand and suggesting a complex society with specialist artisans A recent count puts the number of sites from the third millennium in the peninsula with smelting remains at 109 17 further adding interesting gures to this debate More than half of these are south of the Tagus which suggests it was more important than in the north but this doesn t necessarily prove that the forti ed settlements of Estremadura which played such a key role in the Copper Age in Portugal were copper production centres Data from such a heavily excavated site such as Zambujal is revealing all the copper recovered there in the form of fragments chips and to a lesser degree tools such as awls small chisels knives axes and saws does not amount to more than just over three kilograms 18 what s more there are only two areas for metalworking one in house V and another small one close to the fourth line of the forti cation and it appears that all material was for domestic use given that settlements in nearby satellites such as F rnea and Castro de Penedo had their own workshops That said the fact that these communities brought copper ore from a quarry at Ossa Morena 19 some 150 kilometres away testi es to the importance of metalworking There are a number of sites among the aforementioned list from the third millennium BCE with remains of smelting activity that are in the centre and north of the peninsula proof that metalwork17 18 19 Kunst 2013 M ller et al 2007 Kunst 2013 97
THE CHALCOLITHIC IN THE CENTRAL PLATEAU AND ITS ATLANTIC FRINGE  3200-2500 CAL. AD   Vilanova y Piera who, at an internati...
98 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE ing took place there In the Douro basin the earliest crucibles found come from Las Pozas and La Alameda de Peleagonzalo in Zamora further such sites were soon found in Portugal close to Chaves in Vinha Soutilha and Buraco da Pala in the Mirand s plateau and in Galicia at O Fixon and Lavap s In Cantabria metal working was taking place during this time at El Aramo Such evidence points to the existence of a Copper Age and not a mere Neolithic Age with imported metal objects although it is not beyond the bounds of reason that some of these circulating in the northern half of the peninsula could have come from the south as prestige goods from exchange routes 20 It is dif cult to calculate how much metal was in circulation during the pre Beaker period but the number of pieces documented in the Douro basin an area covering almost 90 000 square kilometres totals not much more than 50 or so and which points to modest metalworking in the area The objects recovered both in the Plateau and the northwest are of the same type as those found in the south awls punches chisels and occasionally axes and point to domestic or household use no specialist metalworking units have been found That said some pieces a curved knife from Donhierro Segovia or a pair of awls from Portillo Valladolid are from funerary sites that predate the Beaker tradition of burying great men with all their panoply 21 Ore would initially have come from small quarries close to production sites to judge from the similarities in mineral and metals types in certain areas copper from the Roufeiro deposit in southeastern Galicia include Ni Sb and Ag all found in mineral veins in the Limia area 22 the same applies to products rich in Ni from the areas around the mines of Salinas de L niz lava 23 other communities in that area that smelted copper were supplied by the malachite seams in the eastern sector of the Ambl s Valley 24 The variety of sites near the mines of El Aramo El Milagro and La Profunda in what is today the region of Asturias suggests a major increase in production from just before the middle of the third millennium which saw the circulation of the mineral of large surrounding areas 25 20 21 22 23 24 25 Delibes y Montero 1999 Herr n Mart nez 2008 Comendador 1998 227 Montero 1998 Fabi n 2006 420 426 Blas Cortina 2010a Figure 3 Aerial view of the Chalcolithic ditches enclosure of San Miguel Cubillas de Cerrato Palencia Infrared photo J Del Olmo The mines in question to judge from C14 dating were active between 2800 and 1400 BCE and provide exceptional information both about extractive processes as the way minerals were processed in the areas close to the mines The dolomite where the veins were found was struck with stone hammers and the mineral then extracted using deer antler as well as wooden or bone wedges after rst weakening the stone with re Many sites lled with dolomite boulders along with yew twig torches and wooden rollers to move the mineral where such activities took place were discovered in the 19th century by miners26 Calculations suggest that over the course of a thousand years hundreds of tonnes of copper were removed from El Aramo indicating that this output would likely have been transported over large distances to supply smelting operations throughout the area Close to the El Aramo camps where miners lived bones from deer and cattle that would have provided food and tools have been found The main nd however is a combustion area which has been subjected to intense heat and where the remains of malachite and makeshift ovens suggest that this is where the rst stage in the extraction process took place 27 This in part explains the scarcity of minerals in other communities where smelting went on and also why raw metal in the form of lingots as have been found at Gamonedo Asturias were used which would then have been melted down into tools and weapons 28 26 27 28 Blas Cortina 2010a Blas Cortina et al 2014 Blas Cortina 1980
98  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  ing took place there. In the Douro basin the earliest crucibles found ...
THE CHALCOLITHIC IN THE CENTRAL PLATEAU AND ITS ATLANTIC FRINGE 3200 2500 CAL AD Figure 4 Chalcolithic dwellings of the ditches enclosure of El Caset n de la Era Villalba de los Alcores Valladolid First a door in the northern sector of the second enclosure Photo M Crespo D ez These are the main features of the metalworking of the interior and north of the peninsula which oblige us to individualize a new age of Prehistory event though its incidence in the instrumental sphere was limited Daggers axes punches and copper awls did not improve much on the performance of stone tools which is why the Chalcolithic continued in the Stone Age where arrowheads hammers and axes continued to be made out of stone and int and where ceramic ware each with its distinctive decorative patterns copos canelados and folha de ac cia in Estremadura the Penha style in the northwest and the Las Pozas in the Plateau etc were very much a continuation of previous types Metal was a technological breakthrough but the Copper Age was more than this producing economic growth surpluses investment in settlements and the beginning of a series of changes that would affect social relations Infrastructure in the new villages forti cations and ditched enclosures The Copper Age sees the consolidation of peasant life and in those areas where the Neolithic left little imprint such as the Douro Valley or the Tagus middle basin it results in the rst agricultural colonisation 29 Communities which were bigger and more settled than in the Neolithic age began to grow and the settlements became more visible contrary to the tombs This is a similar process to that which was underway in Andalusia except that in the northwestern corner of the peninsula there are no macro communities of the size of Los Millares Marroqu es La Pijotilla and Valencina indicating less complex societies 29 D az del R o 2001 Id 2003 99
THE CHALCOLITHIC IN THE CENTRAL PLATEAU AND ITS ATLANTIC FRINGE  3200-2500 CAL. AD   Figure 4. Chalcolithic dwellings of t...
100 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE The small forti ed settlements on the Lisbon peninsula at Vila Nova de S Pedro Zambujal and Leceia are a good example of the way that sedentary life was consolidated and also re ect the population increases seen in Pedra d Ouro Penedo de Lexim Penha Verde Rotura etc all around the site of Torres Vedras 30 All of these sites are ringed by circles of protective stone walls and in the case of Zambujal up to four of them These would have been built over time after the creation of a central tower or fortress branching out into a barbican with loophole windows 31 These settlements developed over time into fortresses and with the exception of Leceia would not have been created as such ab initio but instead grew according to necessity with new walls added and reinforced by their occupants 32 and their populations would have been small in number 34 But in Zambujal and Leceia evidence has been found of the existence of outlying areas with groups of round huts following the same design as those within the walls indicating the growth of the community and that less privileged groups would have been offered protection by those inside the forti cation in the event of attack J Cardoso suggests that the total number of people living in Leceia including those outside the walls would have been around 200 This would have made it little more than a village albeit a central defensive point due to its forti cations for other smaller communities within a 15 kilometre radius 35 But it would not have been comparable to the large population centres in the Guadalquivir and southwest of the peninsula The rst surveys of these habitats were in uenced by the interpretations made by M Almagro A Arribas or B Blance of Los Millares who argued that they were built by traders from the Aegean the same people to whom the introduction of copper into the Iberian Peninsula is attributed and that they were designed to protect the local population Today however there is growing consensus that the forti cation of these settlements and the use of barbicans towers and bastions were a response to the needs of sedentary life and not a foreign model that was imposed This would explain why each one is different Zambujal grew out of a central fortress in Leciea as in Monte da Tumba Alentejo a perimeter wall was rst built with the central tower added at a much later stage in the settlement s life 33 In this context that settlements were not built by colonisers other forti ed settlements in the area north of the Tagus such as Beira Litoral and Beira Alta as well as in the interior of Tras os Montes can be seen in a different light The rst studies of this process of sedentarisation were carried out by S O Jorge36 in the outskirts of Chaves where settlements such as Sao Louren o Vinha Soutilha or Castelo de Aguiar were set up in areas that could be easily defended and that provided good visibility over a large area It was soon discovered that many of these included monumental or forti ed works such as Castelo Velho Freixo de Numao which had been occupied since 3000 BCE and which had a modest wall running round the citadel where milling storage or weaving took place Castro de El Pedroso in the west of Zamora was built on an imposing granite inselberg Atop have been discovered arrow head making workshops the walls at Fraga da Pena in the Alto Mondego seem to have been associated with some kind of ceremonial activity Crasto do Palheiros in Mirandela where one of the two sets of walls supporting an imposing platform was later converted into a place of worship similarly the collection of settlements near Plasencia C ceres were also forti ed with Los Berruecos the most outstanding example 37 In the case of Os Palheiros 38 it appears that it was only after a series of communities were established and which built megalithic tombs nearby that a walled area was built as a public space which Today these forti cations are seen in the context of local competition and tension between different groups and that they were built as a means of defence They would also have been symbols of sovereignty and territorial domination as well as a means to control exchange and trade routes where copper and other prestige objects would have circulated This would also explain why they were all built with good access to the sea Zambujal is no more than two kilometres from the Atlantic Estimates put the average size of these settlements Zambujal Vila Nova de Sao Pedro Leceia and Rotura at around a hectare Penedo and Lexim or Pedra Douro would have been even smaller 34 30 31 32 33 Jorge 1998 Cardoso 1997a Kunst 2010 Jorge 1998 Cardoso 1997a Cardoso 1997b 48 49 Cardoso 1997b 35 36 37 38 Chapman 1991 Cardoso 1997a 252 253 Jorge 1986 Jorge 1998 Sanches 2003 134
100  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  The small forti   ed settlements on the Lisbon peninsula at Vila Nova...
THE CHALCOLITHIC IN THE CENTRAL PLATEAU AND ITS ATLANTIC FRINGE 3200 2500 CAL AD symbolized the political centralization of the new society as well as the legitimacy inherited from the sacred world of the ancestors Turning our attention to the Plateau again it can be seen that the Chalcolithic settlements in this area also built defensive structures round their communities albeit in the form of ditches rather than walls These systems are well known throughout Europe from the Neolithic age onward known in Britain as enclosures in France as champs fosses villagi trinceratti in Italy and erdwerke in Germany but which were only discovered in Spain half a century ago as a result of excavations in Valencina de la Concepci n 39 Other notable examples have been discovered in the lower Tagus and Douro areas where they rst appear around 3200 BCE reaching their plenitude in the following millennium and overlapping into the Beaker era 40 These enclosures whether in Madrid G zquez de Arriba Las Matillas Fuente la Mora Yeseras or in the northern sub Plateau region where aerial photography has enabled the nd of around twenty in the Douro and Pisuerga Valleys Tierras de Campos and Pinares 41 are generally circular or ovaloid and rarely feature concentric circles Perimeter ditches are narrow and between two and three meters deep and although they sometimes are reinforced with a bank of earth within them and occasionally a stockade these are not major defensive works but demarcation lines as well as encouraging a sense of community among the inhabitants The discontinuous nature of these ditches has been noted interrupted as they often are by causeways It has been suggested that the labour force used to build these notable public works came from different sections of the community that could have been linked to other lineages in the hinterland that would have been attracted by the work 42 Finally although some of these causeways could have been used as access gateways have been found either in a funnel shape or at an angle in locations such as Las Canteras de San Cr st bal de la Cuesta Salamanca and G zquez de Arriba protected by a semicircular barbican 43 The ditch enclosures of the Central Plateau are systematically associated with the enigmatic and singular sites known as pit elds large exten39 40 41 42 43 M rquez Jim nez 2010 D az del R o 2003 Liesau et al 2008 Delibes et al 2014 D az del R o 2004 D az del R o 2003 sions of land dotted with pits that have become known as structured deposits 44 These were often lled with rubbish although sometimes they seem to have been used to store grain animal remains have been found in them along with ceramics and other items in good repair These pits were originally thought to be the foundations of round huts but this theory has been questioned Are they the remains of communities that were later destroyed and only the remains of the larger structures have left any trace Or were they ceremonial spaces Recent work at the enclosure of El Caset n de la Era where a collection of huts has been unearthed would seem to support the former theory but does not rule out the ritualisation of the domestic sphere These huts or houses have been torn down with only their foundations surviving something that was originally attributed to the aggressive erosion that took place during the more arid periods of the Sub Boreal That said the recovery of hundreds of kilos of debris and wall covering in some pits suggests that attempts were made to completely erase them when these communities were abandoned as happened in the same area subsequently during the Bronze Age 45 In the south of the peninsula at sites such as Valencina considerable evidence has been uncovered of large scale enclosures covering many hectares almost reaching the size of small cities where specialist artisans worked copper ivory and gold in amounts that would have more than satis ed local needs Sites in the Plateau are more modest situated the Middle Duero they tend to be between one and three hectares similar to those in G zquez Las Matillas or Fuente La Mora in Madrid 46 The rst impression they produce is of a mosaic of small villages more or less the same size But we now know that in the southern sub Plateau there were much larger enclosures such as that in Camino de las Yeseras covering at least seven hectares although this site would not reach its peak until the Beaker era 47 It is also worth mentioning the superimpositions discovered in enclosures in the Douro aerial photography of Villeguillo Segovia show the traces of up to four different enclosures But the most outstanding case is Las Pozas Zamora where an initial enclosure with three rings ends up partially superimposing over at least two C14 dating shows 44 45 46 47 Bellido Blanco 1996 M rquez Jim nez 2010 S nchez Polo 2010 180 D az del R o 2003 68 69 Delibes et al 2014 Liesau et al 2008 101
THE CHALCOLITHIC IN THE CENTRAL PLATEAU AND ITS ATLANTIC FRINGE  3200-2500 CAL. AD   symbolized the political centralizati...
102 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figure 5 View of the small cave used as barn of Buraco da Pala in the Sierra dos Medios Tr s Os Montes Photo J M Sanches that between the rst being abandoned during the transition from the fourth to the third millennium BCE and the foundation of the more modern was virtually simultaneous 48 Finally further north in Galicia and the Cantabrian coast the sedentarisation process was slower and more timid perhaps due to long established itinerant primitive agricultural practices There are fewer traces of settlements and as L pez Cuevillas pointed out there is no sign of forti ed settlements on high ground such as there are in the Chalcolithic population centres in Portugal Today it is thought that the cold climate of the early part of the third millennium BCE could have prevented the occupation of high ground 49 although there is evidence of some settlements that lacked walls but that had begun to build buttresses that provided clear views over the land and provided defence against attack Sites such as this include As Pileiras in Bobor s Regueira Peque a in Mondariz or Castelo das Chas in Oimbra Chaetomium a wood parasite Such was the impact of the rst agricultural colonisers in the central area of the Plateau 50 All the seeds found in any site in the study area whether Zambujal in Estremadura 51 Buraco da Pala in Tras os Montes 52 Camino de Las Yeseras in Madrid 53 or Caset n de la Era54 Buraco da Pala in Tras os Montes Camino de Las Yeseras in Madrid or Caset n de la Era are the same types of cereal It is worth noting that among the wheat Triticum aestvum durum is the dominant breed although there are substantial remains of monococcum and dicoccum Cultivation of barley Hordeum vulgare was also popular and more seeds were found than wheat at Buraco da Pala and the same number at Zambujal and Yeseras At the same time a number of pulses were found among them broad beans Vicia faba lentils Lens culinaria and peas Pisum sativum The appeal of these latter crops is that not only were they easy to cultivate but they also provided a valuable source of protein as well as putting nitrogen into the soil But simply counting the number of species cultivated during what has become known as the Copper Age does not provide any real indication as to agricultural output To this end it makes more sense to add up the number of grain silos or pits at Plateau sites during this period some of them such as La Cervera in Madrid with clear signs of having been lined with basketry 55 although of course not all would have been used exclusively to store cereal 56 Thus it makes more sense to x our attention on what could only have been grain stores such as that found at Buraco da Pala which contained several square metres of cereals 57 The site is a shelter with high roof and easy access some distance from the nearest population centre close to one of the summits of the Sierra de Passos at more than 900 metres above sea level in the eastern part of Tras os Montes It started out as a domestic space in the early Neolithic but later occupation levels II and I during the rst half of the third millennium BCE correspond above all to storage areas where large amounts of beans barley acorns and wheat along with Linum ussitatissimum and Papaver somniferum were stored in baskets and urns of 15 and 20 litres rested on stone slabs lined with clay and supported by wooden poles to stabilise the vessels and a series of hearths beside the silos appear to be related to the conservation of seeds smoked Furthermore the existence of wall paintings in the shelter using anthropomor52 53 48 49 50 51 Garc a Garc a 2013 F bregas et al 2003 868 869 Delibes et al 2010 Hopf 1981 54 55 56 57 Sanches 1997 43 81 Pe a Chocarro et al 2011 Delibes 2011 Asquerino 1979 Bellido Blanco 1996 Sanches 1997
102  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figure 5. View of the small cave used as barn of Buraco da Pala, in t...
THE CHALCOLITHIC IN THE CENTRAL PLATEAU AND ITS ATLANTIC FRINGE 3200 2500 CAL AD phic motifs in red typical of others in the area has suggested its possible use as a place of worship Excavations indicate that small dishes and cups found nearby could have been used at banquets or libations or at rituals involving the consumption of poppy seeds and where the use of ceramics decorated with facial tattoos along the lines of the goddess of the eyes from Millares 58 This site could also have been used as places to make offerings ve dozen stone necklaces were found here along with six adorned with gold although the former which had been placed in a storage jar could also have been part of the community s wealth and guarded in this granary sanctuary Buraco da Pala illustrates the importance that cereal cultivation acquired in the third millennium BCE but even more important is the testimony provided by El Caset n in Valladolid where the search is on for the existence of threshers The nd here is not a sled thresher with ints in its base but instead a collection of ints dozens of them that had been shaped into long and heavy blades This is a type that was known in the past and that recent examination has detected imprints from contact with the ground and straw cutting that reveal their real function 59 The phytoliths of their phylum indicate that they were used to thresh wheat and there is considerable evidence that part of the straw that was cut and obtained in the process was mixed with mud to create wattle for construction An understanding of threshing did not bring about new forms of agriculture but did increase agricultural output cereal harvesting and processing could be carried out en masse thus intensifying production But equally important was that animals were required to pull the thresher which for the rst time in the history of the Iberian Peninsula where until this point no evidence of the use of wagons sledges or ploughs has been found brings us face to face with one of the most expressive examples of the so called Secondary Products Revolution livestock aside from being a supply of fresh meat was also the source of many resources traction milk wool fertilizer all of which were an inducement not to slaughter animals 60 But asking ourselves how the threshers were pulled means revising collections of fauna from the time and for the northwest quadrant of the peninsula we only have studies from Zambujal a sample of some 80 000 remains 61 and on a smaller scale of sites in the Plateau 62 and which really only allow us to provide some broad outlines of livestock management and to highlight the differences with the Neolithic on the one hand the increased use of cattle over sheep goats and pigs and on the other changes in the way that animals are slaughtered with more emphasis on their secondary resources At Zambujal Las Pozas and the vila sites but also to a lesser extent in Yeseras deer and wild bull hunting remained important activities That said the main source of meat in the former sites came from cows which were systematically slaughtered once they reached three years of age and in half of cases between the ages of eight and 10 This information would suggest that bearing in mind that the individuals represented in the nal period were all cows that there was some kind of exploitation oriented toward the production of meat After beef pork was the most important livestock for food production It is dif cult to establish at what age sheep and goats were slaughtered there are two peaks between the ages of two and three and then six and seven years of age although the high proportion of females suggests they were mainly used for milk production 63 Finally both in the sites of the Douro basin such as Las Pozas El Caset n de la Era or Yeseras as well as in Zambujal the presence of horses has been registered around 5 percent in the latter site but as with the rest of the peninsula 64 it is not clear whether these are domesticated or wild horses Thus although the usual malformations of the tarsus have not been found in the adult males in El Caset n de la Era the main candidates for pulling threshers are oxen the same animals that at the time were pulling carts in Europe as well as ploughs to judge from the drawings found at Monte Bego 65 What seems sure in any case is that in the search for more power to help dominate nature in the Copper Age mankind found an exceptional partner in bovines and which for good reason66 bear in mind the deposits of cows and calves in the sub soil of many ditched enclosures became a central feature of so many ceremonies 61 62 63 58 59 60 Guerra 2006 205 206 Gibaja et al 2011 Sherratt 1981 Petrequin et al 2006 64 65 66 Van den Driesch Boessneck 1976 Morales Mu iz 1992 Liesau 2011 Fabi n 2006 453460 Harrison 1985 71 Liesau 2005 189 192 Petrequin et al 2006 M rquez Jim nez 2010 346 362 Liesau et al 2013 103
THE CHALCOLITHIC IN THE CENTRAL PLATEAU AND ITS ATLANTIC FRINGE  3200-2500 CAL. AD   phic motifs in red    typical of othe...
104 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Finally nothing has been said about livestock rearing in the Cantabrian area but some data despite the peculiarities of the region share common features with what has been discovered in other zones In Cueva del Mir n from the Neolithic Age goats and sheep which until then were the dominant livestock begin to be replaced by cattle 67 a phase that coincides with an increase in pastureland It can also be seen that in the eastern mountain regions with their harsh winter climates many caves are used as stables or folds This phenomenon is already taking place in the Neolithic but happens much more quickly for example in the Cantabrian Mountains where long periods of fumiers manure are recorded from the third millennium BCE in the slopes of San Crist bal and Los Husos I 68 Thanks to this kind of evidence a concept of stabling has been developed in relation to prehistoric pasturing That said these folds only provided occasional refuge during the coldest periods of the year pollen analysis particularly in the Plateau show large amounts of Sordaria a species of microscopic fungus commonly found in the faeces of herbivores and evidence that livestock have been kept in the open air 69 To sum up in these subsistence terrains the main contribution of the Chalcolithic in our area was also the Revolution of the Secondary Products The ability of large animals to provide traction was used as was their milk a practice that had been underway since the Neolithic 70 and in all probability the opportunity to improve fertility in the elds was taken advantage of by using manure as a fertilizer which provided a good reason to settle Funerary rites To the main identity traits of the period under analysis economic intensi cation sedentarisation and the appearance of metalworking we should add a fourth related to a reduced focus on funerary matters and that is directly related to the breakup of the megalithic phenomenon The role of dolmen graves as spatial markers and ancestral ownership documents of the territories they presided over begin to lose their meaning in an age 67 68 69 70 Gonz lez Morales 2012 269 Fern ndez Eraso y Polo 2011 L pez S ez et al 2000 Guerra et al 2012 when there is a de nitive movement toward stable habitats In the second half of the fourth millennium BCE we see a widespread abandonment of megalithic structures such as passage graves beginning what some writers have called a dark age a period in which funerary examples begin to vary and are less universal than in previous periods and as such harder to understand and interpret In the Basque Country re ecting the population s resistance to accept new population models the decline of the dolmen was not a clear process and even at the end of the fourth millennium megaliths were still being built such as the emblematic Jentillarri gallery and mounds such as Larrate or Pagobakoitza were used as gathering places at least until the Bell Beaker period That said the bulk of funerary activity seems to have been moved to caves such as Pico Ramos or San Juan ante Portam Latinam the latter to the south of the Cantabrian Mountains and to epi megalithic tomb systems with perforated doors such as Longar in Navarra These were pantheons where over the course of successive burials huge bone pits were created 104 338 and 110 inhumations respectively They date from the nal centuries of the fourth millennium and no metals have been found in their grave goods assemblages which does not exclude them being attributed to an incipient Chalcolithic In the latter two sites there is the particularity that several of the bodies have arrowheads nailed into their bodies which gives some indication of the climate of violence that reigned during this time throughout southwest Europe 71 In central Cantabria in the absence of more data about post Megalithic burial practices all we can know is that from sometime before the rst half of the third millennium around the same time that mineral extraction began some galleries in the El Aramo and El Milagro mines were being used as funeral spaces and that by the time of the Bronze Age hundreds of burials had taken place here It is clear nevertheless that this was an unusual solution and as has been suggested by M Eliade may well have been ritual mechanisms to repay the Earth goddess for the fruits plucked from her belly before they were fully gestated 72 A similar lack of objects has been documented in the northwest The widespread extension of dolmens 71 72 Vegas Aramburu 2007 Armend riz e Iriagaray 1995 Zapata 1995 Blas Cortina 2010b
104  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Finally, nothing has been said about livestock rearing in the Cantabr...
THE CHALCOLITHIC IN THE CENTRAL PLATEAU AND ITS ATLANTIC FRINGE 3200 2500 CAL AD Figure 6 Sequence of fumiers in the stable of Los Husos Sierra de Cantabria lava Photo J Fern ndez Eraso during the Chalcolithic where in a few cases symbolic ceramic ware decorated in the Penha style Os Consellos Cotogrande or Vilafr a in Pontevedra and A Lousada or Monte Pirleo in Lugo and the no less exceptional grave goods consisting of axes and perforated Rechaba period stone hammers is not considered suf cient evidence of funerary rules Once passage graves are no longer used the three moment of Dombate megaliths soon cease to be created and the occasional return to pre existing ones only happens by the time they have been abandoned as suggested by the fact that reuse of them during the Bell Beaker period do not show any sign of use of the original entrances 73 The same phenomenon of collective burial in caves or dolmen is repeated in the mountainous margins of the Plateau particularly in the eastern part of Cantabria or the Ebro Valley but less so in the central areas noted for their ditch enclosures or pit elds and where individual burials took place within settlements Even in the cases of multiple graves such as in El Cerro de la Cabeza in vila or Yeseras in Madrid there is big difference in respect to collective graves or those used over time because burial was simultaneous 74 Research which has depended heavily on analogies with the pit elds of the Bronze Age in the same area has also highlighted the low number of tombs discovered as well as the careless way that the bodies were buried in so many of the graves as well as the occasional nding of incomplete skeletons or bones raising the doubt as to whether these graves followed any funerary pattern or whether they were the exception In this sense it is interesting that some burials show signs that the body had already been reduced to a skeleton before it was buried which suggests that burial might have been a two stage process and that only a selected few remains were kept in the village itself 75 Other than 74 73 F bregas Vilaseco 2012 75 Aliaga 2008 Fabi n 1995 Esparza et al 2012 105
THE CHALCOLITHIC IN THE CENTRAL PLATEAU AND ITS ATLANTIC FRINGE  3200-2500 CAL. AD   Figure 6. Sequence of    fumiers    i...
106 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE this grave goods tended to be few and not very relevant a piece of pottery a worked int from which it can be deduced that the few graves where lavish items were found in sites such as Donhierro Segovia a variscite necklace or several copper objects that would have belonged to high status individuals 76 The two major funerary innovations of the Chalcolithic Age in the Tagus estuary were arti cial caves and beehive tombs These were areas that despite being associated with collective megalithic tombs show a clear architectural break with that tradition There is evidence of the former up until the end of the fourth millennium while the latter only appear somewhat later although both existed during the Copper Age and both suffered from being rediscovered during the Bell Beaker era The caves which were created to make a necropolis to the north of Lisbon San Pedro de Estoril and Alapraia had a circular chamber with a skylight a vestibule and access and bearing in mind their hypogeum nature they are excavated from rock they are not visible from outside nor do they leave any trace in the landscape whereas beehive graves well represented in the Pai Mogo and Praia das Ma as area are protected under mounds similar to those at dolmen sites making them somewhat more monumental 77 In neither case are the cemeteries linked to a speci c village and they do not appear to be the typical settlement necropolis combination typical of the Chalcolithic in the southeast of the Iberian Peninsula Los Millares or the Algarve Alcalar Yet the traditional presence of uted pottery and calcareous votive items such as phalluses baetyls tapered idols etc found in their grave goods assemblages credits them as contemporary with the early phases of Leceia Vila Nova de S Pedro or Zambujal The wealth and unusualness of the beehive and cave grave goods suggests that they belonged to high status social lineages able to invest in luxury items and to strengthen their prestige by emulating magical religious ideas from the south of the peninsula which along with the appearance of metals has led to them being discussed in terms of Mediterranean in uences in the culture of the Tagus 78 76 77 78 Esparza et al 2008 29 36 Leisner et al 1969 Gallay et al 1973 Jorge 1990 Gon alves 2003 Duration and development of exchange networks of prestige goods We have already noted in earlier chapters how toward the end of the Neolithic particularly as the Megalithic reaches its height that part of agricultural surplus was being used for the acquisition of luxury objects especially ornaments which were used as symbols of status or distinction and that were displayed above all in burial areas and whose main added value was usually their unusualness 79 All of which led to the appearance of prestige goods exchange networks sometimes over large distances and which reached their height during the Chalcolithic 80 when gold and copper items joined the list of goods being circulated whose value as a display item would have been as great as their instrumental possibilities along with other exotic items such as ivory and amber which were documented for the rst time in the centre north of the Iberian Peninsula from the third millennium BCE on This presupposes an increase in agricultural surpluses something that is also re ected in the investments in habitats forti cation and the appearance of moated enclosures as well as the rst signs of social hierarchies it would appear from the tombs that some groups or people enjoyed more access to these exotic products and prestige symbols This was not the only socio political strategy another which would also require important investments of time and resources would be oriented to acquiring specialist knowledge As the millennium progressed copper metallurgy became widespread leading to metalworking which would mean adding knowledge and specialism to the strategy of pure exoticism with the consequent need to control supply routes There are several prestige items in the centrenorth of the peninsula whose use is clearly rooted in older traditions from the Late Neolithic Lignite ornaments seashells and cinnabar are well documented in the Late Neolithic and although they continue to appear throughout the Chalcolithic there are some differences regarding their distribution The already mentioned multiple grave of San Juan ante Portam Latinam in lava dating from the end of the fourth millennium is an example of the transition from the Late Neolithic to the Chalcolithic in the north of the peninsula the 79 80 Guilaine 2002 Costa Caram et al 2011
106  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  this, grave goods tended to be few and not very relevant  a piece of ...
THE CHALCOLITHIC IN THE CENTRAL PLATEAU AND ITS ATLANTIC FRINGE 3200 2500 CAL AD dead wore ornaments from earlier periods that in the future would not be seen such as boar teeth or lignite necklaces as well as others that would be continued such as green stone necklaces or sea shell 81 But from the Neolithic Chalcolithic transition onward there are many changes to green stone ornaments According to composite analyses to begin with all kinds of mineral of this colour were used as in the Las Yurdinas II caves in lava and the dolmens of Burgos and Palencia That said at the height of the Chalcolithic we see a visible increase in the use of variscite overwhelmingly in the northern Plateau the north of Portugal and Portuguese Estremadura but not in the mid Tagus where based on the evidence of the Valle de las Higueras Toledo and Camino de Yeseras in Madrid they were not used before the Bell Beaker period As is known during the transition between the fourth and third millennia large scale exploitation of variscite takes place at Can Tintorer Barcelona which supplied green ornaments to the entire Ebro basin and that was later replaced as a production centre by the Palazuelo de las Cuevas mines in Zamora then at their height recent analysis suggests that from around the beginning of the third millennium BCE variscite from here spread out to the entire northern Plateau having been found at Las Pe as de Quiruelas in Zamora El Ollar in Segovia and even reached sites such as Vilanova de S Pedro and Zambujal in Estremadura as well as Anta Grande de Zambujeiro in the Alentejo and even the Guadalquivir Valley to judge from the nds at Valencina 82 Although it declined after the Neolithic period the use of seashells such as dentalium or trivia continued in some regions We have already commented on San Juan ante Portam Latinam where an infant was wearing a necklace made up of more than one hundred dentalium shells proof that the practice continued until the early Chalcolithic But this was something exceptional as was the same in Los Parrales in Ciudad Real a workshop from the Bell Beaker period dedicated to the production of shell necklaces 83 At the same time the use of red pigments is common in Prehistoric funerary rites and its appearance is thus of little signi cance in the sites 81 82 83 Vegas Aramburu 2007 Thomas 2011 Villalobos 2012 Odriozola et al 2013 Dom nguez Bella 2004 Ben tez de Lugo et al 2004 under study It is generally assumed that ochre was used a derivative of iron oxide That said analyses from recent years that in fact cinnabar and vermilion from mercury sulphide found throughout the peninsula were actually used This has been shown at sites such as the Velilla dolmen in Palencia the Casa Montero mine in Madrid and was even used in sites from the Chalcolithic such as Camino de las Yeseras or Valle de las Higueras indicating that its origin was probably Almad n in Ciudad Real 84 There are not many examples of amber artefacts but the appealing possibility that this fossil resin might come from far away places beyond the peninsula has been decisive in the decision to analyse some examples In this corner of the north of the peninsula only a few such items have been found and in funerary contexts such as Mamoa V or Ch de Arcas in Bai o as well as in the oftmentioned Bell Beaker necropolis at Valle de las Higueras or some of the reused dolmens in Murumundi Trikuaizti or Larrarte the latter two in Guipuzcoa The results of some analyses point to the use of local Cretaceous amber while others point to origins outside the peninsula that in Ch de Arcas could be from Sicily while that found in Larrarte almost certainly came from the Baltic 85 Another material that has been increasingly well documented is ivory which has been found in many sites in the south of the peninsula and around the Lisbon area notably the Leceia settlement in Oeiras and other nearby tombs But it is less well documented in the interior and north of the peninsula with just a few nds in the northern Plateau Prado de las Cruces dolmen in vila Yeseras in Madrid and in Pico Ramos in eastern Cantabria Some of the artefacts that have been found have been identi ed as coming from elephant fossils or from a whale of uncertain origin But ivory has also been found from African elephants which would suggest contact beyond the Iberian Peninsula with the southern shore of the Mediterranean 86 It is also worth mentioning items found that were not made from materials traded on the long distance exchange networks but that under certain circumstances point to their inclusion in exchange circuits and that they were prestige objects The abundance in the south of the peninsula of Chalcolithic idols 84 85 86 Delibes 2000 Hunt et al 2012 Vila a et al 2002 lvarez et al 2005 Bueno et al 2005 Schuhmacher et al 2009 107
THE CHALCOLITHIC IN THE CENTRAL PLATEAU AND ITS ATLANTIC FRINGE  3200-2500 CAL. AD   dead wore ornaments from earlier peri...
108 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE whether graven cylindrical or anthropomorphic 87 contrasts with the occasional presence of the same items in the centre and north of the peninsula the presence of graven images is reduced to a few examples such as A Carballeira in Pontevedra and Galisancho and La Casa del Moro in Salamanca88 Other no less exceptional examples from the south would be the anthropomorphic idol found at Las Pozas and the goblet from El Fonsario both in Zamora89 Also to be included in this category of exchange objects is the isolated nding of weapons such as a int dagger from La Gama in Cantabria90 or the amphibolite axes which along with copper were taken from the Ossa Morena area to Estremadura in Portugal 91 In this context it is worth mentioning the kit of polished items at the above mentioned Rechaba period that would include among others long chisels sledgehammers and double headed perforated axes 92 Probably of northern European inspiration they reached as far a eld as the north of Extremadura and the hills of Huelva where a complete set was found used as a trousseau in the nonMegalithic mound of Dehesa de R o Fortes 93 They were also distributed in the Cantabrian region as far along the coast as Guipuzcoa the Balenkaleku axe It is likely to judge from the double headed pick axe found in Marabiu Asturias that most of these were made from the same rock kyanite from quarries to the east of Santiago de Compostela 94 The association of these polished items and their apparent con guration as an emergency kit although from the rst half of the third millennium can in some ways be compared with the distribution of large axes or perforated axes some of them made from alpine jadeite that have also been recorded in the northern third of the Iberian Peninsula 95 If we add copper to all this which would have to supply areas lacking in it from the large exploitations of the Aramo and to a lesser extent gold because in the pre Bell Beaker era it was regarded as possessing exceptional qualities one is able to understand the huge effort channelled toward the sphere of prestige goods exchange as well as the 87 88 89 90 91 92 93 94 95 Gon alves 1997 Bueno Ram rez 2010 Guerra et al 2009 Villalobos 2013 Arias Cabal et al 1999 Lillios 1997 V zquez Varela 1979 Estremera Fabi n 2002 Blas Cortina 2001 F bregas et al 2012 importance of investing these objects with status converting them into symbols of authority Symbolic manifestations Along with funeral practices symbolic manifestations are another way of approaching the religious sphere of prehistoric societies their tremendous wealth in the peninsula during the third millennium BCE is a re ection of the complex rituals that took place during the Chalcolithic Age We will nd graphic expressions corresponding to three artistic traditions that overlap as regards iconography and spaces where they would be represented We can call these Megalithic Art Schematic Art and the petroglyphs of the northwest 96 Cave art coexists with mobiliary art motifs in the open air and in caves along with different formats a variety of techniques engraving painting sculpture different subjects anthromorphs zoomorphs symbolic motifs and even regional differences that allow us to talk in terms of distinct artistic provinces For this reason it is not easy to offer a general view either of the aesthetic concerns that inspired these artistic expressions or of the belief systems that they were articulated through especially when it is hard to pin them down in time The representation cycle of the paintings and engravings belonging to the Schematic Art period runs from the sixth to the second millennium BCE occupying the entire Iberian Peninsula but it is during the Chalcolithic era when most of the panels are believed to have been created given the parallels between the schematic anthropomorphs and votive idols of that period 97 They all share conceptual uniformity as a result of the same iconography over a long period of time 98 which con rms the symbolic value these vaguely human gures possessed for communities in Later Prehistory Furthermore there are clear links between the symbolic worlds of the Chalcolithic and the Megalithic periods The same engravings and paintings that are carried out in the open air decorate Megalithic monuments whether gallery graves menhirs or stele something that is particularly apparent in the International Tagus where they function as graphic markers in the landscape to delimit territories 99 96 97 98 99 Lucas 1993 Sanchidri n 2001 B cares 1990 Bueno et al 2004
108  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  whether, graven, cylindrical, or anthropomorphic,87 contrasts with th...
THE CHALCOLITHIC IN THE CENTRAL PLATEAU AND ITS ATLANTIC FRINGE 3200 2500 CAL AD Figure 7 Simultaneous collective burial in the ditches enclosure of the Copper Age of Yeseras San Fernando de Henares Madrid Photo C Liesau Symbolism reaches the height of its expression in Spanish Extremadura between the fourth and third millennium BCE as can be seen from the wall decorations and anthropomorphic gures documented on later dolmens such as Trincones I in Caceres the best example of which contains some of the votive idols that developed from the graven images found in the Alentejo from the Late Neolithic 100 And in the Lisbon peninsula as we have seen from the arti cial caves and beehive tombs there are similarities with some votive objects made from limestone These are a varied group that include baetyl idols mainly along with less common forms such as pineidols artichoke idols lunules adzes mortars cups and rectangular boxes along with unusual items such as the Alapraia sandals 101 100 101 Bueno et al 2010b Gon alves 2003 But in the centre and northern third of the peninsula decorative art was not cultivated with the same degree of intensity during the rst half of the Chalcolithic perhaps due to the appearance of new funerary forms in search of new scenarios away from the megaliths This is nonetheless surprising bearing in mind the in uences that were coming from the south and that in symbolic terms are expressed as votive pieces such as the horn idols or symbolic pottery In contrast Schematic Art was to undergo major development in these areas as has been shown by the large number of sites with art in Extremadura the Portuguese Douro the south of Salamanca the Duraton gorges Segovia or Monte Valonsadero in Soria Later come the schematic engravings of the Upper Duero and the Cantabrian coast which are attributed to the late Chalcolithic or even the Early Bronze Age 102 102 G mez Barrera 1992 109
THE CHALCOLITHIC IN THE CENTRAL PLATEAU AND ITS ATLANTIC FRINGE  3200-2500 CAL. AD   Figure 7. Simultaneous collective bur...
110 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE and that despite their obvious Megalithic roots the stele icons of Pe a T and Collado de Sejos in Asturias and Cantabria respectively must be from the same period a nexus between the Neolithic ancestral cults103 Something similar can be said about the petroglyps from the northwest of the peninsula Galicia and northern Portugal with some examples in Leon which although they may have gestated during the Chalcolithic or even earlier in the case of the cup marks it is in the Bronze Age when they are best developed 104 103 104 Blas 2003 F bregas 2001 Throughout the Copper Age the emergence of belief systems linked to the Megalithic era can be seen not in the strictest architectonic sense of monumental tombs but as a collection of magical religious practices linked to death 105 But more than a mere transfer of religious ideology and its iconography from the Neolithic to the Copper Ages what happens is a symbolic intensi cation and the appropriation of images of ancestors by certain individuals an emerging minority as an ideological argument for their privileged position 106 105 106 Gon alves 2003 38 Bueno et al 2010
110  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  and that, despite their obvious Megalithic roots, the stele icons of ...
THE CHALCOLITHIC IN THE CENTRAL PLATEAU AND ITS ATLANTIC FRINGE 3200 2500 CAL AD Figure 8 Chalcolitic idol plates from Garrovillas and Tricones I C ceres Photo R Balbin and P Bueno 111
THE CHALCOLITHIC IN THE CENTRAL PLATEAU AND ITS ATLANTIC FRINGE  3200-2500 CAL. AD   Figure 8. Chalcolitic idol-plates fro...
Rafael Garrido Pena Bell Beakers in Iberia A long standing dilemma in European and Iberian prehistory The Bell Beaker phenomenon is one of archaeology s oldest and most controversial debates1 The widespread dispersion of a variety of objects ceramics weapons copper tools gold adornments etc found in Chalcolithic sites in much of Western Europe has always been dif cult to explain At the beginning of the 20th Century the rst attempts focused on cultural aspects suggesting that they had been left behind by ethnic racial or other groups familiar with the ability to produce copper and gold who used these materials to trade and to subjugate the local peoplethey encountered Boch Gimpera and Castillo located the origins of this people in the centre of the Iberian Peninsula initiating a fertile line of investigation that has produced a number of works2 The appearance of more and more nds along with a better understanding of the chronology and decorative styles of Bell Beaker ware meant that by the mid 1960s other arguments and explanations began to emerge Sangmeister synthesized these under his Re ux Theory based on the postulation of a dual origin of Bell Beaker ware This would see the rst appearance of a decorative style in the Tagus estuary in Portugal called Maritime or International due to its distribution and homogeneity and from where it would spread in a ux movement throughout much of Western Europe This culture would hybridize with Chalcolithic cultures in central Europe adopting a series of items such as V perforated buttons or wristguards which would be found in a re ux movement dispersed throughout the south and west in the more advanced phases of the phenomenon creating distinct styles in each zone later on Harrison s peninsula synthesis3developed this explanation further but the appearance of more accurate dating techniques such as C14 would dismantle these models In the mid 1970s Lanting and van der Waals put forward the so called Dutch Model which located the origin of Bell Beakers at the Rhine estuary as part of the Neolithic Corded Ceramic Culture of the north and centre of Europe4 This model which was later very successful is based on an uninterrupted cultural evolutionary sequence using C14 dating of funerary contexts This theory has been accepted until recently when work based on dating from all over Europe and applying the calibration of dates has shown that the picture is not so simple5 As a result several authors are once again looking for the origins of Bell Beakers in the Iberian Peninsula and in particular in central Portugal6 an area that has produced some of the biggest concentrations of nds in all Europe Nevertheless all this work despite defending different hypotheses shares a theoretical background by identifying Bell Beakers with a culture an ethnic group whose origins can be speculated on That said since the 1970s and thanks to the pioneering work of Clarke7 other writers have chosen to interpret the spread of this phenomenon by investigating the economic and social structure of European Chalcolithic groups As Clarke notes we are not dealing with Bell Beaker groups but peoples with Bell Beakers and the material they left behind include special objects of high social value that would have circulated through exchange networks in a Europe undergoing economic transformation and where new social hierarchies were emerging The leaders of these societies would have attempted to strengthen their position by displaying these objects as ritual paraphernalia consisting of luxury ceramics weapons and adornments all of them emblems of prestige and power Sherratt incorporated Clarke s theories with an interesting nuance that would have important repercussions about the possible alcoholic content of Bell Beaker pottery8 These containers could only 4 1 2 3 Universidad Aut noma de Madrid rafael garrido uam es Garrido 2005 Garrido 2000 5 8 Garrido et al 2011 109 Harrison 1977 5 6 7 8 Lanting y van der Waals 1976 M ller y Van Willingen 2001 Salanova 2005 Clarke 1976 Sherratt 1987
Rafael Garrido Pena   Bell-Beakers in Iberia  A long-standing dilemma in European and Iberian prehistory The Bell-Beaker p...
114 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE have been used for very important beverages to be consumed at ceremonies with a high social value a role that alcoholic drinks would have ful lled perfectly particularly in societies lacking permanent political institutions and where they would have been very useful for recruiting new members In recent years the development of laboratory techniques has led to the identi cation of alcoholic remains in many Bell Beaker pots found in the Iberian Peninsula particularly different types of beer9 There now seems to be widespread consensus that Bell Beakers are not symbols of a culture or ethnic group but objects of high social value that were used throughout exchange systems at a key moment in the recent prehistory of Europe and the Iberian Peninsula The main components of the Bell Beaker pack This collection of objects that forms what is usually called the Bell Beaker pack is made up of a series of highly standardized types that appear together recurrently in the same archaeological context Fig 1 Pottery Pottery makes up a smaller group of standardized forms particularly the Bell Beaker pot with its sinuous pro le capable of holding around one litre and in 1 1 proportion between the diameter of the mouth and the total height ideal for managing the consumption of liquids Alongside is the carinated bowl a wide low vessel in 3 1 proportion and that could hold between 1 5 and 2 5 litres clearly used for the presentation and consumption of solids Next to these are a collection of bowls small receptacles for individual consumption probably used to distribute the contents of Bell Beakers and carinated bowls Exceptional are the Bell Beaker cups which have been found only in El Acebuchal Carmona the central area of Portugal Sao Pedro do Estoril and Cascais 10 and then along the Tagus at nds in places such as El Ventorro Madrid El Alto del Romo Cuenca or more recently and complete at Humanejos Parla Madrid for example All the objects have ne walls around 5 mm thick and are carefully made and nished with complex detailed decoration In some cases the decoration is lled with white paste made of ground bone as has 9 10 Rojo et al 2006 Garrido et al 2011 Gon alves 2005 Figure 1 Representation of a warrior wearing elements of the Bell Beaker set Rojo et al 2005 Drawing Luis Pascual been shown by recent laboratory analysis11 and which highlights it against the dark background of the recipient The oldest styles have corded impressions and are found in limited and peripheral areas of the Peninsula as well as the Maritime Fig 2 and are made by 11 Odriozola y Hurtado 2007
114  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  have been used for very important beverages, to be consumed at ceremo...
BELL BEAKERS IN IBERIA comb impressions sometimes with shells with bands lled with oblique and plain tracing which are found throughout the Peninsula and particularly concentrated in central Portugal Later on geometric designs are added to the classic Maritime designs eventually creating a style that has been called geometric pointill puntillado because it shows the impression made by comb but with a wider range of motifs This was a kind of transitional style toward later regional ones Later regional styles have been created through impressed techniques traditionally thought to be incised using a non stippling pattern that has been given different regional and local names Palmela Salam Carmona and above all Ciempozuelos 12 Fig 3A While older styles such as the Corded or Maritime respond to standardized decorative schemes throughout Europe particularly the succession of bands lled with oblique tracing in alternating directions those from Ciempozuelos and others from the same period are instead based on local and regional designs although they are surprisingly regular and standardized Employing repertories of relatively smaller geometric motifs and normally of no more than three to a vessel they are combined to form complex ornamental designs following very regular templates that are often successive while others are clearly endowed with central symmetry It is worth mentioning the existence of a decorative variety that along with the characteristic geometric motifs incorporates others that are gurative schematic deers soliforms etc that are directly linked to the world of schematic rock art or idols known as Symbolic Bell Beakers Fig 3B Many exceptional examples have been found in the peninsula of this curious type in locations such as the bowl from Las Carolinas and the carinated bowl from El Camino de la Yeseras both in Madrid or the bowls from Ciavieja and Los Millares in Almer a or those from Palmela Tituaria and Castro de Portucheira in Portugal Neither should we forget the presence in these settlements of large storage vessels with Bell Beaker decorations which despite their size also exhibit signi cant standardization in their ornamentation which tends to employ repetitive designs and formats perhaps indicating their use for fermentation or for consuming beverages that would be ingested from a standard size vessel In fact a recent nd at the Carlos lvarez rock shelter Soria contained residue of wheat beer Finally there is also undecorated Bell Beaker pottery which despite lacking any ornamentation repli12 Harrison 1977 Figure 2 Maritime Bell Beaker from La Sima barrow Mi o de Medinaceli Soria Rojo et al 2005 Photography Alejandro Plaza Museo Numantino Soria cates exactly the same forms to be found in the decorative repertory Bell Beaker vessels pots bowls etc with the pottery found in many funerary contexts For this reason they are known as the Plain Style Copper weapons and tools Among the tools worth highlighting are bi pointed copper awls and at axes the last could also be used as weapons just as undoubtedly the tanged knives daggers and spear heads of Palmela type Fig 4A These were all made from copper sometimes with a signi cant amount of arsenic particularly the daggers the addition of which does not seem intentional to judge from the results of metallurgical tests The rst bronze implements only appear occasionally in peninsular BellBeakers for example at the site of Bauma del Serrat del Pont Gerona During this time it appears that the use of copper spread throughout the peninsula but without being associated with any important technological changes from the preceding Chalcolithic era Potfurnaces and crucibles are still being used for smelting sometimes with Bell Beaker decoration such as those found at El Ventorro Madrid Son Matge Mallorca or Bauma del Serrat del Pont Gerona for example13 13 Rovira y Delibes 2005 115
BELL-BEAKERS IN IBERIA  comb impressions, sometimes with shells, with bands    lled with oblique and plain tracing, which ...
116 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figure 3 Bell Beaker pottery A Ciempozuelos necropolis Madrid Photography Museo Arqueol gico Nacional B Internal and external view of the Beaker bowl of Las Carolinas Madrid Photography Museo Arqueol gico de la Comunidad de Madrid Among the methods used to x heads to shafts during this time was tongue and groove while in other areas of western Europe the rst riveting appeared a much more ef cient way of joining a tool to a shaft that would be the most common system used during the Bronze Age As would be the case with bronze implements toward the end of this period and then only rarely we see riveting in particular kinds of halberds as those of Carrapatas type which are related to a recent Bell Beaker burial nd at a funeral site of Ciempozuelos style in Madrid Humanejos The later tanged daggers made during the Bell Beaker period had bigger blades in proportion to the tongue which became smaller and that would eventually be replaced by rivets The dagger found at Almeida de Sayago Zamora northern Spain uses both systems a tiny tongue and two rivets14 a precursor to the technological innovations that would come in the following centuries Gold ornaments Gold working during this period spreads as has been shown by the nds at sites such as Fuente Olmedo which include diadems or headbands as well as the typical square or rectangular plaquettes which predominate along with necklace beads These are 14 Delibes 1977 72 73 all made from alluvial gold meticulously beaten from thin strips These would have been associated with organic material that have since been lost particularly small plaquettes that were sometimes combined to form complex headdresses such as that recently found on an individual buried at the Camino de lasYeseras site in Madrid Another exceptional item is the gold wristguard found at Vila Nova de Cerveira at Viana do Castelo in Portugal Other items of important symbolic value This category includes neither pottery nor metallic objects frequently found in the context of BellBeakers giving fundamental clues within this complex phenomenon such as archers wristguards and bone and ivory V perforated buttons Archers wristguards are made of rectangular plates usually of stone with perforations along the edges and whose name comes from the widely accepted explanation of their use Fig 4B It is believed that they were worn on the inside of the forearm as has been shown from funeral sites to dampen the impact of the bow s string It is common to nd int arrowheads at funeral sites Bows are featured on the anthropomorphic stele found at the Beaker Swiss site of Petit Chasseur The bow and arrow was the most common weapons used by Chalcolithic groups both for hunting and war
116  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figure 3. Bell Beaker pottery  A, Ciempozuelos necropolis, Madrid  Ph...
BELL BEAKERS IN IBERIA Figure 4 Bell Beaker items from La Sima barrow Mi o de Medinaceli Soria A Daggers of copper B Palmela points of copper C Stone wrist guards Photography Alejandro Plaza Museo Numantino Soria The V perforated buttons were used for personal adornment They are so called for the curious system by which they were attached to clothing There are a variety of standardized types such as hemispherical conical tortoise type truncated cones pyramid etc and were made from bone or ivory Recent laboratory analysis15 has shown that in some cases the ivory comes from Africa which illustrates the extent of trading systems during this period The distribution of these buttons in tombs such as those lined up in Cave 1 at Sao Pedro do Estoril in Cascais Portugal16 suggests a clear link to clothing These would have been ceremonial garments of great value perhaps like those on the anthropomorphic stele at Petit Chasseur with detailed decoration such as that found on Bell Beaker vessels In short these Bell Beaker items form a standardized group of types recurrently found in the same contexts throughout Western Europe during the second half of the third millennium cal BC That said some of these are essentially peninsular such 15 16 Schuhmacher y Banerjee 2012 Gon alves 2005 117 as the carinated bowls which have only been found at sporadic sites in Sicily or the South of France or spearheads of the Palmela type which while abundant in the Iberian Peninsula are rarely found beyond southern France or North Africa or the symbolic Bell Beaker pottery which are exclusive to the peninsula Chronological and geographic context Bell Beakers occupied the Iberian peninsula during the second half of the third millennium cal BC 2500 2000 cal BC although some C14 dating allows us to extend this period to between 2700 2600 at the lower end and 1900 cal BC forward That said this timeframe can vary considerably depending on the region in areas such as the southeast of the Iberian peninsulait continues into the second millennium cal BC 2000 1900 cal BC which is traditionally considered the Early Bronze Age It is harder to establish the internal chronology of this phenomenon because the available absolute dating procedures have their limits when it comes to detailing relatively short periods and more so in the C14 calibration curve which can 117
BELL-BEAKERS IN IBERIA  Figure 4. Bell Beaker items from La Sima barrow, Mi  o de Medinaceli, Soria  A, Daggers of copper ...
118 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE be very irregular Traditional dating establishes two main periods The Maritime or International Style of late pan European distribution and chronology Regional Styles Salam Carmona Palmela Ciempozuelos which came later It is dif cult to establish the time limit between both given the limits of current dating methods but they could be anything between 2300 2200 cal BC Furthermore local Bell Beaker styles overlap those of the Maritime type as has been shown from a number of archaeological sites in the peninsula That said it is important to point out that Maritime BellBeaker styles never appear together with later styles in closed funeral contexts Epi Bell Beaker decorative styles have been identi ed in some peninsular areas that are similar to the Bell Beaker but with important differences above all in the organization of decorative designs These occupy the nal phase of the Bell Beaker sequence well into the second millennium cal BC This is the case for example of the so called Arbol Style of the northeast of the Iberian Peninsula or the Dornajos style of La Mancha17 Regarding the geographic distribution of BellBeakers throughout the Iberian peninsula we can currently say that it is to be found in every region those where it was least known such as Galicia18 Cantabria19 or Extremadura20 That said we can argue that the largest concentration of nds has come from central Portugal clearly extended along the course of the Tagus basin In general there are more sites in the interior of the peninsula concentrated along the main communication routes of the Tagus and Duero valleys This shows that there was a dense network of exchange routes throughout the peninsula during the third millennium cal BC that preceded the appearance of Bell Beakers but that developed and expanded with it large as the peninsula We can distinguish two main categories living spaces and tombs Living spaces There is a wide range of types of Chalcolithic peninsular settlements and the Bell Beakers impact on them is equally diverse From the end of the fourth millennium to the beginning of the third millennium cal BC we see the appearance of large walled settlements in the southeast such as Los Millares or atZambujal in central Portugal as a result of major economic and social change Around the middle of the third millennium these population centres begin to incorporate Bell Beaker elements albeit in small amounts 5 of material found so far and in general limited to small areas very often centred in elevated zones of such hubs acropolis This has been interpreted as testimony to increased political instability at times of crisis and con ict In another area of the early Chalcolithic period the southwest of the peninsula the Bell Beaker phase is also present at large enclosures such as Valencina de la Concepci n in Seville or La Pijotilla in Extremadura21 for example This Bell Beaker phase also sees a notable reduction in the occupied area and at the same time an increase in differences between clans to judge from the funerary contexts in the neighbouring necropolis Archaeological contexts living spaces and tombs In other regions of the peninsula manifestations of social complexity are much less clear as there were far fewer of them Settlement patterns during the third millennium show no signs of hierarchy or centralization in major population centres Settlements are largely fragmented along the lines of small living areas whether caves or permanent spaces such as camps which are found throughout the peninsula sometimes alongside small enclosures and never covering more than a hectare except in the case of the Camino de Yeseras site in Madrid which extends over 20 hectares and was probably a central location22 In these sites we nd small amounts of Bell Beaker items 1 5 such as pottery although in the nearby El Ventorro site there are the remains of huts alongside evidence of metallurgy and faunal remains23 We can safely say that there is no such thing as a Bell Beaker settlement or tomb because as indicated above we are not talking about a culture but a phenomenon that affects different groups or cultures and therefore the contexts in which it appears are many and varied particularly in a region as Finally we should not forget the recent discovery of important settlements with Bell Beaker material close to the lagoons of Villaf la in Zamora Molino Sanch n Santioste and that have been interpreted as places where salt24 a key product for humans and domestic animals was mined 17 18 19 20 Garrido 2000 131 136 Prieto y Salanova 2011 Onta n 2005 Hurtado 2005 21 22 23 24 Hurtado 2005 Liesauet al 2008 Garrido et al 2005 Guerra et al 2011
118  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  be very irregular. Traditional dating establishes two main periods   ...
BELL BEAKERS IN IBERIA Figure 5 Bell Beaker grave of Humanejos Parla Madrid Photography Sara Genicio Lorenzo Courtesy of Raul Flores Fernandez Tombs There is an even greater variety of funerary structures Up until a few decades ago it was commonplace to link individual burials in pits with bell beakers contrasting with the collective graves of earlier periods but today we can say that this is an excessive simpli cation Individual tombs exist from the beginning of the Neolithic age while collective pantheons do not disappear either in the Chalcolithic or Bell Beaker periods although it is true that there is a notable decline in the number of individuals buried inside compared to the megalithic monuments of the Neolithic age It now seems that these are small family pantheons belonging to lineages or parent groups that exercised power given the concentration of items found in them In the case of the arti cial caves in central Portugal Grutas de Quinta do Anjo en Palmela Alapraia or San Pedro de Estoril 25 and other such structures recently discovered in the Tagus basin such as Valle de lasHigueras in Toledo26 and the Camino de lasYeseras27 and Humanejos28 Fig 5 which have produced spectacular funerary nds combining ne Bell Beaker ware along with copper weaponry gold work and the characteristic wristguards and bone and ivory V perforated buttons There are obviously also individual graves that have yielded rich nds such as those in Villabuena del Puente in Zamora or Fuente Olmedo in Valladolid under small mounds of stone and with one of the richest Bell Beaker contexts in Europe which along with the ceramic trio in the Ciempozuelos Style includes a gold diadem a wristguard a int arrowhead and a spectacular collection of copper weapons consisting of a tanged dagger and 11 Palmela type spearheads29 Fig 6 Much more recent is the discovery of individual Bell Beaker tombs at La Vital in Valencia30 26 27 28 29 25 Gon alves 2005 30 Buenoet al 2005 Liesauet al 2008 Flores y Garrido en prensa Delibes 1977 62 68 Garc a y otros 2013 119
BELL-BEAKERS IN IBERIA  Figure 5. Bell Beaker grave of Humanejos, Parla, Madrid.  Photography  Sara Genicio Lorenzo  Court...
120 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE But alongside this is also common during this periodthe reuse of Neolithic and Megalithic graves which were a focus of symbolic activity This reuse is particularly intense in regions with an important megalithic past to the extent that these are the predominant Bell Beaker grave type such as in the Zamora Salamanca area of the Castilian plateau or in Andalusia for example31 One of the most spectacular of these is at La Sima Soria which was abandoned after a complex two phase funerary sequence with two Neolithic phases in which the corbelled stone chamber a tholos was used collectively More than a thousand years later a range of tombs accompanied by Bell Beaker grave goods FIGURES 2 and 4 just in the entrance to the chamber without penetrating it of which only two have been preserved intact32 La Sima appears to be a model for others and is similar to many other megalithic tombs throughout the peninsula The presence of Bell Beaker material in megaliths used to be interpreted as proof of social and ideological continuity understood in terms of uninterrupted funerary sequences over millennia But the recent excavation of many monuments and the availability of C14 dating of Neolithic bones now allows us to see that these burial sites were not used continuously but instead were abandoned often for hundreds of years and then reused The use in each period depends on different circumstances as well as the social and ideological contexts In the case of Bell Beakers their use could be attributed to a desire by emerging leaders of fragile social structures to legitimate their claim to rule A different case altogether are the cemeteries at the larger peninsular Chalcolithic population centres such as the tholostype tombs at Los Millaresin the southeast or at La Pijotilla in Extremadura33 which were used during the Bell Beaker period which given their chronological proximity suggest a clear case of social and ideological continuity It would appear that these groups of leaders adopted these as symbols of power using them up until the beginning of the Bronze Age when new forms of social organization appeared to possibly replace them Two other interesting examples illustrating the funerary diversity of this period are worth mentioning the Tres Montes tomb Navarra and Valdeprados vila The rst is an untypical wood and stone structure along the lines of the house of the dead that was then torched and destroyed The second is a small grave that housed a secondary burial accom31 32 33 Lazarich 2005 361 Rojo et al 2005 Garrido et al 2005 416 Hurtado 2005 328 329 panied by rich Bell Beaker funerary grave goods that included gold and copper weapons daggers and Palmela spearheads The immense majority of the Bell Beaker inhumations were carried out in primary foetal position which means that this case can be explained as the transfer of the remains of somebody who died and was buried somewhere else and then transported for exceptional reasons to their nal resting place where they were discovered anatomically disconnected Despite their diversity Bell Beaker tombs share some common characteristics In general they are set apart or make up small necropolises but rarely of more than a dozen structures The number of individuals per tomb is small rarely more than ve even in small pantheons It would seem therefore that a small minority of these people used them These groups would have controlled access to the exotic raw materials found in the grave goods gold ivory and even cinnabar which would have been sprinkled on the bodies In recent years discoveries at places like Camino de Yeseras have yielded tombs from the same Bell Beaker period but without grave goods which suggests that there were major differences in the way people were buried depending on their social status That said there must have been many more tombs or funeral spaces for the rest of the population and perhaps the surprising nd of a Chalcolithic collective burial chamber at Camino del Molino in Caravaca Murcia holding more than 1 000 individuals34 is a good example of the type of pantheons where the majority of the population were buried At the same time there are differences of wealth within the grave offerings found in Bell Beaker tombs while some have just a few ceramic items that repeat the same combinations such as the Ciempozuelos pottery trio sometimes wristguards are found while others have yielded costly copper weapons and gold and ivory ornaments The bodies are laid out in the foetal position Men women and children have been found in these tombs That said although there is no hard statistical evidence but it appears that the majority of bodies were male with far fewer women and very few children But the few that have been found such as in Aldeagordillo vila35 raise the question as to whether some of these gures were trying to create hereditary power structures inherited status Recent calcium and phosphorous isotope analyses have produced interesting data about the diet of the individuals found in Bell Beaker tombs reveal34 35 Lomba et al 2009 Fabian 1992
120  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  But alongside this, is also common during this periodthe reuse of Neo...
BELL BEAKERS IN IBERIA Figure 6 Objects found in the Bell Beaker tomb of Fuente Olmedo Valladolid Delibes 1977 121
BELL-BEAKERS IN IBERIA  Figure 6. Objects found in the Bell Beaker tomb of Fuente Olmedo, Valladolid.  Delibes 1977 .  121...
122 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE ing different dietary patterns for example meat although vegetarian diets seem to predominate some family groups have been found to have eaten sh36 Finally we should mention some interesting recent nds which are not strictly speaking tombs but bear many similarities These are a series of small barrows such as Morcuero Gemu o vila or El Alto III Fuencaliente de Medinaceli Soria where BellBeaker material has been found in the case of the Soria site of great wealth where not only ceramic items but also gold pieces have been found No bones were present and this cannot be attributed to decomposition but instead to ritual37 Perhaps these were cenotaphs or places where special ceremonies took place The mounds do not always yield buried objects but instead could be landmarks that indicate important points in the landscape where a tomb is located or in these cases speci cally for their social ritual or ceremonial value Bell Beakers in its social and ideological context In short there is a convincing body of evidence that suggests that Bell Beakers did not consist simply of everyday receptacles belonging to this or that culture or racial or ethnic group but instead a ritual pottery that was highly prized and into the making of which a great deal of care and trouble had gone given its decorative designs ne workmanship and standardized designs38 This ceramic set was part of a successful combination of weapons ornaments and receptacles used for food and drink rituals linked to important occasions These were ritual paraphernalia that would be exhibited by certain people over the course of their lives and that would accompany them into the afterlife These funerary items would always be carefully chosen to project a certain image of the deceased to the wider community In reality they were used not so much to highlight the social position of the departed but of his family and their aspirations to inherit power Metal weapons on occasions found alongside int arrowheads provide an image of a warrior and his military authority Palmela type spearheads and tanged daggers reinforce this they were items that few in these societies could have had access to Ornaments would have given their owner prestige as well given that they too were made with exotic materials such as gold and ivory Ownership would have 36 37 38 Trancho y Robledo 2011 Garrido et al 2011 122 124 Garrido 2000 made it clear that these people were in contact with long distance exchange networks which would have given them considerable prestige As valuable specialized creations Bell Beaker pottery would be part of a collection used repeatedly in ceremonies where food and alcoholic beverages above all beer would be consumed something that not all in society would be able to do Through these complex rituals these gures would manage to recruit others to their cause These rituals would take place not just at funerals but at settlements particularly on special occasions through the development of hospitality rituals and festivities Fig 7 all of which has been well documented in ethnographic works on similar societies This would explain the limited appearance of Bell Beaker ware in small settlements Analysis of the composition of the clays used to make Bell Beaker pottery over recent years shows that in many cases there are clear differences in the technology used to make smooth pottery but they also indicate that only a small percentage of BellBeakers were imported39 In the vast majority of cases local clays were used which means we have to explain the spread of complex decorative designs standardized forms etc This is most likely due to the movement of people but not necessarily migratory Instead it could be due to intermarriage as part of political and social strategies pacts alliances etc linked to the possible existence of individual travellers all of which could explain the spread of many Bell Beaker items as well as the symbols and ideas associated with them The Europe of the middle of the third millennium BCE was undergoing economic transformation Humanity had developed agricultural techniques including animal husbandry over the course of the Neolithic period creating surpluses that had to be managed which in turn led to models of social organization that created inequalities Some regions of the Iberian peninsulahad already seen the creation of important population centres while long distance exchange networks were connecting Iberiawith circuits where exotic materials such as ivory could be obtained40 All this explains the rapid incorporation of BellBeaker elements in these social circuits as another component used as power symbols This doesn t mean that all European or peninsulargroups had the same type of social structures and there was notable diversity But Bell Beakers are present in all of them 39 40 Clop 2007 Jorge 2009 Schuhmacher y Banerjee 2012
122  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  ing different dietary patterns, for example meat, although vegetarian...
BELL BEAKERS IN IBERIA Figure 7 Ritual scene of a hospitality banquet with Beaker pottery Rojo et al 2006 Drawing Luis Pascual because they were undergoing a process of transformation albeit at different degrees and within these societies the growing inequality needed to be justi ed through symbolic acts and rituals In regions such as the southeast and southwest we are likely talking about leaderships where inequality was permanent but in other areas it is more appropriate to use Hayden s concept of transegalitarian societies which are changing from an egalitarian to a hierarchical model41 This is because in these regions there is no evidence of either a clear centralization nor of power being inherited but instead of notable instability and con ict This is perhaps why Bell Beakers survive longer in some than in others in some cases up until the Early Bronze Age and were necessary in a still unstable social context whereas in the Southeast for example the El Argar group had already appeared associated with more complex and stable political forms 41 Garrido 2006 All in all the Bell Beaker phenomenon cast a long shadow over the recent peninsular history The development of such intense and continuous processes of social interaction connecting large areas of western Europe with new forms of understanding and expressing power through the display of metal weapons hospitality rituals using special vessels along with other symbols of prestige and personal success and particularly well expressed in funeral rites In fact some of these items such as wristguards V perforated buttons or cups continued to be used by groups in the peninsula during the Bronze Age The large truncated conical pots of the middle and nal part of the Bronze Age which some writers have associated with banquets where large amounts of meat was served and consumed have their origin in Bell Beaker carinated bowls Many decorative designs from such characteristic archaeological sites such as Cogotas I at the end of the Bronze Age are clearly from the Bell Beaker repertory 123
BELL-BEAKERS IN IBERIA  Figure 7. Ritual scene of a hospitality banquet with Beaker pottery  Rojo et al., 2006. Drawing  L...
124 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Less clear is the impact of these centuries of intense contact and exchange of materials people and ideas on other important areas such as symbolism and language Both of these key aspects of the past challenge what archaeology is able to unearth but it is nevertheless clear that exchange takes place between people and that they must be able to understand each other In short the impact of the BellBeaker phenomenon was important and long lasting and after centuries of close relationships associations and similarities were created that were only erased after long periods of time
124  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Less clear is the impact of these centuries of intense contact and ex...
3 bronze age the complex societies THE FIRST MEDITERRANEA NEOLITHIC FARMERS VI V MILLENNIA BC 125
3  bronze age  the complex societies  THE FIRST MEDITERRANEA NEOLITHIC FARMERS  VI-V MILLENNIA BC   125
Vicente Lull Rafael Mic Cristina Rihuete Herrada and Roberto Risch The Bronze Age in Mediterranean Iberia Introduction concept chronology and periodization In general terms the beginning of the Bronze Age in the Iberian Peninsula was marked around 22001by the material culture that appeared after the Chalcolithic societies crisis and came to an end with the rise of Phoenician colonial activity in the western Mediterranean around 900 Scholars have attached particular importance to these two points in time but this does not mean that a single social process linked the two In fact the term Bronze Age covers such disparate cultures that it has no precise sociological meaning It is not even accurate as a reference to technology since bronze was not used until well into the second millennium and the rst Phoenician outposts did not result in its substitution by iron In practice Bronze Age is little more than a convention with a chronological meaning There was such social diversity during these 1300 years in the Iberian Peninsula that only greater territorial consolidation along much of the Mediterranean seaboard justi es treating it separately However this territorial stability was not a constant either in terms of duration geographical scope or intensity In this respect the El Argar stands out with its extensive settlements numerous funerary contexts and standardised production of artefacts making it a point of reference in the development towards an urban society with social classes and state like politics Outside its setting in the southeast and the southeast itself after the Argaric era diversity appeared to ourish once again with new vigour although in some cases caused by the persistent gaps in our archaeological knowledge The periodization of the regions situated roughly between the Sierra Nevada and the eastern Pyrenees is based on several hundred radiocarbon datings and dozens of stratigraphic and contextual records2 At 1 2 Universidad Aut noma de Barcelona Vicente lull uab cat All chronological references in the text are expressed in calendar years BCE Gonz lez Marc n et alii 1992 Castro et alii 1996 For an additional treatment of questions of chronology and periodization of the peninsular Bronze Age see Almagro least in the areas in the south a tripartite division of the Bronze Age is reasonable Early Bronze Age ca 2200 1550 This period covers the El Argar archaeological group and those of La Mancha and the eastern parts of the Betic and Iberian systems They are the best known and are the ones on which we shall focus This period is sometimes subdivided into Early Bronze Age and Middle Bronze Age although this distinction does not always nd a satisfactory chronological and material de nition Late Bronze Age ca 1550 1300 With very few exceptions the decline in permanent settlements marked a turning point in social evolution However this makes it dif cult to identify populations with clear territorial limits In this period and the one that follows innovations in bronze metallurgy and pottery set the pattern for de ning archaeological horizons and groups Final Bronze Age ca 1300 900 In the centuries before the Iron Age the peninsular communities seem to be more closely linked with each other and with the external world as Atlantic Mediterranean and continental connections suggest The rst signs of Phoenician colonisation on the south coast conventionally indicate the end of the Bronze Age although in practice the last regional horizons probably extend to around 800 Early Bronze Age ca 2200 1550 Our problematic understanding of social transitions In order to understand the social realities that were forged around 2200 we need to look at the transformations that were under way during the previous period From a general perspective the third Gorbea 1997 Ruiz G lvez 2001 and Barandiar n et alii 2007
Vicente Lull , Rafael Mic  , Cristina Rihuete Herrada and Roberto Risch  The Bronze Age in Mediterranean Iberia  Introduct...
128 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE millennium saw the culmination of a socioeconomic process that began with the Neolithic expansion From at least the sixth millennium the lands that provided high yields with relatively non intensive technologies in terms of labour were those that attracted human occupation The scarcity or absence of highly strati ed stable settlements re ects the periodic movement of groups caused by variations in the availability of resources In many cases only the presence of collective burials used for generations suggests a certain degree of permanence From the end of the fourth millennium traditional Neolithic semi sedentary and open societies began to display anomalies particularly in the southern half of the Peninsula A proliferation of stone built forti ed settlements and settlements whose limits were determined by surrounding ditches whether or not these were of a defensive nature indicate that communities had become more sedentary some became so deeply rooted that it is evident that only violence could dislodge them while others began to revolve socially and economically around certain enclaves Despite these trends the maintenance of collective funerary practices the formal similarities of artefacts produced and the wide circulation of certain objects and raw materials suggest that groups ancestral relationships and contacts persisted over wide areas and that the community remained the political and economic focus of life During the third quarter of the third millennium the panorama in the southern regions underwent changes which proved to be decisive Earlier settlements sometimes very large and situated by preference in valleys or on river terraces began to lose importance in favour of other smaller centres on rugged hilltops with good visibility At the same time funerary practices saw the beginning of individual treatments in small structures connected with areas of habitation In the production of artefacts the wide distribution of the items associated with the Bell Beaker phenomenon copper tanged daggers Palmella points v perforated buttons archers wrist guards indicate that social networks had not been interrupted even so the fact that decorative patterns on pottery became differentiated into regional styles tells us there was a reduction in the geographical scale of contacts Fragmentation individualisation and violence shaped social trends around the twenty third century when with the abandonment or restructuring of the largest and most emblematic Chalcolithic sites a change of course in historic development is in evidence3 3 Lull et alii 2010a The crisis of the Chalcolithic world did not pave the way for a shared future From 2200 onwards various separate developments would take shape from urban societies articulated into socioeconomic classes capable of maintaining political boundaries to communities that adopted or maintained semi sedentary ways of life in which it is dif cult to identify signi cant and permanent concentrations of power Determining the degree of independence between them is one of the most interesting topics of current research In any case it seems clear that the beginnings of the Bronze Age meant a displacement of the centre of gravity of the peninsular population from the southwest quadrant to the southeast and in this second area the con guration of a political and economic epicentre in Argaric lands Fig 1 This is our point of departure Argaric society At the end of the nineteenth century H and L Siret published their ndings on domestic contexts numerous burials and a multitude of ceramic metal stone and bone objects discovered in a dozen sites in the eastern districts of Almer a and Murcia4 The most important of them El Argar Almer a gave its name to an archaeological entity that would become a point of reference for the rst stages of the Bronze Age in Europe5 The Argaric communities occupied a territory of some 33 000 km2 in its period of maximum expansion The oldest enclaves are documented in the coastal or pre coastal districts of Almer a Murcia and southern Alicante and then extend inland as far as the upper Guadalquivir and the southern edge of La Mancha in the early centuries of the second millennium We owe the archaeological de nition of the Argaric group to the varied and abundant nds dating to its full and nal phases coinciding with its maximum territorial extent economic development and the ritual deposits that formed part of funerary practices 2000 1550 We shall discuss this in the pages that follow but rst we should mention a number of aspects related to the complex subject of 4 5 Siret y Siret 1887 1890 Schubart and Ulreich 1991 For a fuller version of the synthesis of Argaric society presented here and an extended bibliography consult Lull 1983 2000 Lull and Est vez 1986 Chapman 1990 2003 Castro et alii 1999 Lull et alii 2005 2010b 2011 2013b Eiroa 2004 L pez Padilla 2009 Aranda 2011 C mara and Molina 2011
128  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  millennium saw the culmination of a socioeconomic process that began ...
THE BRONZE AGE IN MEDITERRANEAN IBERIA to determine their implications Today the excavations in Gatas La Bastida Santa Catalina Lorca and Fuente lamo and also the absolute dating of materials recovered in the past are beginning to throw light on a key period These sites attest to the choice of hilltops with natural defences a trend that began at the end of the Chalcolithic Huts were built on the hillsides and had curved outer walls foundations partially cut from the rock and mud brick walls held up by posts Archaeologically visible funerary practices show that inhumation in collective structures fell out of favour and became infrequent to be replaced by the adoption of small spaces such as rock cut tombs and cists in the subsoil of the villages Few ceramic vessels unequivocally match the types proposed by the Sirets but small and medium sized items such as bowls and pots with a slightly de ned rim in pale tones of clay super cially smoothed and irregularly red are abundant The upper body of some pots is decorated with designs that include incised triangles arranged in series lled with dots or lines that could be related to the epi Bell Beaker styles Figure1 Patterns of settlement in the Iberian Peninsula between 1 ca 3200 and 2200 BCE and 2 ca 2200 and 1550 BCE The symbols represent the form and density of settlement on the basis of information from surveys and excavations without indicating exact positions the formation of Argaric society and its relationship with contemporary groups between ca 2200 and 2050 2000 The formative context When excavations began various sites situated in the home of Argaric society such as Lugarico Viejo Fuente Vermeja and Las Anchuras were dated to a transitional period of the early Bronze Age However the relative scarcity of nds and their uncertain chronological position made it dif cult Not many nds can be securely dated to between 2200 and 2050 2000 outside the core Argaric area between the Vera basin and the Guadalent n valley Without the con rmation of radiocarbon dates it is problematic to assignto this period stratigraphic usually labelled late nal Chalcolithic or Early Bronze Age in the case of nds whose composition cannot simply be equated to better known Chalcolithic assemblages or to the consolidated horizons of the Bronze Age However we would risk suggesting that settlements that were probably occupied at the end of the third millennium such as Terlinques Serra Grossa Mas del Corral Alicante Muntanya Assolada Valencia Cerro de las V boras Molinos de Papel Murcia Cerro de la Virgen Granada Cerro de la Encantada Ciudad Real and Morra del Quintanar Albacete amongst others display similarities to the Argaric homeland in one or other aspect of their dwellings funerary practices or artefacts But if human occupations at the end of the third millennium shared characteristics that developed out of the disintegration the Chalcolithic societies in the south was there anything unusual in the lowlands of the southeast that would foreshadow a different future The answer is no more than a working hypothesis and lies in the recent nd of a system of monumental stone forti cation at La Bastida Mur 129
THE BRONZE AGE IN MEDITERRANEAN IBERIA  to determine their implications. Today, the excavations in Gatas, La Bastida, Sant...
130 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figure 2 Forti ed complex of La Bastida Totana Murcia ASOME UAB cia Fig 2 6 Its position on a hilltop that is in itself protected and hidden and the fact that its new architectural solutions solid closely space square towers a forti ed entrance passage parallel to the outside wall dissociates it from the Chalcolithic tradition The disappearance of int arrowheads from the archaeological record of the southeast coinciding with the use of halberds daggers and short swords of arsenical copper attests to the decline of Chalcolithic archery in favour of hand to hand combat which the forti cation of La Bastida was well adapted to resist in other words communities that defended themselves with the tools they used for working the land or hunting gave way to groups that were expert at wielding real weapons As a hypothesis it is our contention that groups of men specialising in using physical violence formed in the lowlands of the southeast and that these groups and the society that maintained or suffered them successfully directed that violence towards conquest and appropriation Argaric society developed out of the substratum of the original population and expanded using what could be called military violence Whether or not extra peninsular 6 Lull et alii 2014 factors were involved in shaping it is something that will have to be resolved by research We should not forget when considering the initial rise of Argaric society that the lowlands of the southeast offered excellent conditions for farming In historic times and even more so today with annual rainfall of around 200 300 mm such fertility can only be achieved using complex irrigation systems since the rains can only sustain basically steppe or shrub like vegetation Moreover the intense erosion hinders edaphic development and produces denuded landscapes The most widely accepted idea until a few decades ago was that the climate in recent prehistory was similar to that of today Thus it was assumed that subsistence was based on intensive systems of agricultural production irrigation cultivation of olives and grapes and that the political demands of managing it encouraged the formation of some of the rst complex societies of western Europe However recent palaeo ecological reconstructions indicate that during the third millennium rainfall was more abundant than today more water was available and the vegetation included large areas of scrub and Mediterranean woodland in the lowlands species of trees in the sierras and even areas of riparian forest Thus Argaric society developed under more favourable ecological conditions
130  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figure 2. Forti   ed complex of La Bastida  Totana, Murcia     ASOME,...
THE BRONZE AGE IN MEDITERRANEAN IBERIA Figure 3 Aerial view of the hilltop occupied by Tira del Lienzo Totana Murcia ASOME UAB than today s although the same research also suggests that human impact in the form of opening up elds for the cultivation of crops over use of agricultural land clearing areas for grazing and obtaining fuel severely affected the vegetation coverage and the soil thus contributing to the crisis that led to its demise The archaeological de nition De ning Argaric society from ca 2000 onwards involves data of various kinds Most of the settlements were situated on steep hills at the foot of the sierras separated from the plains and fertile valleys but with visual control over these areas and over communication routes Fuente lamo Gatas and El O cio in Almer a Lorca La Almoloya and Monteagudo in Murcia San Ant n and Laderas del Castillo in Alicante Cerro de la Encina and Castell n Alto in Granada They usually occupied between 1 and 2 ha although some were larger and reached about 4 or 5 ha La Bastida and Lorca Houses were built to an apsidal trapezoidal or rectangular oor plan with an area of up to 70 m2 They consisted of stone walls built with mortar mud walls strengthened with posts and plastered on the inside with the addition of lime for walls and ceiling These buildings were arranged in tight groups on arti cial terraces along the hillsides It has also been suggested that some of the smallest strategically located hilltop settlements Barranco de la Viuda Cerro de las Vi as and Tira del Lienzo Fig 3 in Murcia Tabay and Cabezo Pardo in Alicante could have been defensive enclaves or used for economic control at the service of higher ranking centres Less well known due to the intensity of taphonomic processes but certainly abundant were the hamlets consisting of scattered dwellings situated on plains and in river valleys El Rinc n Los Cipreses and La Alcanara in Murcia Finally some small coastal enclaves Illeta dels Banyets in Alicante Punta de los Gavilanes in Murcia have been uncovered All the Argaric settlements shared the same funerary ritual characterised by the practice of inhumations under the oors of the inhabited area They were almost always individual burials sometimes double and very exceptionally with three or more individuals The dead were deposited in small rockcut tombs covachas cists or stone chambers ceramic urns or pits Fig 4 Despite the large number of burials published more than two thousand and the fact that individuals of both sexes and all ages are represented an indeterminate part of the popu 131
THE BRONZE AGE IN MEDITERRANEAN IBERIA  Figure 3. Aerial view of the hilltop occupied by Tira del Lienzo  Totana, Murcia  ...
132 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE phytomorphic designs Only a few appliqu s mainly mamelons break the homogeneity of the smooth surfaces Both the standardisation of Argaric pottery and the quality of some of its examples were the result of specialised activity The inventory of metal objects Fig 5 includes weapons and tools halberds swords axes daggers knives awls chisels and adornments diadems bracelets earrings rings necklace beads Most are made from copper usually containing high percentages of arsenic From 1800 1700 pieces made from tin bronze are found Native silver and occasionally gold were also used in the production of adornments Figure 4 Argaric urn burial La Bastida burial 21 ASOME UAB lation are not re ected in the funerary record The nd of human bones digested by canines in Fuente lamo could indicate that a certain number of bodies were left exposed outside the settlements and that other funerary practices may have existed that have left no trace in the archaeological record The grave goods frequently associated with the dead are a useful source of information for learning about Argaric material culture One of the most striking aspects is the standardisation of pottery and metallurgical production Fig 5 The variations in the rst can be summarised in eight basic forms produced by combining three simple geometric shapes These consist of bowls and cups with protruding or slightly inward facing rim suitable for eating and drinking carinated globular or ovoid pots of average capacity for preparing food and small scale storage and large vessels with a capacity of between 100 and 200 litres Also of note are the famous chalices raised bowls on a high stem Part of the repertoire stands out for its exceptional quality ne walls excellent ring and an intense burnish that gives the pottery a metallic sheen The very few decorative motifs consist of burnished Despite the abundance of copper ores the sources of supply were few and subject to political control The most unmistakable and abundant evidence of mining reduction and making ingots comes from the settlement of Pe alosa in the foothills of the Sierra Morena Ja n 7 From the centres of primary production the metal was taken to a small number of workshops in the central settlements the only ones with the equipment needed for smelting forging nishing and maintenance of objects crucibles moulds anvils hammers grinders Finally the objects were distributed although not all sections of the population had equal access to them as their unequal distribution in the settlements and amongst grave goods indicates Argaric metallurgy was a centralised activity and its production distribution use and consumption was subject to strict and asymmetric control There was a great abundance and variety of lithic production The large settlements accumulated a large number of grinding stones hammerstones reamers and sharpeners made from clasts collect from the principal uvial deposits In addition there are int blades and sickle teeth which are very scarce in the large hilltop centres compared with the settlements on the plain Each central settlement organised the exploitation of the lithic resources available in a territory of between 10 and 50 km2 and prevented the exchange of raw material used for the manufacture of everyday tools This practice hard to explain without a political structure that could impose restrictions led to differences in productivity between neighbouring territories One of the main ways the output of the lithic industry was used was in the harvesting and grinding cereals Wheat is always found but almost always 7 Contreras 2000
132  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  phytomorphic designs. Only a few appliqu  s, mainly mamelons, break t...
THE BRONZE AGE IN MEDITERRANEAN IBERIA Figure 5 Argaric ceramic shapes and metal items in lower quantities than barley which accounts for more than 90 of the seeds recovered in the nal phases of El Argar Legumes lentils peas and above all beans barely reach 2 The small size of barley seeds in the lowlands of Almeria and the results of carbon isotope analysis suggest its extensive cultivation on unirrigated land This must have had a severe ecological impact as a result of clearing of large areas of the plains For their part legumes could be grown in plots situated on the fertile river terraces perhaps assisted by small scale irrigation systems This would seem particularly necessary for cultivating ax attested by nd of seeds and bres from cloth Flax and wool were the basic raw material for making cloth which was made on looms assisted by clay weights of various shapes and sizes Similarly there is evidence of the consumption of olives or wild olives grapes and gs although doubts remain about whether these fruits were domesticated Livestock displays a homogeneous pattern in Argaric territory In terms of supplying meat cattle and ovicaprids were of approximately similar im portance between 30 and 50 followed at some distance by pigs and equidae The use of derivative products is also attested Hunting shing and collecting shell sh played a secondary or marginal role except in some coastal enclaves with the necessary infrastructure for smoking sh for preservation Punta de los Gavilanes in Murcia As we have said burials have brought to light a large number of objects for understanding and categorising the Argaric material culture In addition an analysis of the variability of grave goods has shown that they re ect socioeconomic class sex and age Meanwhile osteological studies are beginning to reveal aspects of kinship and economic relationships For instance the lower degree of cranial variation amongst women compared with men in the settlement of El Argar suggests that women spent their whole lives in the place where they were born while most of the men moved from one place to another probably on marriage This could indicate that kinship relationships respected matrilocal or avunculocal principles of residence Differences between the 133
THE BRONZE AGE IN MEDITERRANEAN IBERIA  Figure 5. Argaric ceramic shapes and metal items.  in lower quantities than barley...
134 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figure 7 The piedmont sector of the southeastern hillside of La Bastida after conservation work Bottom centre the large reservoir with an approximate capacity of 300 000 litres Geodiscover Murcia and ASOME UAB Figure 6 Terracing in Castell n Alto Galera Granada M A Blanco GEPRAN Universidad de Granada sexes can also be seen in the distribution of tasks since the work done by women involved travelling shorter distances and carrying less weight than men The number of injuries some the result of episodes of violence is higher amongst men El Argar synthesis on political and economic organisation The combination of funerary and habitat data gives us an idea of the nature of Argaric society at its height El Argar was the culmination of an important phase of territorial expansion towards the interior and underwent exceptional architectural economic and political development throughout almost the whole of the rst half of the second millennium An upsurge in new construction involved the systematic terracing of the hillsides of hilltop settlements Fig 6 and the planning of a dense network of domestic and productive structures An exceptional volume of space devoted to production and storage was concentrated in a number of large buildings The main purpose of these workshops seems to have been for grinding and producing cloth and also producing and repairing different types of tools As well as dwellings and workshops the central settlements contained cisterns granaries and grinding areas stables towers defensive walls and bastions Fig 7 In the funerary world burial rights were extended to children and other social groups In addition the diversity of grave goods increased revealing new social differences The social and political model adopted during the eighteenth century remained in force until the end At this time the men of the dominant class were buried with a long sword and the women with a diadem as distinctive artefacts in addition to a wide range of metal tool sand adornments and ceramic vessels Prominent burials were restricted to the central settlements where much of the social production and seasonally external manpower was concentrated despite their distance from the best farming land and the main sources of raw materials In addition the districts at the top of certain hills are notable for their architecture and accumulated means of production metallurgy the food resources available remains of equidae and cattle and the wealth of their burials Below the dominant class was another made up of individuals with political rights which can be identi ed by its funerary association with metal tools together with a certain number of metal adornments and ceramic vessels The association of axes with men and awls with women does not in the rst instance suggest distinctions of gender but primarily socioeconomic class since only around 40 of the women and barely 25 of the men were buried with these objects economic condition prevailed over gender At a third level there was a sec
134  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figure 7. The piedmont sector of the southeastern hillside of La Bast...
THE BRONZE AGE IN MEDITERRANEAN IBERIA tor made up of individuals with very modest grave goods the occasional piece of pottery necklace or adornment and nally a group whose burials contained no offerings at all The differences in funerary consumption were the same for children or adolescents as for the adult and senile population which indicates mechanisms for hereditary transmission of property Age played a secondary role in access to wealth although some items such as swords diadems and axes are almost exclusively associated with adults and senile individuals only one sector of society could afford to relinquish them when its members died at these ages In short a dominant class that owned the land and the basic means of production metal food was in a position to leave objects of high social value in their burials as well as enjoying the best material conditions of life This class used weapons to maintain their privileges through violence and owned costly adornments for display Such an economic and political structure can be de ned as a State in the Marxist sense It does not necessarily have to take the form of a unitary centralised government In this case what seems more likely is that a number of regional political units that were linked in some way maintained their respective territories for subsistence farming and were able to extend their in uence beyond their common borders The beginning of the Bronze Age in regions bordering Argaric territory Argaric society expansive and aggressive impacted life in the neighbouring communities The large number of small settlements in places that could be defended could be one response to the Argaric military threat while other aspects such as the ritual of selective intra mural burial sometimes in an urn or the circulation of certain objects swords metal adornments and raw materials copper silver ivory would reveal in uences of various kinds The mechanisms of social resistance and emulation probably facilitated the phenomenon of Argarisation seen in various parts of the Peninsula Outside Argaric territory other archaeological groups have been de ned on the basis of geography and artefacts8 although their borders are usually illde ned In La Mancha and the Iberian Levantine 8 Castro et alii 1996 Garc a Huerta and Morales 2004 Hern ndez Alcaraz and Hern ndez P rez 2004 Hern ndez P rez et alii 2009 strip the establishment of numerous hilltop settlements with stone built structures have been recorded However these two elements do not necessarily go together We nd the clearest example in La Mancha where settlements in prominent places often forti ed called morras and castillejos Morra del Quintanar and Cerro del Cuchillo in Albacete coexisted with others on the plain containing spectacular masonry structures the motillas Azuer Los Palacios and Santa Mar a del Retamar in Ciudad Real El Acequi n in Albacete 9 Fig 8 Irrespective of their position most of these settlements cover an area of between 0 01 and 0 5 ha it being rare to nd any that exceed this gure One of the best known motillas is that of Azuer10 It has a central tower built to a square oor plan preserved to a height of 11 m surrounded by two concentric walls the outer one some 35 m in diameter The spaces inside were used to store cereals stable livestock and carry out various activities related to food production and making cloth It also had a well with masonry walls that reached the aquifer 20 m below In fact the geographical position of the motillas privileged the access to subterranean water resources The village spreads out around the outer wall the houses built on stone foundations to an oval or rectangular oor plan their walls made of mud bricks and plant material In addition to motilla sand hilltop settlements there are settlements on the plain that are revealed only by the bases of huts Las Saladillas in Ciudad Real Despite this variety they all shared the use of plain pottery bowls carinated globular and ovoid pots which sometimes had mamelons handles shaped cordons and impressed decoration on the lip The few pieces of int recovered are associated with processing vegetables as are the grinding stones found in the houses Knives awls axes and projectile points are the copper objects best represented although they are few in number Burials are documented under the oor in some houses mainly pits lined with stones and some urns in the case of children Their number and density are lower than those of the Argaric sites They usually contain individual inhumations without apparent restrictions for reasons of sex or age Grave goods are absent or very scarce so do not suggest marked differences in the access to wealth Motillas such as El Acequi n Santa Mar a del Retamar and El Azuer are interpreted as com9 10 Mart n Morales et alii 1993 Fern ndez Posse et alii 2008 Aranda et alii 2008 N jera et alii 2010 135
THE BRONZE AGE IN MEDITERRANEAN IBERIA  tor made up of individuals with very modest grave goods  the occasional piece of p...
136 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figure 8 Motilla del Azuer Daimiel Ciudad Real GEPRAN Universidad de Granada munal centres for storage production and defence rather than as places of residence for a hypothetical ruling class The role of contemporary hilltop settlements is still uncertain but in view of the impressive defences of the motillas it is not clear that the population of the former dominated the latter The general panorama seems to be that of more or less autonomous communities with access to their own economic territories In the centre and south of the Valencian Region and neighbouring districts to the west we also nd hilltop settlements with a notable development of stone architecture sometimes used for defensive purposes Mola d Agres and Mas de Menente in Alicante Muntanya Assolada in Valencia El Recuenco in Cuenca Hoya Quemada and Castillo de Fr as in Teruel Cerro de la Campana in Murcia 11 The most prominent settlements are modest in size between 0 1 and 0 3 ha and most of them take the form of a farm or hamlet between 0 01 and 0 1 ha The structural variation in time and space is considerable In phase I ca 2150 1900 of the hilltop village of Terlinques Alicante 12 there is a large building that was used for various types of production and storage while in phase III ca 1700 1500 the area was occupied by a dozen sections arranged on either side of a central street between which functional differences can be observed Fig 9 In Lloma de Betx Valencia two large multi purpose buildings measuring 34 x 10 m occupy the highest point of the enclave where two cisterns are also documented13 Both in terms of the volume of artefacts associated with grinding and systems for storing grain and the evidence of cloth production the productive efforts of some of these sections are not unlike those documented in the Argaric workshops However this centralisation of economic activity was not on such a large scale nor did it have the social and political implications of those in El Argar Burials are found almost exclusively close to settlements taking advantage of naturally occurring hollows that held individual inhumations or those of small groups Mola d Agres Muntanya Assolada 12 11 de Pedro 2002 2006 Hern ndez P rez 2009 2010 13 Machado et alii 2009 Hern ndez P rez et alii 2013 de Pedro 1998
136  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figure 8. Motilla del Azuer  Daimiel, Ciudad Real   GEPRAN, Universid...
THE BRONZE AGE IN MEDITERRANEAN IBERIA Figure 9 General plan of Terlinques Villena Alicante in phase III ca 1750 1700 1550 1500 cal BCE Distribution of grinding stones and other stone artefacts in areas of habitation Machado et al 2009 g 2 The inventory of artefacts uncovered is dominated by pottery open and inturned bowls carinated vessels or in the main those with a curved pro le of different sizes geminate vessels The surfaces are usually smooth although impressed cords mamelons handles and impressions are not infrequent Metal production knives awls axes projectile points is concentrated in the districts closest to the Argaric territory As we move towards the north of the central districts of the Valencian Region permanent settlements Pic dels Corbs Val ncia Orpesa la Vella Torrell d Onda and Tossal del Mort rum in Castell n most of them on hilltops begin to become scarcer After crossing the Ebro open settlements on the plain or low hills characterised by concentrations of subterranean structures predominate14 These pit elds are the most frequent type of settlement in the interior and northern regions of the Peninsula from the Neolithic until the end of the Bronze Age They consisted of structures of various shapes and sizes used as silos dwellings pit dwellings hearths deposits of offerings and middens They formed part of open settlements occupied on a temporary or seasonal basis whose development can be seen in sometimes very extensive horizontal strati graphies They would have been inhabited by several dozen people with a high level of productive autonomy as indicated by the availability of tools related with the processing storage and consumption of food and with pottery lithic bone and metallurgical production Minferri in Lerida Institut de Manlleu and Can Roqueta in Barcelona Caves and rock shelters were also occupied at the same time Mas d Abad in Castell n Cova del Toll in Barcelona Cova Colomera in Lerida Balma del Serrat del Pont in Gerona on an occasional basis Maya 1997 L pez Melci n 2000 de Pedro 2006 Rafel et alii 2008 Soriano 2013 The economy revolved around livestock and an increasingly well established agriculture as demonstrated by the chipped stone industry in the prepa The northern coastal strip 14 137
THE BRONZE AGE IN MEDITERRANEAN IBERIA  Figure 9. General plan of Terlinques  Villena, Alicante  in phase III  ca. 1750 17...
138 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE ration of sickle parts and communities greater capacity for storage Most of the pottery is smooth open bowls carinated pots and large jars usually with a at base and abundant appliqu s decorated cords tongues mamelons handles However it is common to nd earlier local Bell Beaker survivals Pyrenees Salom and regional epi Bell Beaker developments Arbol Northeast that coexisted for some time alongside later productions Furthermore it is assumed that metallurgy was gaining ground in the production of tools thanks to the working of local mines such as Solana del Bepo Tarragona Even so the pieces recovered are still scarce and are continuations of previous models at axes awls and tanged daggers and points Some Chalcolithic practices are still seen in the burials such as collective burials in natural cavities and megalithic tombs The diversity of burial places in some areas is striking For example in Catalonia we see the coexistence of reusing earlier burials inhumations in pits Can Roqueta II caves pits with lateral chambers Can Gamb s and megalithic tombs cists paradolmens galleries simple chambers or chambers with a vestibule throughout the area to the north of Llobregat Tafania in Gerona Vall de Miarnau and Cabana del Moro in Lerida Clarena and Les Maioles in Barcelona In general rituals seem to have become more restrictive since burials are now smaller and fewer This fact and the signi cance that can be attributed to images of armed gures Preixana stela Lerida are the limited and inconclusive signs of political inequalities General trends during the ca 2200 1550 horizon In this period the Chalcolithic socio economic structure which had tended to transform collection surpluses into goods of exchange consumed in public rituals disappeared From the end of the third millennium the trend was towards increasing control over the productive efforts of progressively circumscribed territories In El Argar the principal centres acted as capitals of territories that included subordinate populations on the plain Asymmetries in expenditure on individualised burials the appropriation and centralised management of surpluses and the use of violence suggest a society divided into socio economic classes and a State political organization In contrast in the communities of the north the mechanisms of social cooperation resisted the strategies for exploiting surpluses Here the panorama extended from dispersed storage in pit elds to collective protection in hilltop enclaves and motillas Although no permanent dominant groups can be identi ed in many cases violence played an important role in social re lations to judge by the effort devoted to building forti cations and the dif culties inherent in living in hilltop settlements These differences are re ected in metallurgical production At the beginning of the Bronze Age arsenical copper continued to be worked so the real innovations took place with the introduction of moulds and the improvement of forging which improved metallurgical productivity and the quality of the artefacts The use of tin bronze only became widespread from the second quarter of the second millennium These and other technical innovations such as the use of rivets to hold cutting tools permitted the development of specialised weapons such as halberds and from the eighteenth century swords that were more than 50 cm long Their more frequent appearance in the southeast suggests that social violence became more entrenched here and that it was exercised both in the heart and on the periphery of Argaric territory The economic impact of Argaric metallurgy is clear from the geographical scale of its organisation and the volume of production achieved An indicator of this is the capacity for discarding artefacts which indirectly informs us of the rate of renovation of tools adornment and weapons The more frequently they were replaced because they were broken or discarded the greater the volume of production must have been If we look at the density of artefacts held together with rivets knives daggers halberds and swords the Argaric southeast displays a much higher capacity for discarding them than the rest of the Peninsula Fig 10 Economic differentiation is accentuated still more if we take into account that most Argaric production dates to the nineteenth sixteenth centuries In short while in El Argar metallurgical production and circulation were organised at a regional scale under the control of the dominant class and subject to high demand in other regions the availability of raw material and means of production was not subject to similar political restrictions nor did it reach a similar volume Over and above these differences the early centuries of the Bronze Age saw the intensi cation of livestock production and in particular agriculture The increased storage capacity of pots and silos the predominance of the remains of barley and wheat in the palaeobotanic record the orientation of int chipping towards the production of sickle blades and at least in the southeast a new type of grinding stone that made milling more ef cient are all indicators of the increasing importance of cereal crops This led to the reduction of woodland and the pro
138  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  ration of sickle parts and communities    greater capacity for storag...
THE BRONZE AGE IN MEDITERRANEAN IBERIA Figure 10 Average density of riveted tools and weapons in the Iberian Peninsula between ca 2200 and 1550 cal BCE Densities increase exponentially x2 between 1E 5 and 5E 2 artefacts per km2and province or region Lull et al 2013 g 1 data from Brandherm 2003 liferation of open spaces which became practically steppes in some parts of the southeast Around 1550 the focal point of Argaric hegemonic power was suppressed The re levels that marked the collapse of some major Argaric settlements suggest a violent end Some archaeological and environmental data indicate that the trigger for this revolutionary event was probably a subsistence crisis brought about by over exploitation of the environment The Late Bronze Age ca 1550 1300 Dispersion and autonomy in the southeast quadrant The breakup of the Argaric territorial structure ran in parallel with more or less profound transformations in the neighbouring regions15 In the southeast and La Mancha a large number of settle15 Castro et alii 2006 ments were abandoned to the extent of depopulation The hilltop enclaves that survived after El Argar like Gatas Fuente lamo Tabay Cuesta del Negro and Cerro de la Encina still had houses with a square or rectangular oor plan arranged on terraces sometimes against large and thick headwalls The same preference for places surrounded by stone wall sand hilltop sites is observed in the few new settlements or those whose principal occupation dates to this stage such as Murviedro Fig 11 Murcia El Negret and La Horna Alicante In contrast with the previous period the virtual absence of tombs denotes political ideological but also economic changes with the abrupt reduction in volume of products discarded in funerary practices Although a good part of the Argaric means of production survived the rarity of large capacity ceramic vessels is signi cant and so too is the disappearance of workshops specialising in processing grain and making cloth on a large scale Innovations in the pottery repertoire include asks cooking ves 139
THE BRONZE AGE IN MEDITERRANEAN IBERIA  Figure 10. Average density of riveted tools and weapons in the Iberian Peninsula b...
140 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figure 11 Plan of Murviedro Lorca Murcia excavations by A Pujante M J Madrid and J Bell n Delgado Raack 2008 36 sels with an open pro le and carinated bowls with a vertical rim often of very high quality and intense burnishing or decorative motifs in the Cogotas I style originating from the Duero Tagus and Upper Ebro basins16 The dissolution of the Argaric State also brought with it the diversi cation of food production as can be deduced from the recovery of the meat contribution from hunting signi cant regional differences in patterns of livestock production and the relative increase in legumes and fruit compared with the overwhelming prevalence of barley during El Argar Another symptom of the decentralisation of production was the relaxation of political control over metallurgy whose means of production appear with greater regularity and with a certain indifference to the size and location of settlements The disappearance of Argaric borders also meant that communities could take part in medium and long distance exchanges The circulation of volcanic rocks used in the manufacture of more effective grinding stones 16 Molina 1978 Rafel et alii 2008 the presence of widely shared pots styles and decorations Cogotas I and the spread of the traf c in tin for bronze production express new social relations Another indicator of the permeability of peninsular communications is the presence of wheel made pottery of possible Mycenaean or Cypriot origin in the south of the Peninsula around 1300 Llanete de Los Moros in C rdoba Cuesta del Negro in Granada Gatas in Almer a In a social context characterised by communities that enjoyed greater autonomy productive diversi cation and permeability in external relations it seems that the political economic organisation inhibited levels of exploitation such as those experienced in the Argaric era However this does not prevent us observing concentrations of power in certain places particularly on the old Argaric periphery Cabezo Redondo Alicante is the best example Fig 12 17 This settlement with an area of about 1 ha occupied a strategically located hill overlooking the natural corridor of the Vinalop that connects 17 Hern ndez P rez 2009 2010
140  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figure 11. Plan of Murviedro  Lorca, Murcia   excavations by A. Pujan...
THE BRONZE AGE IN MEDITERRANEAN IBERIA Figure 12 Cabezo Redondo Villena Alicante fotograf a de los autores the Mediterranean coast with the Sub Betic and La Mancha mountain ranges Some twenty rooms of up to 14 x 5 m built of plastered walls faced with dressed stone with mud mortar and ceilings with wooden beams and wattle and daub supported by trunks have been identi ed Some housed workshops for processing grain on a large scale cloth production and metallurgy The arrangement of the urban area architecture organisation of the means of production and intramural funerary ritual are reminiscent of what was seen in the central Argaric enclaves The abundance of gold adornments is unprecedented in this context As well as the various objects that appeared in the Cabezo Redondo settlement the cist grave of a child was discovered on the eastern side of the hill It was found to contain a gold pendant and a hoard containing thirty ve pieces of gold jewellery diadem pendants bracelets rings and spirals amongst others However the most spectacular nd the Treasure of Villena18 18 Soler et alii 2005 Fig 13 appeared in a nearby dry riverbed Rambla del Panadero a pottery vessel buried in the gravel of the riverbed contained a hoard consisting of eleven bowls two gold asks and three of silver 28 gold bracelets and one iron bracelet as well as various additional items some incrusted with amber weighing almost 10 kg If we look at the typically Argaric shape of the ceramic pot in which the hoard was found the ceramic parallels of the asks it contained and the archaeological context of similar pieces of jewellery in Cabezo Redondo itself this hoard could not have been hidden long after the end of the Argaric period The new excavations at Cabezo Redondo and their radiocarbon dates suggest that the treasure dates to before 1300 1200 when the settlement was abandoned In view of the way the village s productive forces were organised it is not unreasonable to interpret the treasure of Villena as indicative of a local aristocracy based on control of the interregional communication routes and centralised appropriation of local surpluses possibly including salt However such a concentration 141
THE BRONZE AGE IN MEDITERRANEAN IBERIA  Figure 12. Cabezo Redondo  Villena, Alicante   fotograf  a de los autores .  the M...
142 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figure 13 The Treasure of Villena Alicante Museo Arqueol gico Jos Mar a Soler Alicante photo Franc s Fot grafos of wealth and power was exceptional in the general panorama of the age which was dominated by small communities that were self suf cient in terms of subsistence production capable of becoming involved in contacts and exchanges and technologically well equipped The northern strip The archaeological record of the central and northern Mediterranean strip seems to be marked by continuity19 The research assumes that many of the settlements founded at the beginning of the Bronze Age survived until at least the Final Bronze Age From this perspective the variable inclusion of marker artefacts such as button appendagen handles or the decorated pottery of Cogotas I would establish the limits of a sequence that some have subdivided into Middle Recent or Late Bronze Age In an ambiguous chronological trend occupations dating to this period at sites such as Les Raboses Pic dels Corbs Orpesa la Vella Torrell d Onda and Mas d Abad have been identi ed on the east 19 Mart and de Pedro 1997 coast In the northeast it began with increased diversi cation amongst the settlements in the coastal and pre coastal territories and those of the inland basins that would culminate in the Segre Cinca group at its height Funerary practices became scarcer although pit inhumations in settlements on the plain and sporadically burials in mountain caves Montanisell in Lerida are still documented The Final Bronze Age ca 1300 900 The panorama that began around 1300 suffers from major gaps in our knowledge of settlements which is only compensated by the information that can be gleaned froma few sites in particular and the signi cance of certain artefacts Domestic spaces become less visible but are accompanied perhaps not by chance by increasingly intense and extensive circulation and deposition of products especially metal goods with parallels on the Atlantic seaboard Atlantic Final Bronze Age central Europe and the Mediterranean basin However in contrast with other regions deposits of metal artefacts for whatever reason economic ceremonial etc were not abundant along the eastern strip
142  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figure 13. The Treasure of Villena  Alicante      Museo Arqueol  gico...
THE BRONZE AGE IN MEDITERRANEAN IBERIA Figure 14 Layout of Gen Aitona Lerida Maya et al 1998 g 22 courtesy of Javier L pez Cachero of the Peninsula Muricecs in Lerida Sant Mart d Emp ries in Gerona In contrast to earlier periods the Segre Cinca group in the northeast yields the clearest evidence of a society with territorial roots The settlements are located on hilltops and rarely exceed 0 1 ha They consist of terraced houses built to a rectangular oor plan with foundations made of stones and mortar wood and mud brick walls and areas of between 25 and 40 m2 They are arranged along a central open space Gen Carretel and Les Paretetes in Lerida Fig 14 The habitat may be surrounded by a defensive wall and have a collective cistern Until stone architecture reached the coastal and pre coastal districts at the beginning of the Iron Age settlements continued to consist of pit dwellings silos and ditches representing scattered hamlets occupied by basically self suf cient communities Can Roquetain Barcelona Fig 15 20 From the economic point of view the increase in the number of grinding stones the variety of cereals and legumes cultivated and the abundance of storage structures suggest that farming had become more intensive The volume of the storage silos uctuates between 500 and 2000 l suf cient to guarantee food for a year for a small domestic group Occasionally silos with a capacity of more than 2000 l are found as well as concentrations of up to 25 grinding stones in some ditches which could indicate some degree of supra domestic centralisation without this implying socio economic asymmetries But evidence of metallurgical production always scarce and scattered amongst the inland settlements and those of the coast does not suggest centralised political control The communities of the northeast used pottery vessels with uted decoration that are linked with the beginning of the funerary phenomenon of the Urn elds21 This name alludes to a rite consisting of the cremation of the dead and deposition of the remains in a pottery urn with a characteristic biconical pro le This occasionally accompanied by grave goods was buried in a pit that was sometimes marked Can Missert and Can Piteu in Barcelona Torre Filella in Lerida However the early temporal and regional coincidence between the new types of pottery and funerary practices is uncertain Thus while the uted decoration became more widespread around 1300 the predominance of cremation in urns does not appear to have occurred until shortly before the turn of the millennium Be that as it may and despite the fact that this funerary practice is documented at the same time in such distant regions as the north of Portugal Paranho in Viseu or the southeast Pe a Negra in 21 20 Carl s et alii 2007 Castro 1994 L pez Cachero 2007 2008 Lorrio 2008 143
THE BRONZE AGE IN MEDITERRANEAN IBERIA  Figure 14. Layout of Gen    Aitona, Lerida   Maya et al., 1998,    g. 22, courtesy...
144 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figure 15 Types of silos in Can Roqueta Sabadell Barcelona Carl s et al 2007 g 46 courtesy of Oriol Vicente
144  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figure 15. Types of silos in Can Roqueta  Sabadell, Barcelona   Carl ...
THE BRONZE AGE IN MEDITERRANEAN IBERIA Alicante Qur nima in Almer a the greater density of burials in the northeast and their proximity to central European concentrations have led scholars to link the new ritualto the arrival of Hallstatt type populations from across the Pyrenees However in view of the continuity that can be observed in the population today the role of the indigenous populations is more readily recognised In this respect regional differences in patterns of settlement can also be seen in the necropoleis In the Segre Cinca and Lower Aragon areas urns were deposited under tumuli and inhumation rituals continued at the same time Castellets II in Zaragoza but in coastal and pre coastal regions funerary remains are buried in simple pits Grave goods are usually modest and only a few less than 20 in the case of Can Piteu consist of pottery vessels shell adornments metal objects and pieces of fauna Fig 16 Anthropological analysis indicates that some urns contained two or even three individuals that children and adolescents are underrepresented and that men and women could receive the same burial rites Following the Mediterranean coast southwards the continuation of earlier open air enclaves or those in caves can be observed Torrell del Boverot Pic dels Corbs Mola d Agres Mas d Abad although with a reduction in the population This was the trend in the southeast in view of the abandonment of large settlements of the Late Bronze Age Cabezo Redondo Fuente lamo which would result in the depopulation of many districts or an impermanent form of settlement We nd small settlements consisting of huts built on an oval stone foundation with mud brick walls with an area of about 20 40 m2 La Serrecica in Murcia Gatas and Pe n de la Reina in Almer a Cerro del Real in Granada The low number or absence of grinding stones in these huts suggests that these communities tended to live by raising livestock Around the end of the second millennium new hilltop centres began to appear or earlier settlements were reorganised with more stable structures and evidence of specialised metallurgical production is better documented by the ninth century Pe a Negra in Alicante In short the panorama reveals small basically self suf cient herding communities in which it is dif cult to see economic and political asymmetries Only in the interior of Catalonia and Lower Aragon is it possible to discern a trend towards nuclearisation in protected or forti ed settlements Increased metallurgical production the creation of exchange networks that brought Atlantic Mediterranean and continental populations into ever closer contact and the key role of certain settlements and regions in these networks allow us to understand the emergence and concentrations of wealth and Figure 16 Floor plan section and ideal reconstruction of burial CPR 453 at Can Piteu Can Roqueta Sabadell Barcelona Carl s et al 2007 g 150 courtesy of Xavier Carl s 145
THE BRONZE AGE IN MEDITERRANEAN IBERIA  Alicante  Qur  nima, in Almer  a , the greater density of burials in the northeast...
146 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE power And it would not be unreasonable to think that it was precisely a knowledge of the existence of navigation and trade routes in the Final Bronze Age that permitted the early appearance of Phoenician traders in the far west Their rst trading posts were founded in the south of the Peninsula Gadir in C diz Morro de Mezquitilla in M laga around 900 The introduction of the new exotic products they brought with them may have led to the devaluation of Atlantic Mediterranean traditions and the consequent decline of the Final Bronze Age system of exchange The emerging local elites would have made the most of the opportunities for economic and political differentiation afforded by the new demanding groups and the products that could be traded thus facilitating the work of the colonists and laying the groundwork for the economic and social structures that would take shape in the Iron Age states
146  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  power. And it would not be unreasonable to think that it was precisel...
Vicente Lull Rafael Mic Cristina Rihuete Herrada and Roberto Risch The Balearic Islands From stable human colonisation until the Roman Conquest Proto Talaiotic period ca 1100 1000 850 Introduction general overview and periodization The Balearic archipelago consists of four major islands whose peculiarities have in uenced settlement since prehistoric times The perception of these differences was the reason for the distinction made in Antiquity between the Pityusai and the Gymnesiai The Pityusai include Ibiza and Formentera the smaller islands further south close to the mainland The Gymnesiai consist of Mallorca and Menorca the two largest islands which tell us most of what we currently know about the islands Mallorca is the largest 3 626 km2 and more ecologically diverse as a result of its varied relief dominated by the Tramuntana mountain range an extension of the Betic systems which extends along the northern coast and reaches heights of 1 445 m a s l The rugged terrain and abundant rainfall of this area is quite different from the Es Pla central basin and the coastal plains The gentle landscapes of these regions are broken only by the mountains of the Llevant which run parallel to the east coast but do not reach a height of more than 500 m a s l On the other hand Menorca 700 km2 is predominantly at broken only by the more moderate height of Mount Toro 357 m a s l This together with its distance from the mainland 220 km to the coast of Catalonia means it cannot be seen except from certain points on the northeast end of Mallorca Talaiotic group ca 850 550 Post Talaiotic century 123 period ca 550 second With regard to the periodization schema of the Iberian Peninsula broadly speaking the rst period equates with the transition from the Copper to the Bronze Age the second with the Early Bronze Age the third with the Late Bronze Age and the beginning of the Final Bronze Age the fourth to the nal stages of the Late Bronze Age the fth with Iron Age I and the sixth with Iron Age II The rst phases of human settlement in Mallorca and Menorca ca 2300 1600 Bell Beaker archaeological group ca 2300 2100 2000 Epi Bell Beaker dolmenic archaeological group ca 2100 2000 1600 Mallorca was the rst island to be inhabited According to the most reliable radiocarbon dates this process began around 23002 The rst human groups lived in caves and rock shelters Son Matge Coval Sim some of which were used for burials and in small semi permanent settlements Son Ferrandell Olesa Son Mas Ca na Cotxera made up of huts with little use of stone as a building material3 The diet depended on the consumption of terrestrial resources according to the isotope analysis of human bones4 In the case of hunting whether the Myotragus balearicus a caprine native to the Gymnesiai was hunted for food is still open to debate5 Although this species may have become extinct as a direct or indirect result of colonisation the fact is that we have insuf cient data to prove the coexistence of Myotragus and humans and still less the hunting and consumption of the former by the latter Naviforme archaeological group ca 16001100 1000 2 Our knowledge of the prehistoric sequence has advanced in recent decades thanks to radiocarbon dating programmes we have about a thousand 14C dates and recent stratigraphic records Thanks to this the periodization of Mallorca and Menorca has been established as follows1 Bell Beaker archaeological group only Mallorca ca 2300 2100 2000 3 1 Lull et alii 1999 2008 Mic 2006 Guerrero et alii 2007 4 5 Ramis and Alcover 2001 Alcover 2004 Lull et alii 2008 Waldren 1982 1998 Van Strydonck et alii 2002 2005 Bover and Alcover 2003
Vicente Lull , Rafael Mic  , Cristina Rihuete Herrada and Roberto Risch  The Balearic Islands  From stable human colonisat...
148 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figure 1 Pottery with Bell Beaker decoration found at Son Matge and at Son Ferrandell Olesa Mallorca Amongst the most characteristic artefacts of these early occupations are pottery vessels bowls carinated pots with incised decoration in the Bell Beaker tradition6 Fig 1 These objects have served to de ne one of the later regional styles although they display similarities with the Pyrene 6 Waldren 1998 an style There are also large pots with an ovoid body and at bottom Cutting tools knives sickle blades made of tabular int and the practice of copper metallurgy which perhaps took advantage of outcrops in the Tramuntana mountains deserve separate mention
148  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figure 1. Pottery with Bell Beaker decoration found at Son Matge and ...
THE BALEARIC ISLANDS FROM STABLE HUMAN COLONISATION UNTIL THE ROMAN CONQUEST Epi Bell Beaker dolmenic archaeological group ca 2100 2000 1600 The archaeological record incorporates innovations in the transition from the third to the second millennium Firstly human presence had by this time extended to Menorca and the Pityusai Settlements maintained the trend inaugurated by the rst occupations that is open air settlements and the periodic occupation of caves and rock shelters7 Decorated pottery similar to that in the epi Bell Beaker style has attracted particular attention However the most reliable data come from funerary contexts Although the use of natural cavities persisted Can Martorellet Son Marroig Sa Canova d Ariany new types of burials were being adopted8 The rst were probably the Menorcan hypogea with a fa ade and passage of megalithic masonry and a circular or oval chamber Biniai 1 and 2 Cala Morell 11 y 12 Fig 2 9 Other hypogea with a simple oor plan but now lacking any orthostatic structures are well represented in Mallorca Ca na Vidriera 4 Son Sunyer 7 Rafal Llin s 10 Dolmens were another remarkable innovation during the nineteenth century They are concentrated in the south of Menorca and in the bay of Alc dia in the northeast of Mallorca They usually have a rectangular chamber measuring a maximum of 3 5 x 2 m reached by a short corridor or vestibule S Aigua Dol a Son Baul de Dalt Montpl Ses Roques Llises Fig 3 11 The entire tomb would have been covered by a tumulus of stones and earth some 7 8 m in diameter These burials held dozens of primary inhumations in the course of two or three centuries Grave goods are scarce and generally modest pottery open or slightly closed bowls sometimes with a recessed base cooking vessels with everted rim and globular or carinated body truncated cone shaped vessels with appliqu s near the rim and approximately cylindrical vases with a at base daggers and awls made from copper or bronze buttons made of bone or boar tusk pendants made of shells and boar s teeth and archer s wrist guards Extrainsular contacts and social organisation during the early period of settlement One of the most interesting topics of Balearic prehistoric research concerns the beginning of hu7 8 9 10 11 L pez Pons 2001 Coll Conesa 1993 Plantalamor and Marqu s 2001 Veny 1968 L pez Pons 2001 Guerrero et alii 2003 Figura 2 Frontal view of the mass burial at Biniai Nou Menorca photo Llu s Plantalamor Massanet Figure 3 Megalithic tomb with passage and chamber at Ses Roques Llises Menorca photo Felipe S nchez Cuenca man occupation Unlike most of the larger Mediterranean islands the Balearics were not an attractive place for Neolithic settlement there is no unequivocal evidence of occupation and if some disputed indications were con rmed would consist of occasional visits However conditions changed at the end of the third millennium The rst island communities probably came from the northeast of the Iberian Peninsula and the shores of the Gulf of Lion in the light of the parallels observed in Beaker pottery certain types of plain vessels contemporary to the Beaker decorated ones and also similar to the used 149
THE BALEARIC ISLANDS  FROM STABLE HUMAN COLONISATION UNTIL THE ROMAN CONQUEST  Epi-Bell Beaker-dolmenic archaeological gro...
150 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figure 4 Chronology of colonisation of the Mediterranean islands in relation to the distance that separated them from the mainland during the Early Bronze Age prismatoid pyramidal and tortoise type bone buttons as well as various aspects of funerary architecture12 nium avoided dependence on the mainland for the supply of igneous metamorphic rocks used to make implements14 Why were the Balearic Islands colonised at the end of the third millennium and not before The relative remoteness of Mallorca and Menorca from the mainland their remoteness from the routes along which Sardinian and Aeolian obsidian circulated but above all the lack of suitable raw materials for making the polished stone implements necessary for pursuing a pastoral economy in areas of dense vegetation would seem to explain the absence of stable occupation in Neolithic times Fig 4 13 However these obstacles to settlement were ultimately overcome The development of metallurgy at the end of the third millen The spread of forms of economic exploitation and social violence in different mainland regions in the course of the third and early second millennia probably acted as a catalyst in island colonisation 15 In response to the tensions caused by that situation certain social groups would have moved to marginal territories where they could establish relations away from the con icts of their places of origin If we note the lack of concern about defence in the choice and structure of Balearic settlements the absence of weapons and the persistence of collective inhuma14 12 13 Lull et alii 2004 Risch 2011 15 Ramis et alii 2005 Alcover et alii 2007 Hunt et alii 2013 Lull et alii 2004 Gili et alii 2006
150  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figure 4. Chronology of colonisation of the Mediterranean islands in ...
THE BALEARIC ISLANDS FROM STABLE HUMAN COLONISATION UNTIL THE ROMAN CONQUEST Figure 5 Assessment of the demographic evolution of the Balearic population from the middle of the second millennium based on the frecuency of radiocarbon dating from human skeletal remains tion we can see that the rst populations emphasised peaceful relations and discouraged economic and political inequalities The Naviforme archaeological group ca 16001100 1000 Around 1600 the population began to increase probably as a result of the arrival of new colonists Fig 5 16 These movements were probably related with the crisis of many Bronze Age societies in different parts of the Mediterranean and Europe The increase in the population coincided with the appearance of houses built to an elongated oor plan faced with cyclopean masonry with the entrance at the short end and apsidal or pointed back wall They were often more than 15 m long and 6 m wide Closos de Can Gai Son Oms S Hospitalet Vell Cala Blanca Clariana Son Mercer de Baix 17 Fig 6 The hearths benches grinding stones bone metal and stone tools pottery vessels for cooking and storage food remains and waste from metallurgical production found in them indicate that many productive and maintenance activities took place in the houses and that some division of labour between domestic units had developed They were built as separate houses or in groups of two or more with adjoining side walls Individual houses or groups of these buildings could in turn be found on their own or grouped together in open air settlements of variable density 16 17 Gili et alii 2006 Rossell Bordoy 1973 1979 Plantalamor 1991 Lull et alii 1999 Pons Homar 1999 Figure 6 Naviforme building at Closos de can Gai 1 Mallorca Photo Equip Closos Universidad de las Islas Baleares and size As the second half of the second millennium progressed domestic structures that departed to a greater or lesser extent from the Naviforme pattern began to be built but the construction of stone buildings was never abandoned Es Figueral de Son Real Torralba d en Salord Naviforme structures were the rst to colonise all regions of the Balearic Islands although a preference for low land near fertile soils is observed The establishment of naviforme settlements coincided with a reduction in the use of natural caves which were now only frequented occasionally for ritual purposes Es C rritx Es Mussol Es Moro Connected with these subterranean ceremonies between ca 1600 1450 fragments of stalactites were selected and hoarded sometimes in association with human bones of hands and feet Portions of meat and ceramic vessels were left as offerings and rites of magical signi cance celebrated These practices have been interpreted in terms of cults related with an unnamed underworld power responsible for the renewal of fertility and life18 The funerary contexts are outstanding in their abundance and variety In addition to the occasional survival of simple hypogea dolmens and caves there are hypogea with elongated oor plan Cala Sant Vicen Son Sunyer Son Viv monuments with a circular oor plan and tumular appearance exclusively in Menorca Ses Arenes de Baix Son Olivaret Fig 7 and natural caves sealed with a cyclopean wall Es C rritx Es Forat de ses Aritges Son Matge 18 Lull et alii 1999 151
THE BALEARIC ISLANDS  FROM STABLE HUMAN COLONISATION UNTIL THE ROMAN CONQUEST  Figure 5. Assessment of the demographic evo...
152 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Coval d en Pep Rave 19 All these burial structures ultimately housed hundreds of inhumations over the course of several centuries Under the heading of artefacts pottery progressively adopted calcite as a tempering agent for the production of large vessels with a barrel like pro le and thick rim or with a globular or ovoid body and everted rim The bulk of the pottery used for cooking and eating consisted of globular or carinated vessels with turned rim of various sizes and open or slightly inward facing bowls with a at base Decoration is scarce being restricted to horizontal series of ngerprints or incisions Finds of moulds for manufacturing bracelets awls axes and knives in some naviforme structures S Hospitalet Vell Son Mercer de Baix highlight the production of bronze artefacts on the island Their use increased until it reached its height at the beginning of the rst millennium20 On the other hand the bone industry experienced singular vitality attested by the abundance of awls needles and in particular V perforated buttons made from the diaphyses of long bones or from the tusks of pigs The occasional presence of grinding stones and seeds of cereals suggests that agriculture gained importance amongst subsistence strategies However the abundance of remains of domesticated fauna and the rst chemical and bioarchaeological analyses on human bones suggest that livestock provided a substantial part of the diet In contrast it is striking that marine foods contributed little or nothing to the diet The analysis of thousands of human remains from Chamber 1 of the Cova des C rritx has helped us understand aspects of the socio economic organisation of naviforme communities in their middle and nal phases21 This funerary space was used to house the bodies of two hundred individuals of both sexes and all ages with the exception of foetuses and infants under three months of age Chamber 1 was the tomb of a social unit originally consisting of some 14 individuals a gure compatible with the size of the group that could live in a naviforme house It has been observed that the life expectancy of the women was slightly lower than that of the men and that there was a marked sexual dimorphism in the postcranial skeleton Infant mortality was high and only two thirds of the individuals reached the age of ve years The low frequency of caries and in contrast the notable proportion of tartar on teeth suggest that food 19 20 21 Veny 1968 Rossell Bordoy 1979 Lull et alii 1999 L pez Pons 2001 Gili et alii 2006 Plantalamor et alii 2008 Lull et alii 1999 Salv 2010 Rihuete 2003 Figure 7 View of the tomb at Ses Arenes de Baix Menorca seen from above ASOME UAB of terrestrial animal origin provided a large part of the diet an interpretation endorsed by the analysis of trace elements Moreover no difference or discrimination between men and women is observed Various osteological indicators show that the population was affected by a systemic relationship between anaemia and infections and that the work done implied a high degree of mobility by at least some members of the community which can be correlated with activities such as herding and the exploitation of resources over an extensive and rugged territory One of the most interesting hypotheses suggests that female infanticide was used as a means of demographic control It would have taken the form of giving girls less attention and or feeding them differently in infancy This hypothesis would explain the discrepancies in a series of apparently unconnected data such as the lower ratio of adult women to men the lower incidence of anaemia amongst adult men than in women and the infant population and sexual dimorphism in the postcranium It could be said that the price of the equality between adult individuals was paid by the female sex The production of artefacts was homogeneous despite the absence of economic political centrali
152  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Coval d   en Pep Rave 19. All these burial structures ultimately hous...
THE BALEARIC ISLANDS FROM STABLE HUMAN COLONISATION UNTIL THE ROMAN CONQUEST sation The society was organised in largely autonomous units for subsistence production as shown by the uniformity of the tools found in the houses However these units cooperated in the construction of buildings obtaining metals and in farming and livestock herding These relations involved the mobility of individuals and the transmission of knowledge in a context that was apparently without physical violence and open to external demographic contributions as the growing density of settlements and necropoleis suggests In this respect the diversity of funerary contexts could be an indication of a climate of integration and tolerance towards traditions brought in by successive contingents of new settlers who would be integrated into the collectivising relations that already existed maintaining their own idiosyncratic elements in their rituals22 In a panorama characterised by the absence of hierarchies an analysis of the nds at Es Mussol suggests that certain individuals came to act as mediators in the realm of political and belief systems23 La Cova des Mussol is a cave in a 40 m high cliff face on the northwest coast of Menorca and reaching it is extremely dangerous In a small and hidden inner chamber of the cave a number of wooden objects were found including two carvings in wild olive wood Fig 8 They represent the head and neck of two beings one anthropomorphic and the other zooanthropomorphic whose meaning must have formed part of a belief system with mythological and metaphysical aspects The place was frequented at brief intervals and used for secret practices and extraordinary experiences involving a very small group of persons La Cova des Mussol can be interpreted as a stage in an initiation process through which Menorcan communities produced individuals who would act as political and ideological mediators The centuries spanning the transition from the second to the rst millennium are critical for understanding the development of Talaiotic society24 On one hand elements of the previous tradition such as the naviforme houses gradually disappeared Some continued to be occupied sometimes after undergoing structural changes Closos de Can Gai 1 25 However in other cases villages started to display a compact urban organisation in which a variable number of buildings with different oor plans were constructed close together round a large stone building of some height that could have been the forerunner of the talaiots Es Figueral de Son Real Cap 22 23 24 25 Lull et alii 1999 Lull et alii 1999 Mic 2005 Lull et alii 2008 Javaloyas et alii 2007 Figure 8 Carvings from the Cova des Mussol Menorca photos Peter Witte ASOME UAB Proto Talaiotic Period ca 1100 1000 850 de Forma S Illot Demographic estimates point to a new phase of growth perhaps once again caused by the arrival of groups from the mainland26 The abundance and variety of metal artefacts indicate that just before the Phoenicians arrived Menorca and Mallorca were no longer marginal to the Mediterranean trade routes At this time the Baleares experienced far greater social and economic development than that observed along much of the Peninsula s Mediterranean coast Under the heading of funerary practices the only element shared by the communities of Mallorca and Menorca was the continuation of inhumations in natural caves sealed with a cyclopean wall Es C rritx Son Matge Mongofre Nou However in Menorca the centuries old trend continued expressed in a greater abundance and diversity of funerary structures These included the navetes Tudons Binimaimut Binipati Nou La Cova Fig 9 27 They consist of large circular or apsidal stone buildings that contain 26 27 Gili et alii 2006 Plantalamor 1991 Lull et alii 1999 Gorn s and Gual 2001 153
THE BALEARIC ISLANDS  FROM STABLE HUMAN COLONISATION UNTIL THE ROMAN CONQUEST  sation. The society was organised in largel...
154 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figure 9 Naveta des Tudons Menorca ASOME UAB an elongated chamber sometimes divided into two oors The excavation of the most famous one the naveta des Tudons revealed that hundreds of bodies had been deposited there The traditional practice of collective rites is repeated in the simple open hypogea in the walls of ravines and cliffs Calascoves III V VII IX XI and XXXV and certain natural caves with or without adaptations located in similar types of places28 Thanks to the extraordinary preservation of some of these caves it has been possible to con rm the continuity of primary inhumations and in the most inaccessible Cova des Pas the deposition of the dead directly on the ground in the foetal position wrapped in bundles of animal skins and carried on wooden litters29 ques biconical or cylindrical beads knives spearheads awls etc 30 the sporadic presence of objects made of iron bracelets or tin beads and tubular containers of wood or cattle horn with decorated wooden or bone lids that contained hair cut from certain individuals in the course of burial rites The offering in Chamber 5 of the Cova des C rritx has yielded eloquent evidence of a ritual based on the postmortem treatment of the hair of certain individuals dyed combed cut enclosed in boxes and deposited which could in turn be linked to the new symbolic importance of the human head31 Fig 10 Although this special treatment was restricted to a small number of individuals there is no clear evidence that this ritual distinction re ected political economic privileges32 Grave goods are more varied and abundant than in earlier centuries Buttons made of bone or tusk and small ceramic vessels S pro led pots truncated coneshaped vessels with a handle on one side continued to be left as offerings However the most notable items are now adornments and bronze tools pectorals tor All the types of burials cited and the funerary practices that we assume they shared despite the diversity of the structures used came to an end during the ninth century or at the latest in the early eighth century The period before these burial places 30 28 29 Veny 1982 Fullola et alii 2007 31 32 Delibes y Fern ndez Miranda 1988 Lull et alii 2013 Lull et alii 1999
154  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figure 9. Naveta des Tudons  Menorca      ASOME     UAB .  an elongat...
THE BALEARIC ISLANDS FROM STABLE HUMAN COLONISATION UNTIL THE ROMAN CONQUEST Figure 10 Ceremonial objects from the deposit at Es C rritx Menorca photos Peter Witte ASOME UAB stopped being used probably coincided with the ritual deposition of particularly valuable objects in inaccessible places inside natural caves C rritx Mussol They are indications of a society at a time of change at the point of abandoning a centuries old tradition and embarking on the Talaiotic period when the construction of social ties would become above all a public af rmation of the community construction of talaiots compact settlements rather than a celebration of the past and their ancestors in the form of funerary rituals held in places that were remote from the settlements The Talaiotic Group ca 850 550 The emblematic elements of the new social relations are the talaiots Figs 11 12 monumental structures in the shape of a tower with a circular oor plan Son Forn s Son Ferrandell Olesa Sa Canova de Morell Sant Agust Vell or square Capocorb Vell Hospitalet Cas Canar oblong or irregular Cornia oriental Rafal Roig built with huge blocks of dry stone More regularly shaped and smaller monuments are more common in Mallorca they have a circular chamber in the centre of which there is a polylithic column that held up the roof supports which consisted of radial slabs or beams In other cases instead of a chamber there are passages or relatively small irregularly shaped spaces Cornia oriental Rafal Roig There were also solid monuments included in Mallorca in the category stepped tumulus Son Oms Son Ferrer 33 33 Rossell Bordoy 1973 1979 Fern ndez Miranda 1978 Plantalamor 1991 Aramburu Zabala 1998 The talaiots were used for various purposes Some are common to all of them like that of atalaya for visual control However others had a speci c character and developed into particular monuments such as the processing and redistribution of meat in Talaiot 1 of Son Forn s or political ideological practices in Talaiot 234 There is no evidence that any of them was used as the residence of a dominant group The talaiots are isolated or being part of settlements of variable size and rarely have an area of more than 2 ha Sometimes houses have a trapezoidal or cornershaped oor plan and are arranged radially around the talaiots Son Oms Pula Ses Talaies de Can Jordi while in other cases the houses are rectangular and are aligned with adjoining walls along the length of a rectilinear header wall Son Forn s Capocorb Vell Pottery production in Mallorca showed a repertoire consisting of bowls cups and a variety of pots with an out turned rim of different proportions and sizes On the other hand we know hardly anything about the organisation of metallurgical production and metal artefacts because none of these objects were left in hoards or burials The bone industry is characterised by the unusual survival of bone awls while lithic production includes mortars spherical hammers and to a lesser extent grinding stones The diet was based on terrestrial origin foods probably with a signi cant proportion of livestock products Funerary practices are practically unknown In Mallorca only a few sporadic and disputed manifestations are on record Cova Greg ria A Son Real 34 Pons Homar 1999 Gorn s and Gual 2001 Lull et alii 2001 Gasull et alii 1984 155
THE BALEARIC ISLANDS  FROM STABLE HUMAN COLONISATION UNTIL THE ROMAN CONQUEST  Figure 10. Ceremonial objects from the depo...
156 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figure 11 View of the site of Son Forn s Mallorca showing talaiots 1 and 2 and structures dating to various periods photo Jaume Murillo Or la Figure 12 Talaiot of Torrellonet Vell Menorca photo Felipe S nchez Cuenca
156  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figure 11. View of the site of Son Forn  s  Mallorca , showing talaio...
THE BALEARIC ISLANDS FROM STABLE HUMAN COLONISATION UNTIL THE ROMAN CONQUEST In Menorca perhaps some hypogea with a complex oor plan started to be used in the eighth century Calascoves XXI Sant Joan de Missa after the abandonment of navetas caves sealed with a wall and hypogea with a simple oor plan Perhaps the waning importance of funerary practices was related with the role of the talaiots as if the collective effort invested in their construction and the activities they were used for had established habits of political cohesion thus displacing traditional rituals In a certain way during the Talaiotic period the sense of political community imposed itself on ancestral particularities based on lines of descent The settlement at Son Forn s shows that Talaiotic society consisted of fairly autonomous domestic units which organised day to day subsistence production preparation of food making pottery stone and bone tools However these units were linked by strong ties of cooperation in the performance of for certain tasks looking after ocks sharing out meat within a political framework based on reciprocity35 Figure 13 Residential area of Torre d en Galm s Casa Cartailhac Menorca photo Elena Sintes Olives Compared with earlier times the Talaiotic period is distinguished by a notable absence of external elements and very little metallurgical evidence The lack of complexes devoted to funerary ritual and metal hoards must have gone hand in hand with a considerable reduction in the production of metals perhaps at a time when the communities of Mallorca and Menorca opted to isolate themselves from the tensions that arose from the emergence of aristocratic societies near them on the mainland and from colonial rivalries in the western basin of the Mediterranean36 The Post Talaiotic period ca 550 second century 123 Talaiotic society came to a sudden and violent end as we can see from the re levels in Son Forn s Antigors Capocorb Vell and Son Serralta amongst other places We only have a fragmentary picture of the situation just after the Talaiotic collapse in Mallorca in the late sixth and early seventh centuries Alfa Building of Son Ferragut House located in the trenches 19 and 19a in S Illot and Building G4 in Son Forn s The characteristics of the Alfa Building mark a new departure in terms of size building techniques and internal organisation37 The walls de ne a parallelogram with an area of almost 300 m2 which housed a single domestic unit The 35 36 37 Gasull et alii 1984 Lull et alii 2002 Castro et alii 2003 Figure 14 Hypostyle chamber of Torre d en Galm s Menorca ASOME UAB entrance in one of the short walls gave access to a porticoed rectangular courtyard which was used for production and consumption There are two similar adjoining rooms at the back of the courtyard The artefacts found display similarities with the Talaiotic tradition but anticipate standard elements of the coming centuries that set them apart from the earlier period The appearance at this time of the rst spindleshaped projectiles made of stone for slingshoting and the violent destruction of the Alfa Building suggest that social instability had not been resolved The situation began to show signs of becoming more stable from ca 470 450 when the best known post Talaiotic settlements were occupied and were inhabited until at least the second century There are marked differences between the settlements on Mallorca and Menorca In 157
THE BALEARIC ISLANDS  FROM STABLE HUMAN COLONISATION UNTIL THE ROMAN CONQUEST  In Menorca, perhaps some hypogea with a com...
158 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figure 15 Taula at Torralba d en Salort Menorca photo Felipe S nchez Cuenca Menorca more or less circular houses with a central courtyard were built using the cyclopean technique sometimes built adjoining others or beside hypostyle halls Biniparratx Petit Biniparratxet Petit Torre d en Galm s Sant Vicen d Alcaid s 38 Figs 13 14 while in Mallorca we nd house with straight walls and heterogeneous shapes that do not appear to have been planned in any way Post Talaiotic Rooms 1 2 and 3 of Son Forn s Barrio sector of Son Mas Walled enclosures proliferate on both islands however Ses Pa sses Es Pedregar Es Rossells Son Forn s Son Catlar 39 Post Talaiotic architecture also includes monumental buildings to which a political or religious function is attributed In Menorca we nd the taula enclosures structures built to an apsidal oor plan that contain the characteristic pillar and cross stone in the shape of a T Torralba d en Salord Talat de Dalt Torre d en Galm s Trepuc 40 Fig 15 while the equivalent in 38 39 40 Hern ndez Gasch 2007 Rossell Bordoy 1973 1979 Fern ndez Miranda 1978 Plantalamor 1991 Gorn s and Gual 1997 AramburuZabala 1998 Lull et alii 2001 Hern ndez Gasch and Aramburu Zabala 2005 Aramburu Zabala and Riera 2006 Gorn s y Gual 1997 Fern ndez Miranda 2009 Mallorca would be the sanctuaries 41 with a oor plan that is often reminiscent of the taula but without the T pillar Son Mas Son Mar Almallutx Antigors Son Corr Son Oms A Sa Punta des Patr Son Forn s Funerary structures are many and diverse hypogea with a complex oor plan Calascoves Son Maim Cova Monja Cala Morell natural cavities Avenc de Sa Punta Son Matge Sa Cometa des Morts Son Bau rectangular or circular masonry chambers Son Real S Illot des Porros reused ancient burials Biniai Nou 2 Cova des C rritx and inhumations in pits or cists sometimes on the ruins of Talaiotic buildings Talaiot 1 of Son Ferrandell Olesa Son Oms 42 In certain cases the dead were laid on wooden litters or in cof ns made from hollowed out tree trunks Calescoves XXI Son Boronat Son Maim that sometimes had bull appliqu s Sa Punta or contained pottery Son Boronat On other occasions collective burial sites containing disarticulated skeletons covered in lime are documented Son Matge Son Maim 43 41 42 43 Fern ndez Miranda 1978 Ense at Ense at 1981 Rossell Bordoy 1973 1979 Fern ndez Miranda 1978 Tarradell and Hern ndez Gasch 1998
158  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figure 15. Taula at Torralba d   en Salort  Menorca   photo  Felipe S...
THE BALEARIC ISLANDS FROM STABLE HUMAN COLONISATION UNTIL THE ROMAN CONQUEST In Mallorca pottery assemblages include new varieties of pots with out turned rim bowls truncated conical vessels cups and jars associated with a great variety of appliqu s and handles The clays incorporate vegetable tempers but the traditional ground calcite is still added In Menorca the decorated double bottomed vessels are striking On both islands pottery production was mainly local and still hand made Imported pottery can be considered marginal until the fourth century when wine began to be imported in amphorae from Ibiza on a more regular basis Bronze artefacts include pieces used for politicalideological practices such as tauromorphic Fig 16 or simply horn shaped gures images of warriors or gods of war little doves tintinabulla and bells44 The decorated lead plaques also had a similar function The metal catalogue is completed with objects made of iron such as antennae swords knives awls and spiral adornments Stone production concentrated on the manufacture of spherical hammerstones grinding stones and sling bullets In the bone industry it is worth mentioning the taps possible stoppers made from the end of a bovine femur which usually form part of grave goods The diet depended more on the products of arable farming Differences in the size organisation and content of houses and also the individualisation of grave goods of high social value suggest that economic and political inequalities had become entrenched The construction of forti cations and the presence of weapons such as swords and slings also indicate that violence played an important part in social relations It should not be forgotten in this respect that the classical written sources mention contingents of Balearic slingers ghting in the Carthaginian armies from at least the end of the fth century up to the Second Punic War This implies armed groups with a certain degree of discipline and ghting experience45 The post Talaiotic or Balearic period the latter an increasingly common term in Mallorcan archaeo 44 45 Rossell Bordoy 1973 1979 Delibes and Fern ndezMiranda 1988 Gual 1993 Lull et alii 2001 Figure 16 Bronze bull head from Costitx Mallorca photo Museo Arqueologico Nacional logy saw profound transformations from the Talaiotic society that came before it and the opening up of island communities to a Mediterranean world marked by rivalry between great powers The Balearic Islands fell within the orbit of Carthage and Ibiza as we can see from settlements such as Na Guardis46 and the abundance of amphorae originating in Ibiza However in the third century Italic productions enter the archaeological record announcing the advent of new times The sources tell us that the army of the consul Quintus Caecilius Metellus disembarked in Mallorca in AD 123 putting an end to Balearic political autonomy 46 Guerrero 2007 159
THE BALEARIC ISLANDS  FROM STABLE HUMAN COLONISATION UNTIL THE ROMAN CONQUEST  In Mallorca, pottery assemblages include ne...
Marisa Ruiz G lvez The Atlantic Iberia a threshold between East and West Introduction Just as Fernand Braudel devoted the rst volume of his work The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean World in the Age of Philip II to explaining the structural features that de ne the Mediterranean world and Mediterranean people s way of life and seeing that world it is impossible to understand the people of the Atlantic seaboard of the Iberian Peninsula without rst making a reference to what we mean by the Atlantic identity Spain has the second highest average altitudes in Europe after Switzerland The high Meseta of central Spain has an average height of around 700 m asl divided in half by the Central Mountain Range and is surrounded by other high mountains that form a notable barrier to Central Periphery communications and contribute to the isolation of the Atlantic coastal regions from the interior From a geological point of view the Atlantic region of the Peninsula consists of a substrate of granites gneiss and slate that in combination with the typically rainy climate produce acid soils poor in nutrients which with prehistoric agricultural technology dictates its exible use and until the introduction of innovations in farming in the transition from the second to the rst millennium BCE is not favourable for the stabilisation of the population on arable land I should make it clear that I am not talking about nomadism but rather a pattern of regular and systematic mobility around a territory That same geological substrate also explains why the greatest mineral resources of Iberia in particular tin but also copper and alluvial gold are concentrated in the granite and metamorphic massifs of Western Iberia The third geographical feature that determines the particular characteristics of the Iberian Atlantic population is the remodelling its shores as a result of the Flandrian transgression which produced ooded valleys almost ords as seen in the Galician r as or the mouths of the Portuguese rivers Aveiro Monde Universidad Complutense de Madrid marisar gp ghis ucm es go and Tagus or very wide seawater gulfs as in the case of the combined estuary rivers Guadalquivir and Guadalete the Vinalop or the Ria de Huelva outlets Fig 1 In conclusion while the mountains are barriers that make Center and Periphery communications very dif cult the rivers and shores help them so traditionally it was easier to travel by sea than overland and where this was not possible a few strategic passes that articulate communications through the interior would be of key importance All these features explain the strategic value both in a profane and in a sacred way of the topographical features of Western Iberia that favour and structure movement and also the fact that they frequently act as landmarks or markers in the physical and symbolic landscape Absolute chronology and Phases Since the 1996 s monograph devoted to 14C and the chronology of Late Iberian Prehistory1 other works for Western Iberia have taken up and discussed 14C dating2 In keeping with that this chapter will make a distinction between two main phases an Earlier Bronze Age which covers the traditional Early and Middle Bronze Age between 2300 2200 1600 1500 cal BCE Early Bronze Age and 1600 1500 1250 cal BCE Middle Bronze Age and a Later Bronze Age between1250 and 850 cal BCE I am encompassing the Early and Middle Bronze Age Phases under a single term Earlier Bronze Age because they represent a continuum in the trend towards the invisibility of settlement and the impoverishment of the funerary world that began in early Second millennium cal BCE and became more acute around 1600 cal BCE Hence the division between the Early Bronze Age and the Middle Bronze Age is not arbitrary but acknowledges a sudden change in the archaeological record 1 2 Castro et al 1996 Betencourt 2010 Garc a y Odriozola 2012
Marisa Ruiz-G  lvez   The Atlantic Iberia  a threshold between East and West  Introduction Just as Fernand Braudel devoted...
162 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figure 1 Map of the Iberia showing the coast of Portugal R a de Huelva Tartessian Gulf and Gulf of Elche in antiquity Garc a and Odriozola3 suggest that there was a marked break with earlier practices in the peninsular SW around 1600 cal BCE with settlement patterns becoming lesser stable a fact that as these authors point out is not an isolated case Paleoenviromental reconstructions in the NW of Iberia suggest that the climate cooled between 1600 and 1400 cal BCE This fact was combined with a rainfall decrease that started in the early Second Millennium BC and with processes of erosion caused by human action As a result settlements became archaeologically less visible4 Data from other Iberian areas and beyond con rm a phase of cooling in the mid second millennium cal BCE5 The lower limit of this phase around the midtwelfth century BCE is determined less by environmental changes or in the settlement pattern which continued to be practically invisible than by developments in the East and Central Mediterranean that 3 4 5 Garc a and Odriozola 2012 Castro et al 1999a and b Mart nez et al 2014 Helama et al 2013 F bregas et al 2003 gradually began to affect processes of reorganisation of the Atlantic region The Earlier Bronze Age 2300 2200 1250 calBCE The settlement pattern Settlement in the Atlantic region in the Earlier Bronze Age was generally ephemeral which would seem to reveal some degree of mobility even at the beginning of this phase Data in the NW suggest a progressive relocation of settlements on the slopes of high plateaus from the Bell Beaker period onwards mid Third millennium cal BCE and continuity in the material culture and location from this phase to the Earlier Bronze Age while at the same time the settlement was becoming increasingly invisible F bregas attributes this invisibility to the absence of systematic programmes of surveying and excavation in the region This author asserts that there are open air settlements whose chronology overlaps with that of open air rock art petroglyphs and the open sites are located both in low lying areas as at
162  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figure 1. Map of the Iberia showing the coast of Portugal, R  a de Hu...
THE ATLANTIC IBERIA A THRESHOLD BETWEEN EAST AND WEST Figure 2 Trastej n and Atalaya according to Hurtado et al 2011 mid altitudes so that these sites belong to the people who carved and codi ed messages on the petroglyphs among others those regulating rights about the use of uplands resources6 This is suggested by the surface dispersion of domestic pottery some of it with typical Bronze Age features in places where there were petroglyphs or tumuli burials associated with high pastures and paths and tracks connecting lowland and upland areas Anyway this does not invalidate the idea of greater instability or mobility in the Bronze Age since we lack of sites with thick stratigraphies that would indicate stability in sites although of course nobody doubts that the NW area was inhabited at that time Hence other authors have suggested changes in lifestyles between the Copper Age and the Bronze Age with greater emphasis on herding supplemented by shing and horticulture in the latter and that therefore humid areas were in greater demand7 In Northern Portugal it has been claimed a population increase during the Earlier Bronze Age8 and indeed there is some archaeological record funerary as well as of other kind but on the contrary settlement record is poor since Copper Age forti ed settlements either were abandoned or reduced their size or were even destroyed in the Early Bronze Age and there is scarce investment in lasting structures9 Obviously people went on inhabiting the same territory as in the previous phase but evidences point to a less stable way of living than before10 The same is true in other parts of Portugal11 Only two areas in the Atlantic SW seem to record stable population in at least part of the Earlier Bronze Age One is the Huelva Northern Mountain Range where there are walled and terraced sites like Trastej n Fig 2 and La Pap a connected with the copper ores and with the control of the main natural routes that connect the area with Southern Extremadura But there are also smaller open air sites in the area such as Casta uelo II and Bujada although they are also situated in high places where access to agricultural land is dif cult This is con rmed by pollen and soil analysis These sites were apparently abandoned around 1600 1500 cal BCE and neither El Trastej n nor Chi n are occupied again until the Late Bronze Age12 Lower Extremadura is the second area with stable settlement Here as in other Atlantic areas the previous Third millennium BCE sites became either destroyed or abandoned One of the few relatively 9 6 7 8 Bradley et al 1995 Santos 2008 Jorge 2000 10 11 12 Jorge 2000 Jorge and Rubinos 2002 Bettencourt 2000 Rocha 2001 Hurtado et al 2011 Garc a and Odriozola 2012 163
THE ATLANTIC IBERIA  A THRESHOLD BETWEEN EAST AND WEST  Figure 2. Trastej  n and Atalaya  according to Hurtado et al., 201...
164 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figure 3 Rectangular building of Alange according to Pav n 2008 stable settlements was Alange The site controls physically the ford across the Matachel river and visually other major passes through the Middle Guadiana and the main routes between this area and the middle of the Guadalquivir valley Therefore Alange could re ect a changing strategy of landscape control more focussed now on controlling key points on the network of communications13 Although a walled enclosure may have existed domestic structures are scarce perhaps due to post depositional factors Just a couple of huts are documented dated respectively to between 2040 1660 cal BCE Beta 68668 in level IV and between 2200 1740 cal BCE Beta 68669 14 in level VI15 although pottery for storage and consumption is abundant This shows that the site must have been more densely occupied than the structures preserved suggest A large rectangular building built on a platform would belong to this occupation According to the record it was apparently used for storing grain16 Fig 3 A nal phase of occupation is separated from the preceding phase after a single date Beta 68667 1520 1050 cal BCE so it seems to have been a hiatus in the occupation of the Alange site that would con rm that this break in occupation occurred around1600 cal BCE17 Abundant items belong to this phase amongst them Cogotas type Meseta pottery with geometric motifs lled with white clay18 but no remains of domestic 13 14 15 16 17 18 Pav n 1998 Dates that overlap at 1 Pav n 1998 Pav n 2008 Garc a and Odriozola 2012 Pav n 1998 structures have been preserved This may have been due to post depositional events or to repeated but less stable occupation as happens with the Cogotas sites in the Central Meseta19 The fact is that from the mid second millennium cal BCE onwards the lesser visibility of the population is a widespread phenomenon in the Atlantic region This at least is what is suggested by the pit elds that is storage structures or middens usually associated with recurrent but brief periods of occupation which form horizontal instead of vertical stratigraphies This is the case of the site at El Carrascalejo20 close to the Aljuc n river basin an area that was frequently ooded until the course of the river was diverted in the 1950s where there are thirty or so of these pits The pottery of Cogeces type that connects the site with the Central Meseta and a 14C date on a short life sample 1690 1510 BCE agree to a date in the mid second millennium BCE for the site and to a cleared holm oak wood and scrub scenery This latter is attributed to the preponderance of bovines within the local livestock21 Small pit eld sites are known in other Portuguese areas at similar dates22 The funerary record The funerary record mirrors the housing evidence since although we know of necropolis they gradually 19 20 21 22 Jimeno 2001 Enr quez y Drake 2007 Duque y P rez 2007 Tavares y Soares 2001 Jorge y Rubinos 2002
164  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figure 3. Rectangular building of Alange  according to Pav  n, 2008  ...
THE ATLANTIC IBERIA A THRESHOLD BETWEEN EAST AND WEST become more impersonal between the Late Copper Age and the Earlier Bronze Age in the sense that they hardly allow us to detect possible vertical differences in the society nor can we identify a funerary ritual that could be strictly representative of the Atlantic Earlier Bronze Age Quite on the contrary burial formulas vary greatly within the same region from the reuse of Neolithic monuments until a late date to the use of cists pits or tumuli which sometimes vary little from those of earlier periods while grave goods become progressively simpler23 The characteristics of the latter vary slightly between the NW and SW of the Peninsular Thus in the NW we cannot really talk about necropolis but of isolated burials accompanied by metal artefacts connected with the preceding Bell Beaker phase such as daggers or Palmela points and occasionally items of adornment made of gold but without the typical Bell Beaker pottery In view of the acid condition of the Atlantic soils we just can guess according to the size of the graves that we are dealing with individual burials the richest of which could have belonged to high rank men as they combine male emblems with gold or silver items These are for instance the cases in the Atios Pontevedra and Carnota La Coru a cist graves which contained a copper dagger and gold and silver adornments in the rst case and a dagger and an archer s wrist guard in the second24 Fig 4 But with the exception of these cists or the occasional metal grave goods found in burials under tumuli whose absolute dates put them at the dawn of the Bronze Age25 it would be dif cult to date many of these burials to the Bronze Age were it not for their radiocarbon datings since the absence of grave goods and their tumular forms suggest older traditions26 Others contain little more than a characteristic ceramic vessel such as truncated cone shaped vessels or in the middle of the second millennium cal BCE pots with a broad horizontal rim Fig 5 and are deposited in megaliths in tumuli burials or in a pit27 so it seems that symbolic and social strategies are expressed in other ways and not as in earlier periods through the funerary ritual In the SW we can in fact talk about necropolis in the sense of the grouping of a signi cant number of localised burials within a de ned space sometimes located close to a walled site as in the case of El Trastej n or La Pap a28 or beside open air settlements such as Chichina Seville el Casta uelo Huelva and in 23 24 25 26 27 28 Bettencourt 2010 Ruiz G lvez 1998 Ruiz G lvez 1998 Betencourt 2010 Bettencourt 2010 Hurtado et al 2011 Figure 4 Earlier Bronze Age cists and grave goods of the NW according to Ruiz G lvez 1998 some sites of Alemtejo29 In other cases such as the burials at Las Minitas de Almendralejo Badajoz they are thought to be associated with a farm or hamlet dependent on a larger site like Alange30 Most of them are simple burials with little more than a ceramic vessel rarely decorated as in Huelva or in the shape of a ask with grooved decoration as in Alentejo and Extremadura and with scarce social differentiation regarding age and sex gender In Extremadura where skeletal remains are better preserved than in the acid soils of Huelva the cemeteries seem to contain mainly adults pottery being associated with male and copper awls with female burials31 In the Huelva burials the total number of metal artefacts linked to burials is very low Barely a bronze halberd in Traviesa grave 5 belonging to an adult old male some rare daggers or arrowheads in the La Pap a burials some silver copper and exceptionally gold adornments in El Becerrero or La Pap a etc Signi cantly in many of these necropolis just one cist stands out as larger than the others and it is also usually the one that contains more elaborate grave goods When we can attribute age and sex to the dead buried there the most elabo29 30 31 Soares y Tavares 1995 Pav n 2008 Pav n 2008 165
THE ATLANTIC IBERIA  A THRESHOLD BETWEEN EAST AND WEST  become more    impersonal    between the Late Copper Age and the E...
166 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figure 5 Bowls with broad horizontal rim according to Betencourt 2010 rate are those of adult males32 So it seems that we are dealing here with what Hayden33 called transegalitarian societies i e the ones that are not entirely egalitarian but not clearly strati ed either C14 dates place these cemeteries in the early second millennium cal BCE and before 1600 BCE Signi cantly the few decorated potsherds found in these cemeteries belong to the Central Meseta Cogeces type They help to date the latest life period of these necropolis34 due that in settlements are connected with a more unstable pattern of occupation This allows us to identify it as an emblem of a male and warrior ideal and from the type of weapon we can date them to the Later Bell Beaker Earlier Bronze period What is signi cant about these stelae is the context in which they appear always linked with points that are physically and symbolically perceived as liminal such as fords mountain passes bodies of water etc 36 Thus when we know their exact location as in the case of those from Collado de Sejos Santander 37 Pe atu de Vidiago Asturias38 Valdefuentes de Sangus n Salamanca 39 those of the Sierra de Nave Beira Alta 40 and a few more41 we see that all of them are located on the boundary of two complementary ecological niches and at points that are perceived as symbolic thresholds or points of transition Even when the original position is unknown as in the case of the one from Tremedal de Tormes Salamanca 42 the Late Latin etymology of the place name Tremedal suggests that it was situated near a subterranean water source The armed male iconography allow us to think that a group perhaps its descendants is evoking a mythical ancestor and the location of the stele disconnected from any necropolis suggests that they are claiming rights not so much on land but on the access to critical resources for a livestock economy as the summer pastures So it was the control of key points on the axes of mobility and entry what became then the focus of rivalry and display of power Fig 6 A recurrent feature in the Atlantic area is as we have seen the reuse of Neolithic monuments or tumular constructions linked to earlier periods since even the cists of the SW adopt the megalithic form35 But it also seems to point at changes in social strategies from the control of the territory through the tumuli in the Neolithic period and defensive sites and cemeteries in the Copper Age to the control in the Earlier Bronze Age of those routes and passages that articulated mobility of people ocks or goods This would explain two things On one hand the gradual loss of visibility and symbolic investment in the cemeteries and the location of stelae and hoards at points imbued with a symbolism that was both sacred and profane Anthropomorphic stelae and hoards 1 The rst group includes a series of freestanding stone depictions generally with the lower part cut away so that they can be driven vertically into the ground of variable height but with similar gurative features a shield shaped vaguely anthropomorphic ef gy together with the portrayal of a dagger 36 37 38 32 33 34 35 Garc a Sanju n 1998 Hayden 1995 Hurtado et al 2011 Hurtado et al 2011 39 40 41 42 da Cruz y Santos 2011 Bueno et al 1985 de Blas 2002 Santonja and Santonja 1978 da Cruz y Santos 2011 Ruiz G lvez 1998 L pez et al 1996
166  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figure 5. Bowls with broad horizontal rim  according to Betencourt, 2...
THE ATLANTIC IBERIA A THRESHOLD BETWEEN EAST AND WEST Figure 7 Sword of Entrambasaguas and its nd place according to de Blas 2011 Figure 6 Anthropomorphic stele from Ata des Guarda Portugal according to Vila a 2001 2 Metal hoards are the second typical feature of the Atlantic area They are related in a polysemous way with the control of key points structuring natural routes and in turn with rites of passage but they are never linked with dwelling sites or with cemeteries However where we know the exact position and circumstances of their nd we can differentiate two kinds of hoards each of which seems to respond to a different motivation Those consisting of axes halberds or some small tool that is those that combine objects of different social value arms and tools usually appear directly under the ground under a stone or in a vessel43 This is the case of the hoard found at Roufeiro Orense contained in a clay vessel but not associated with a settlement or necropolis44 According to this it can be interpreted as a profane hoard made of raw material for recasting45 In contrast isolated swords and daggers appear in caves or rock crevices i e at those physical points that in many cosmogonies are conceived as holes mouths thresholds or entrances to the underworld that is as thresholds or liminal points that as M Eliade explains46 are the meeting point on an Axis Mundi between Order and Chaos and between the area won to the nature and occupied by living beings and the wild regions the underworld This is the case of the swords from Cuevallusa and Entrambasaguas Cantabria recently reviewed by de Blas47 which were found in a cave Fig 7 like the one from Forc s Orense 48 The sword from Sabero Le n was found embedded in a hill overlooking the joining of two rivers that is on a crossroads and also a boundary That could have been also the case of that from Castelo Bom Portugal found by chance in a quarry49 Of other swords such as those of Cea50 and that found in the La Perla sandbank in Madrid we just know that they were found close to a river Although all of them are isolated nds in the sense that they were associated neither with settlements nor burials they do not lacked of context since they were found in places that human beings of the time perceived as boundaries between the world of the living and that of the dead51 Nevertheless we cannot rule out in this case as in the case of the profane hoards that a kind of visible landmark 46 47 48 43 44 45 Ruiz G lvez 1998 Comendador 1995 Bradley 1990 Ruiz G lvez 1995 49 50 51 Eliade 1972 19 Almagro 1972 y 1976 Blas 2011 Obermeier 1923 Castro and Vasco 1957 Delibes et al 1982 Ruiz G lvez 1995 167
THE ATLANTIC IBERIA  A THRESHOLD BETWEEN EAST AND WEST  Figure 7. Sword of Entrambasaguas and its    nd place  according t...
168 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE of perishable material may have been associated to them as we know in ethnographically recorded cases52 In short greater mobility connected to a mainly livestock based economy and whit it to certain invisibility in the landscape seems the prevailing trend in the Atlantic area at the Earlier Bronze Age The Later Bronze Age 1250 825 BCE Several factors help us to put the upper and lower chronological limits of this phase These include the collapse of the Mediterranean palatial systems in the mid thirteenth century BCE and the emergence of a kind of entrepreneur trade in the Central Mediterranean where there were eastern Mediterranean traders settled from the mid second millennium BCE Some were from the Aegean but they also came from Cyprus and the Levant53 This situation favoured the process of opening up new routes and will ended up with the foundation of Phoenician colonies around the late quarter of the ninth century cal BCE of origin and suggest that together with technical skills other forms of knowledge were also being introduced both symbolic relating to the representation of power and practical concerning agricultural techniques The result of this interaction would be translated into a greater visibility population stability and stronger territorial structures in the next phase as seen below It should be emphasised that these imports are not always found in the Atlantic area but sometimes on the Spanish Levant or in the interior of Andalusia The explanation could be found in the fact that sea routes to the Pillars of Hercules meant that according to winds and currents ships had to sail along the Spanish Levant Also there were settlements in these areas that in contrast to the general panorama were permanently occupied and were accessible from the coast or by combined coastal and river navigation From East to West then these early imports which I repeat I consider to be important because they reveal the presence seasonal or permanent of trade diasporas long before Semitic colonial settlements appeared can be analysed as follows First Phase 1250 1100 000 cal BCE During this phase settlement is still not very visible because sites are of the pit elds type with horizontal rather than vertical stratigraphies as happened in the Earlier Bronze Age too However we do nd the rst signs of imports that indicate the extension of Mediterranean routes towards the Pillars of Heracles and more important still the settlement of foreigners within local communities Because more than imports it is the transfer of know how to local communities as the use of lox wax rotary techniques soldering etc what is recorded As in Mycenaean Italy the transfer of knowledge needed a close contact between master and apprentice and it suggests a model similar to Curtin s trade diasporas54 The aforementioned author described trade diasporas as a response to the need of cross cultural brokers when cultural differences between traders and the local community makes it necessary to have someone who can be trusted to act as an agent even if a colony as such did not exist We have very good historical examples of similar situations I shall begin by setting out the data that support the idea that foreign agents settled on an individual basis amongst the local population and then I shall propose their possible places 52 53 54 Tat r 1991 Bradley 2000 Castellana 1998 Vagnetti 1998 Mederos 2005 RuizG lvez 2013 Curtin 1984 3 The treasure of Villena Alicante This is an assemblage of 67 items including a gold and silver set for eating and drinking as well as ingotbracelets most of which have been cut although they show signs of use55 sheets of possible gold foil that may have covered the hilts of weapons an iron ring and an iron object inlaid with gold and another appliqu in amber inlaid with gold The gold hoard was an accidental discovery The archaeologist Dr Soler56 carried out test digs in the nding place called locally la Rambla del Panadero a dry riverbed subject to seasonal ash oods which led to the recovery of the entire assemblage It was found inside a big urn similar to the Late Bronze Age pottery thirteenth century BCE of the neighbouring site of Cabezo Redondo The urn was deposited directly in a pit open in the river bend The place is at a crossroads between two important natural routes Some months before another small assemblage of gold items had been recovered in a nearby gravel pit which was also close to Cabezo Redondo57 The site with which both nds appear to be linked is a strategic place overlooking the Vinalop corridor and the routes between the coast which was closer then and the interior of the Meseta Central 55 56 57 Perea 2001 2002 Soler 1965 Soler 1965
168  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  of perishable material may have been associated to them, as we know i...
THE ATLANTIC IBERIA A THRESHOLD BETWEEN EAST AND WEST I pottery from the site and then the set could have been an introductory gift Even more exotic is the iron item inlaid with gold as if it were a piece of jewellery i e prized as an exotic raw material just as happens with one of the daggers in Tutankhamen s grave goods Given that the Mycenaean palaces did not developed an iron technology this item and also the iron bracelet in the treasure of Villena should be dated after the palace collapse and before the introduction of the iron technology in Iberia by the Phoenicians61 The iron item was topped with a doubleended nail to be inserted a second piece apparently a sword hilt62 Figure 8 Find of the Treasure of Villena Alicante according to Soler 1965 and Upper Andalusia through the mountain passes of Almansa and Caudete58 There are no mineral ores in this area although there are in Upper Andalusia but there are abundant salt ats still in use in the fteenth century AD as a result of the gradual drying out of a wetland nearby All these resources explain why the area has been historically devoted to cattle breeding Twenty 14C dates exist for Cabezo Redondo with two successive occupations the rst in the Earlier Bronze Age between 1890 1540 BCE and the second from 1450 1190 BCE although most of the dates are concentrated between 1600 1300 cal BCE59 The treasure of Villena is possibly a keimelion in the Homeric sense representing the physical and symbolic capital of a leader and his family Fig 8 Its relevance to my point is that the hoard contained both raw materials and symbolic codes that were foreign to the local community For example the eating and drinking set of precious metal were not local either in terms of the hammering technique used to make the bowls and asks in the set60 or in the actual concept of using precious bowls for banquets One and the other show an Eastern Mediterranean origin although it is possible that the garland decoration on the gold bowls reproduces that of the Cogotas In Iberia as well as in the Atlantic area nails were unknown and pins or rivets were used instead to attach the hilt to the blade of a weapon However nails began to be used in Cyprus in the thirteenth century BCE63 A second object consisted of a piece of amber inlaid in gold and although it has not been analysed its treatment as an exotic object suggests its foreign provenance perhaps the Central Mediterranean outlet of the amber route thanks to the presence of Mediterranean traders on its shores Finally the ingot bracelets with their complex decoration of spikes were made using the lost wax and rotary techniques neither of which were known in the Iberian Peninsula64 The second hoard the so called little treasure of Villena contains thirty ve pieces of gold including diadems ribbons and bell shaped pendants the latter similar to those found at Purullena65 in Upper Andaluc a a synchronic site with Cabezo Redondo and also a fragment of ingot and another of a bracelet with spikes All this suggests a similar chronology to that of the preceding treasure This second assemblage could be interpreted either as a goldsmith s hoard or a keimelion or personal wealth We shall never know whether both treasures belonged to the same person or the identity of its owner or owners but in my opinion66 it is clear that as well the techniques as the exotic raw materials used in both treasures imply that one or more foreigners were settled in the area and had brought their knowhow with them This last point is important in view that the technology by which the Villena ingot bracelet was made stands in the origin of a typical Atlantic gold work the so called Villena Estremoz type This proves also 61 62 63 58 59 60 Ruiz G lvez 1998 y 2013 Hern ndez 2009 2010 Armbruster 2002 2003 151 64 65 66 Ruiz G lvez 1998 Pellicer 1998 Catling 1964 138 Perea 2001 2002 Hern ndez 2001 2002 214 Ruiz G lvez 1998 id 2013 169
THE ATLANTIC IBERIA  A THRESHOLD BETWEEN EAST AND WEST  I pottery from the site and then, the set could have been an intro...
170 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE that rather than imports there were foreign codes and techniques the ones which were being transferred and adapted locally into the Atlantic area67 Wheel made pottery in the Upper and Middle Guadalquivir Figure 9 Wheel made pottery from Andalusia A remarkable nding took place in the 80 s at the Late Bronze Age site of Montoro It consists of two wheel made sherds from the Mycenae Berbatti workshop Unfortunately the size of the sherds did not allow a reconstruction of their shape so Podzuweit68 who studied them could do little more than suggest that they were not LHIIIC because of the good quality of the glaze and dated them to the thirteenth century BCE from the indigenous context of the nd associated with Cogotas I pottery and conventionally dated to that period He further speculated with the possibility that the Mycenaean sherds could belong to the LHIIIB thirteenth century BCE or perhaps LHIIIA2 fourteenth century BCE a time when Mycenaean trade was expanding in the Tyrrhenian Sea Although the levels above and below those to which the sherds of Mycenaean pottery belong have been dated by 14C the standard deviation of the samples is very high making their ranges of probability so wide that they are practically useless in terms of the History of the Mediterranean69 However they have proved useful for reconsidering other nds of wheel turned pottery in Bronze Age contexts that had previously been regarded as medieval intrusions or had even passed unnoticed This was the case of the aforementioned site of Purullena in Upper Andaluc a vide supra Here we are not dealing with Mycenaean pottery but with a wheel made pithos recovered from an indigenous hut with Cogotas I pottery and associated with two 14Cdates one on carbon GrN7285 3160 35 1510 1320 cal BCE and the other on seeds GrN7284 3095 35 1440 1260 cal BCE 70 Torres71 has recently compared this pithos with Cypriot jars coming respectively from the Uluburum wreck and the Minoan house XA of the Cretan harbour of Kommos both dated to the fourteenth century BC Therefore the aforementioned author proposes the same chronology for the Purullena pithos on the basis of a date of 1420 1130 BCE at 1 obtained from seeds72 67 68 69 70 71 72 Ruiz G lvez 2013 Podzuweit 1990 Ruiz G lvez 2013 Mart n de la Cruz 2008 Arribas 1976 Torres 2008 Oxcal program 3 10 Figure 9 Wheel made pottery from Andalusia according with M Torres However as with other containers used for transporting goods these pithoi often had a very long life and as I shall argue below there are reasons for assuming thirteenth century BCE dates73 Other non decorated wheel turned pots have been found in indigenous contexts in Upper and Middle Andalusia such as Montoro itself or Gatas Perlines74 who has carried out archaeometric analysis points out that these appear at two different chronological periods the rst associated with Cogotas I pottery ca 1300 BCE and the second later ca 1000 BCE when Cogotas I pottery was being replaced by others with painted and impressed decoration leading to the appearance of hand made imitations of these wheeled potteries In both cases the archaeological contexts prove to be older than the rst Phoenician colonies to which the introduction of the potter s wheel technology is attributed This is interesting because as I pointed out elsewhere this fact more than sporadic importations 73 74 Ruiz G lvez 2009 Perlines 2005
170  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  that, rather than imports, there were foreign codes and techniques th...
THE ATLANTIC IBERIA A THRESHOLD BETWEEN EAST AND WEST suggests the settling among the natives and over an extended period of time of someone who either brings wheel made pottery from abroad or produces it on the site Fig 9 The Berzocana hoard C ceres The treasure of Berzocana was discovered by accident in the 1960s in a spot near the sierra of Villuercas75 The assemblage consisted of a very misshapen bronze bowl and two gold torques The bowl was made using the lost wax method unknown locally but well known in the Levant and Cyprus Fig 10 Years ago Almagro Gorbea pointed to a Near Eastern origin for it76 and Torres77 claims that the bowl was an import of Canaanite Cypriot manufacture with good parallels in the hoard found at Jatt in Israel78 whose deposition could be dated to the eleventh or tenth century BCE although it was possibly in use from the thirteenth century BCE onwards Also the locus 1739 of Megiddo VI produced a similar bowl79 The two massifs gold torques belongs to a well known type in Atlantic Iberia even though they were cast by using a sophisticated casting hammering and soldering technique80 Their weight 750 gr and 950 gr respectively is equivalent to 6 and 8 times the Asia Minor shekel of 11 75 gr 81 an old unit of weight in the Eastern Mediterranean which was in circulation in Northern Syria Cyprus and the Central Mediterranean at the Early Iron Age ca 1200 BCE 82 Once again the evidence seems to reveal the presence of foreign craftsmen in this case in the Atlantic area of Iberia in contexts previous to the foundation of Phoenician colonies Because only in this way could it be understandable the adoption of foreign techniques to produce something of just locally social value as the torques However these in turn represent an accumulation of wealth that was measured by the standard of weight in which the indigenous population would have carried out transactions with the members of those trade diasporas It is the system used in the Central Italy Greece Cyprus Syria region before the Northern Syria came under the in uence of the kingdom of Tyre and Sidon at the beginning of the ninth century BCE83 75 76 77 78 79 80 81 82 83 Almagro 1977a Almagro 1977a Torres 2012 Artzy 2006b Harrison 2004 plate 32 n 4 5 Perea 1995 73 Gal n y Ruiz G lvez 1996 Parise 1985 Zaccagnini 1991 Ruiz G lvez 2003 y 2013 Ruiz G lvez 2013 Figure 10 Treasure of Berzocana C ceres photo Susana Vicente MAN MECD Place names ending in oussa Another clue to the presence of peoples coming from Asia Minor and Greece in the Mediterranean far west is a series of place names ending in oussa which linguists date to the Early Iron Age84 and that are concentrated signi cantly in three regions A the East of Greece and Asia Minor B Central Mediterranean C Iberia As for instance Pithecoussa Italy and North Africa 85 Ichnioussa Sardinia Kotinoussa one of the islands of Cadiz Pitioussa Ibiza Kromyoussa Mallorca Ophioussa Formentera and an unknown point in Galicia They all are Eubean names and therefore suggest an ancient Euboean presence in the Mediterranean far west86 I want to draw attention to the fact that except for Galician place name whose exact location remains unknown all of them are islands names This fact suggests a process of navigation by using the islands as steps in a route Some years ago both L pez Pardo and Boardman suggested that Euboeans and Semites may have undertaken joint adventures westwards well before the process of colonization began87 Iconography of Mediterranean ships The petroglyph of Laxe Auga dos Cervos displays two different motifs on the same granite surface At the top a group of deer a very frequent motif in open air art in this area have been carved At the bottom and using a different carving technique it was depicted a ship whose characteristics can be easily recognised from its prow in the form of an animal head and by the image of the open rowers gallery 84 85 86 87 Graciao 1996 Boardman 2006 Gracia Alonso 1996 L pez Pardo 2004 Boardman 2006 171
THE ATLANTIC IBERIA  A THRESHOLD BETWEEN EAST AND WEST  suggests the settling among the natives and over an extended perio...
172 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figure 11 Image of an Aegean type ship in a petroglyph at Auga dos Cebros and its position overlooking the entrance to the Oya bay according to Costa y de la Pe a 2011 and Google Maps and the rigging Fig 11 It belongs to the type of ship generically referred to as the Aegean type because it is depicted on Mycenaean pottery of the LHIIIB2 and LHIIIC 1250 1200 1100 BCE although it has also been found on other surfaces and in different contexts such as the graf ti in the Carmel area Israel the reliefs of Medinet Habu or the graf ti of the Teneida oasis Egypt 88 More interesting that the ship carving itself is to understand why it was depicted in this place The surface on which it was carved faces to the shore and to the cove of Santa Maria de Oya one of the few bays in this part of the R as Bajas that extend from the Mi o mouth to the R a de Vigo a very straight rocky and dangerous shoreline89 In short the data suggest the following 1 that individual Mediterranean trade agents were established amongst the native population in a model similar to the Mycenaean trade in Central Mediterranean 2 this process began in mid thirteenth century BCE when innovations in naval technology produced ships as the one depicted in Agua dos Cervos capable of more directional routes 3 This could have taken place when the palace system was collapsing 4 All evidences point towards Italy or the islands of the Tyrrhenian Sea as the possible core area of these trade diasporas In view that not only the Aegean were settled the Central Mediterranean from the mid second millennium BCE but also the Cypriots and possibly North Syrian agents since thirteenth century BCE describe a Syrian trade quarter 88 89 Artzy 2007 Ruiz G lvez 2013 Ruiz G lvez 2013 G imil y Santos 2013 or karum in Eastern Cyprus there are no reasons to think that these traders left their Central Mediterranean bases after the palace collapse On the contrary techniques manufactured goods as well the standard systems of weights found at Berzocana suggest that they remained there90 Anyway the history of colonisation teaches us that trading routes did not emerge ex novo but on the contrary they overlapped and ultimately absorbed the local routes that preceded them This also seems to be the case here Because trade diasporas seem to have grown out of a series of natives routes connecting various points along the Atlantic shore of Europe and Northern Africa by which metal and other items people values and ideas the latter more dif cult to detect archaeologically could have been circulating previously through the social networks of exchange This would explain the early presence of a Rosno n type sword dating to the Atlantic Late Bronze Age I in the mouth of the river Lukkus in Larache Morocco 91 where centuries later will be established the Phoenician colony of Lixus This would explain also the nding of leaf shaped swords deeply embedded into rock crevices or thrown into the waters of certain rivers at points where they were fordable In either case the meaning is the same Fords and rock crevices symbolise a threshold or entry to another form of reality the underworld and should be understood in terms of funerary ritual since the sword is part of the spiritual essence of its 90 91 Ruiz G lvez 2013 Ruiz G lvez y Gal n 2013 Ruiz G lvez 1998
172  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figure 11. Image of an    Aegean    type ship in a petroglyph at Auga...
THE ATLANTIC IBERIA A THRESHOLD BETWEEN EAST AND WEST Figure 12 Los Cascajos hoard Logro o According to Alonso Jim nez 2009 bearer But all of them are also located at strategic points for the control of coastal inland communications That is why I have proposed elsewhere that the deposition of weapons should be understood in the frame of competitive funerary rituals by which the descendants are claiming rights of ascension to rulership and of controlling key points in a communications network92 Of no lesser interest is the fact that most of the swords dating to this phase the leaf shaped type are mainly located in the NW or W of the Peninsula for example in the rivers Ulla and Sil in Galicia in the river rbigo in Le n or in stretches of the middle course of the Tagus and the Guadiana etc more than in the SW a region that from the Orientalising period onwards will be known as Tartessos via Salamanca That is the point is located on an axis of communication between the Western Meseta and Portugal Similarly hoards of scrap intended for smelting may have been put inside ceramic urns or organic containers of leather or textile and deposited directly in the ground perhaps as I have suggested above marked by a landmark made of perishable materials What matters is that they always appear beside crossroads i e at neutral places and therefore places of exchange This is the case amongst others of the Los Cascajos hoard with various broken up leaf shaped swords as well as spearheads and ferrules located on the present day boundary between three municipalities and at the foot of a natural path that in the Roman times became the road connecting Burgos with Logro o93 Fig 12 The same can be said of swords embedded into the rocks amongst others that of Vilar Maior whose nd place overlooks a natural route that in the Roman period became the road from Merida to Astorga Once again and as in the case of isolated nds of swords in this phase most of the smelter s hoards are located in the Meseta or in the NW and W half of the Peninsula rather than in the Guadalquivir area 92 Ruiz G lvez 1995 93 Alonso and Jim nez 2009 173
THE ATLANTIC IBERIA  A THRESHOLD BETWEEN EAST AND WEST  Figure 12. Los Cascajos hoard  Logro  o . According to Alonso   Ji...
174 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE A second consequence of the reactivation of these Atlantic routes and those that connect the coast and the interior of the peninsula would be to increase the social value among others of cattle resources in Western Iberia Derived of it stands the process of territorial reorganization attested by the SW warrior stelae Although they started to be erected during the leaf shaped sword phase they are more typical of the next phase That is why they will be analyzed next Second phase 1100 1000 825 BCE One remarkable feature of this Phase is the greater visibility of human settlement This resulted of two factors population growth and greater human stability in settlement sites As this is not an isolated fact but is common to the whole of Central Western Europe it has to be attributed to the introduction of agricultural techniques and know how by the Mediterranean agents established in the Tyrrhenian area94 Strategic sites devoted to metal recycling leather working or just offering landfall facilities on the routes between the Balearic Islands to NW Iberia emerge now on islands peninsulas and key points along coastal inner routes All of them were located so to control either maritime or overland routes This proves that in the processes of population growth and stability local regional and international routes played an important role95 I shall comment on just four cases that exemplify the features of this latter phase Middle Portugal hillforts with evidence of smelting imports and weights at pre Phoenician chronology A series of small hilltop settlements published by Vila a96 in the Portuguese Beira and Spanish Extremadura are set at the end of the route which was at that time formed by the small deep inlets of the Tagus Mondego and Aveiro river courses channelling resources from the interior grazing lands and tin and alluvial gold from the Beiras and North of Extremadura towards the exterior and controlling in turn potential agricultural land In them we nd moulds and typical Atlantic Late Bronze Age bronze items Huelva V nat type Also tools and iron items and in addition bronze weights belonging to multiples or fractions of the 9 4 gr Mediterranean standard of weight different then from the 7 9 gr Phoenician shekel attested in Phoenician contexts such as the factory of Cerro del Villar Quinta de Almaraz and Cancho Roano Anyway and although this unit has been identi ed as the Syrian shekel97 this is probably wrong because their shapes hexagonal spheroid bitroncoconic discoid or octahedron are unusual for the Syrian and Canaanean Late Bronze Age weights Also because the Syrian shekel went out of use around 1200 BC and was substituted at the Early Iron Age in Northern Syria by the microasiatic shekel of 11 75 gr So in my view the 9 4 gr weights discovered in Portuguese castros are in fact the 9 4 gr Egyptian qdt used as the foreign unit of reference of exchange for both North Phoenicia the Sidonian area and South Phoenicia the Tyrian area in the Early Iron Age Because until the mid ninth century BCE when it was incorporated into the Tyrian Kingdom Sidon controlled the routes to Northern Syria and Cyprus and perhaps through them those to the Central Mediterranean Both units the 11 75 gr shekel and 7 9 gr shekel have equivalences with the Egyptian qdt since the latter is approximately 1 times the qdt and the former approximately of a qdt 98 The C14 range of dates between the eleventh and the ninth century BCE for these Portuguese castros99 suggests that although nothing proves that the Phoenicians were already there we are witnessing of a moment of coexistence rst and absorption later100 of a route that connected Northern Syria Eastern Cyprus and Eastern Greece with Italy and Sardinia with the Tyrian route itself This has already been suggested by Boardman101 I stress that if these weights are found in local contexts it is because natives are adopting the unit of value of the foreign traders in order to establish equivalences of value in their transactions with them and this once again implies the existence of Semites although not necessarily Tyrian trade diasporas coexisting with local population A good example of my point is the hoard at Cabe o de Maria Candal in the Portuguese Beira Fig 13 The assemblage which came to light as a result of a chance nd when planting vines consists of tubular axes single bladed palstaves and a chisel all of them characteristic of the Atlantic Late Bronze Age III metallurgy as well as an interesting pair of smelter s tongs of Near Eastern type and very well known in the Levant Cyprus and Sardinia between the Later Bronze Age and the Early Iron Age No less interesting is the fact that 97 98 94 95 96 Ruiz G lvez 2013 Ruiz G lvez 2013 Also in Vila a 2011b Vila a et al 2012 99 100 101 Vila a 2011b y Vila a et al 2012 Ruiz G lvez 2013 and see Rahmdorf 2010 Vila a 2011b Aubet 2008 185 Boardman 1999
174  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  A second consequence of the reactivation of these Atlantic routes and...
THE ATLANTIC IBERIA A THRESHOLD BETWEEN EAST AND WEST Figure 13 Maria Candal hoard Portugal according to Vila a et al 2012 the alloy of the smelter s tongs differs from that of the rest of the hoard102 Although the presence of metal hoards is now ubiquitous throughout the Atlantic West it is signi cant 102 Vila a et al 2012 that nds of carp s tongue swords tend now to be concentrated in the SW and especially at the fords of the middle lower course of the Guadalquivir or the Guadalete rivers right in the middle of the Tartessian gulf103 This leads me to the second point of my argument 103 Ruiz G lvez 1995 175
THE ATLANTIC IBERIA  A THRESHOLD BETWEEN EAST AND WEST  Figure 13. Maria Candal hoard  Portugal   according to Vila  a et ...
176 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figure 14 Idealised reconstruction of the hoard found in the waters of the R a de Huelva Drawing according to RuizGalvez 1995 Photo MAN MECD The presence of Semites in Huelva and the R a de Huelva weapons hoard Other weights of the same 9 4 g unit similar to those analysed above although in lead come from the town of Huelva together with an assemblage of Sardinian Villanovan Cypriot Euboean Cycladic Attic and Phoenician pottery Although they come from systematic collection this did not occur in the course of an excavation104 Therefore we ignore the exact context of such important nds and we can only guess according to the C14 dating that a trading post could have been at work here more than a century before the rst colonies were set Among the Phoenician wares there are not redburnished plates of narrow rim typical of the rst Phoenician colonies in Iberia but on the contrary others are related to Tyre IV and therefore are to be dated prior to the foundation of the rsts colonies The same can be said of the Attic and Eubean Cycaldic ware Among the other ware sampled there are local stroke burnished ware Cypriot black on red Sardinian brocche askoide with cerchielli decoration and a few sherds of Villanovian pottery Three 14C dates on bone range between 930 830 BCE and suggest a period of around a century or a century and a half during which the port of Huelva was visited by Mediterranean traders before the rst Phoenician colonies were set Some scholars consider that all the aforementioned imports points to a single Phoenician trader105 Others including myself believe that the situation was probably more complex and could have involved at 104 105 Gonz lez et al 2004 Gonz lez et al 2004 least initially trade agents from Northern Phoenicia but based on points of the Tyrrhenian Sea together why not with some local population106 since once again the weight system recorded in Huelva is not the Phoenician shekel of 7 9 gr attested in colonial contexts from the ninth century BCE onwards In this context the interpretation of the assemblage of carp s tongue swords spears ferrules helmets and items of clothing and personal adornment as funerary offering potlatch or hecatomb associated with rites of passage and succession to leadership makes sense The R a de Huelva is not only a symbolic mouth that is a point of transition from one form of reality to another life and death but also a physical mouth for the entrance exit of the rich mineral and cattle resources of the Huelva hinterland The set of 14C dates allow us to date this water deposit around the tenth century BCE that is at the time when a trading post was emerging in Huelva Fig 14 So in this case as in other water ndings of carp s tongue sword it is not outstanding that they were found in fords or outlets of the most important rivers of the SW of Iberia On the contrary they mirror a process of territoriality and control by local elites of those key points that allow access to resources now increasingly demanded107 SW warrior stelae and the heroic ancestor The so called Late Bronze Age warrior stelae are characteristics of the periphery of the coastal SW area where acid soils are more suitable for a mainly livestock economy and where a pattern of stable set106 107 Ruiz G lvez 2013 Ruiz G lvez 1995
176  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figure 14. Idealised reconstruction of the hoard found in the waters ...
THE ATLANTIC IBERIA A THRESHOLD BETWEEN EAST AND WEST about 2 m to less than 1 m and its iconography that combines weapons or weapons plus human gures chariots toiletry and musical instruments must be understood as an emblem that is as a symbolic language of power and not as representing true objects On the basis of multivariate analysis on the various combinations of the emblems they contain Gal n109 identi ed six groups of stelae associated with speci c territories It is interesting to note that with the exception of group 1 which is located in Upper Extremadura and the Beiras the human gure appears in all of them Also that their composition becomes more complex the closer they get to the SW Recently Gal n and I110 have suggested that the iconography of the stelae echoes the Semitic ideology of the King as Good Shepherd of his patrimonial kingdom and the celebration of the Marze h or banquet shared between the gods and the semi divine ancestors an aspect that would explain the lyres depicted on some stelae in the SW Fig 16 Figure15 Warrior stele of Solana de Caba as C ceres Photo Susana Vicente MAN MEDC tlement develops a bit late on the eve of the Iron Age It does not mean that there were not frontiers and territories in a political sense Quite on the contrary the stelae that are not connected either to settlements or to burials convey the process of emergence of territoriality108 They should be understood in connection with groups of cattle herders and the control of such a strategic resource as pastures claimed by invoking descend of an ancestor and all of them are located at the boundary of two complementary niches They are set next to mountain passes and areas traditionally considered frontiers between the main grazing areas The stelae are carved from stone and were meant to be placed standing Their height varies from To this power ideology based on the image of the king as patrimonial shepherd and widespread in the Eastern and Central Mediterranean after the palace collapse belong a new male aesthetic of bearded men dressed in thicker and heavier folded robes that needed brooches and bulae to be fasten and the fashion of eating roasted meat instead of stewed meat as in palatial times among members of a same group of age or class Fibulae cosmetic tweezers and rotary spits depicted in the stelae or recorded archaeologically re ect the adoption of this ideology in SW Iberia On the contrary hooks and cauldrons for eating stewed meat common in Central and Western Europe are only attested here as scrap for recycling and not as an eating set111 We know that there were Cypriots established in the Tyrrhenian shores at least from the Late Bronze Age and that they were still there at the Early Iron Age It is then quite possible that there would have been also citizens of Ugarit among the Cypriots for there are texts that tell us about an Ugaritic colony established in Cyprus So there are reasons to think that some Ugaritic citizens would have remained there after the fall of the kingdom of Ugarit and so that contacts with Northern Syria and now also with Sidon and Byblos went on until mid ninth century BCE when Tyre absorbed northern Phoenicia I think that it is by this way that the ideology of the Good Shepherd and the celebration of a semi divine ancestor the Marz ah spread to Iberia112 109 110 111 108 Gal n 1993 112 Ibid 1993 Ruiz G lvez y Gal n 2013 y Ruiz G lvez 2013 Ruiz G lvez 2013 Ruiz G lvez y Gal n 2013 Mederos 2005 Ruiz G lvez 2013 177
THE ATLANTIC IBERIA  A THRESHOLD BETWEEN EAST AND WEST  about 2 m to less than 1 m and its iconography that combines weapo...
178 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figure16 A Bronze gurine of a lyre player of the Late Geometric Crete Shellby White Leon Levi Collection B Possible image of Marzeah on a Cypriot stand with wheels British Museum C Warrior stele of Zarza Capilla Badajoz and detail of the lyre depicted Figure taken from Ruiz G lvez Gal n 2013 Semites in local hillforts I will end up with a brief comment on the recent publication of a temple and other structures in the castro of Ratinhos in inner Alentejo close to the junction of two tributaries of the Guadina river These were built using an oriental building module what implies the presence in the castro of an architect perhaps as an introductory gift Fig 17 The 14C dates proves that the temple was built in the late ninth century BCE at the time of the setting of rst Phoenician colonies in the West So it seems plausible that the temple as well as the adjoining building and the huts all of them made by using the same modular pattern were the result of the coexistence of some Phoenicians within the local community However and in view that the temple was devoted not to the Tyrian god Melkart but to Asherah and Baal the Sidonian divinities these Phoenicians could have been Sidonians and not necessarily Tyrians113 This last would come full circle the process that began at the early Late Bronze Age with the presence perhaps on an individual and informal basis of agents from Northern Levant Cyprus Tyrrhenian Sea which I have suggested here through the analysis of ve case studies 113 Berrocal et al 2012
178  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figure16. A. Bronze    gurine of a lyre player of the Late Geometric ...
THE ATLANTIC IBERIA A THRESHOLD BETWEEN EAST AND WEST Figure17 Plan of the sanctuary building of the castro of Ratinhos Portugal according to Berrocal et al 2011 Final Coda In the Bronze Age Iron Age transition a script of Semitic characteristics was used on stelae of SW Iberia although we know nothing about the language to which such writing gave support In NW Iberia on the contrary we know nothing of the language spoken by its population until the Roman Conquest Which language or languages did the populations of the Atlantic west speak Firstly it should be remembered that the spoken and the written language do not always coincide as in the case of India where English is the language of culture in which the speakers of the numerous of cial languages and dialects understand each other Neither do the names of individuals gods or places necessarily re ect ethnicity For example the former president of the Philippines Coraz n Aquino was not white nor did she speak a word of Spanish despite what might be inferred from her name Many other similar examples such as that of Charles Taylor the genocide president of Liberia with an English name but African and black invite us to be prudent when little information has been preserved about pre Roman names Nevertheless at the dawn of History on the basis of inscriptions of place names personal names and deity names preserved in the region between the Duero and the Tagus Lusitania of the NW and adjacent areas of the Western Meseta the Late Iron Age Gallaecian Vaccean and Vetton areas respectively they seem to have spoken Indo European languages that shared certain features and that were different and more archaic than those of other Indo European languages of inner Iberia such as the Celtiberian 179
THE ATLANTIC IBERIA  A THRESHOLD BETWEEN EAST AND WEST  Figure17. Plan of the sanctuary-building of the castro of Ratinhos...
180 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Could these IE languages have been spoken in the Bronze Age also What ethnic and linguistic effect could have had the Semitic presence on the Atlantic area They are all of course rhetorical unanswerable questions However we can speculate about the idea that the people that inhabited the Atlantic coast communicated with each other which would have meant a common language based on the routes travelled the way of seeing and of marking the landscape the liminar connotation of certain places etc all of which are characteristic of the Atlantic West All this suggest a similar worldview and common language shared at least by the elites who were the ones that travelled and communicated with each other Some time ago and on the basis of the changes in transport and techniques that took place in the Copper Age I proposed that we could understand the spread of the IE languages in the Atlantic area as a kind of vehicular language for interaction among peoples that moved more easily by sea than by land114 Such process of spread would have lasted several millennia of contacts sometimes peaceful others violent I wrote then115 that I wasn t in fact suggesting anything new as in essence my point was not very different of what Hawkes once proposed when he minted the concept of cumulative Celticity I went on suggesting that such process could have led either to a phenomenon of diglossia where the elite would have spoken a language differentiated from the common people or after some time passed to the adoption of those IE languages by the entire population 114 115 Ruiz G lvez 1998 333 335 106 Ibid 1998
180  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Could these IE languages have been spoken in the Bronze Age also  Wha...
4 iron age the final process to urban life
4  iron age  the final process to urban life
Mart n Almagro Gorbea The Lusitanians The Lusitani or Lusitanians is an interesting people representing a new ethnic root identi ed in the Prehistoric Western Europe The Lusitanians inhabited the Western Atlantic areas of Iberia which was the nis terrae in Ancient times Its fame is due to their wars against Rome1 but aside from this fact it is one of the most interesting ethno cultural groups of Pre Roman Iberia since these people located in a marginal area of Europe preserved very archaic elements as changes and innovations arrived more spread out in time and their cultural and linguistic elements still existed after having disappeared in the central areas of Europe more prone to dynamism and innovation2 Posidonius and Strabo already identi ed the archaic characteristic of Lusitanians since they maintain many Bronze Age traditions with no other parallels in Western Europe The same panorama can be seen when observing their language and religion more primitive that the rest of Celtic Hispania since they maintain many archaic IndoEuropean elements that have been considered as CeltoItalic Therefore Lusitanians are essential to understand the evolution of Indo European cultures and languages in Iberia and the relation between Celtic and Italic languages in Western Europe with clear implications for the understanding of European Prehistory though its study requires and interdisciplinary methodology combining Archaeology Linguistics History Ethno history and Paleogenetics From a geographical point of view Lusitania corresponds to the Western Atlantic areas of Iberia different from the res t due to its silicate land suitable for herding and rich in gold and tin These areas were occupied by Celtic peoples more primitive than the Celtiberians and the rest of the Celtic peoples of the center and North of Iberia since they lived further from the urban cultures of the Mediterranean Ancient Lusitania extends throughout the whole central inlands of Portugal It includes all the silicate areas from the Tajo River to the Cantabric region though the pressure of Celtiberi Vaccaei and Vettones towards the 1 2 Real Academia de la Historia anticuario rah es Schulten 1940 P rez Vilatela 2000 Alarc o 2001 Almagro Gorbea 2009 The archaism of Lusitania was maintained until Medieval times as evidenced by De correctione rusticorum written by Martin Dumiense 510 580 d C and still continues almost to our days Moya Maleno 2014 middle of the I millennium B C reduced its territory to the West of a theoretical line that goes from Gijon to Merida This territory includes the Portuguese regions of Minho Douro Tras os Montes the Beiras Estremadura Ribatejo and the Upper Alentejo as well as the Spanish territories of Galicia en the western areas of Asturias Leon Zamora Salamanca and Caceres The evolution of material culture Lusitanians were a part of an Atlantic substratum common to Vettones Vaccaei Astures and Gallaeci the last one considered as part of Lusitania by Strabo III 3 3 fact that is rati ed by Archaeology and Linguistics In these areas after abandoning the Copper Age forti cations3 a discontinuous occupation of the territory must have occurred with the presence of unstable cabins as is documented in other Bronze Age Atlantic Cultures The sequence of the Bronze Age shows a continuity since the Bell Beaker culture4 that constructs a substratum where the rst warrior elites can be identi ed documented by the presence of Carrapata type halberds and short tongued swords Weapons and instruments offer the technological changes of the Atlantic Bronze Age5 and weapons appear on the warrior stele Fig 1A E and in ritual deposits in rocks caves and rivers6 g 2 though no tombs have been identi ed During the Late Bronze Age since the end of the II millennium B C the rst hill forts or castro settlements naturally and arti cially forti ed begin to appear7 The castros evidence a stable occupation and control of the territory normally reduced to the surrounding valley and the communication routs presenting a scarcely hierarchical and complex society with a growing demography with the consequent growth of con icts over the control of pastures and metallurgical production a rising economic system within the Atlantic Bronze Age 3 4 5 6 7 Cardoso 2007 266s da Silva 1986 Almagro Gorbea y Ruiz Zapatero eds 1993 Vila a 1995 Gonz lez Ruibal 2007 Cardoso 2007 325s Ruiz G lvez vid supra p 161s Brandherm 2003 Id 2007 Ruiz G lvez ed 1995 25s Vila a 2006a Martins y Jorge 1992 Vila a 1995 Gonz lez Ruibal 2007
Mart  n Almagro-Gorbea   The Lusitanians  The Lusitani or Lusitanians is an interesting people representing a new ethnic r...
184 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE A B C D E Figure 1 Lusitanian stelae of Bell Beaker tradition A Longrovia Portugal B Valdefuentes de Sangus n Salamanca Lusitanian stelae of the Later Bronze Age C Bara al Portugal D Robleda Salamanca
184  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  A  B  C  D  E  Figure 1. Lusitanian stelae of Bell-Beaker tradition  ...
THE LUSITANIANS ca12 During the Late Bronze Age the Lusitanian stelae represent V shaped shields between a sword and a spear such as the steles of Bara al and Robleda Fig I C D The Lusitanian steles with a representations of the deceased appear from Galicia to Andalusia where examples are more complex throughout the silicate and herding territories where the Lusitanian inhabited and their language was spoken with its characteristic place names and personal names This is the area which belonged to the Lusitanians until the Roman Conquest This millinery tradition of stelae ends up turning in to the creation of Galician Lusitanian warrior statues sculpted under Roman domain during the last century B C 13 Fig 5A Figure 2 Funerary hoard from San Esteban del Rio Sil Orense The Late Bronze Age is characterized by carp s tongue or Huelva type swords Fig 2 splendid golden torques and helmets such as the helmet of Rianxo Fig 3 and trunion and socket axes whose distribution evidences the presences of tribal territories8 From the end of the II millennium B C proto colonial contacts introduced articulated spits elbow bulae and iron knifes9 traded for metals such as gold and tin Bronze weapons and the banquet set10 and over more than 125 Lusitanian warrior stele11 indicate a hierarchical social organization that can be traced back to the Bell Beaker society The Lusitanian stele more or less anthropomorphic re ect a mythical conception of a heroized ancestor following the tradition of megalithic stele The oldest examples present Bell Beaker and Early Bronze Age type halberds and swords such as the stele form Longroiva in Portuugal and Sangus n in Salaman From the Iron Age onward during the VIII to the V century B C Atlantic bronze objects stop circulating and the Castro Culture appears14 This culture is characterize by the concentration of people in castros surrounded by walls with circular houses Fig 4A B which originate in the Bronze Age since rectangular buildings did not appear until Romanization Contacts with Tartessos introduced double spring bulae and reticulate with inner polishing and Carambolo type ceramics in the Southern areas as well as a rich goldsmithing objects though the inner Lusitania was relatively isolated from Atlantic contacts and the V a de la Plata the inner rout that communicated the Western Central Plateau with the Gulf of Cadiz15 The distinction of Lusitanians from other peoples is con rmed by the absence of cultural elements characteristic of the Central Plateau such as Cogotas I type ceramics during the Recent Bronze Age elements of the Culture of Soto de Medinilla during the Late Bronze Age and the beginning of the Iron Age and the combed ceramics and verracos sculptures characteristic of the Vettones In the last centuries B C Celtiberian horse bulae associated to the gentilic system did not reach this area 16 This fact indicates the existence of a very deep ethno cultural frontier which was maintained until the last centuries B C which is also evidenced by their language and religion The Castro Culture reaches its peak during the II century B C with the widespread use of iron and the potter s wheel spread from South to North The tribal territories were hierarchically organized with a main city the citania or cibdad Fig 4C D though small forti ed castros remained in rural areas in occasions placed in small maritime peninsulas Fig 4A The proto urban structure of these cities is equivalent to the Celtic oppida 12 13 8 9 10 11 Monteagudo 1977 tipo 20B y 31C 34A 35A y 35B y 36C Coffyn 1985 Senna Mart nez 1995 Vila a 2007 Almagro Gorbea 1998 Almagro Gorbea 1998 Harrison 2004 D az Guardamino 2010 Gal n 1993 Celestino 2003 Harrison 2004 D az Guardamino 2010 84 85 Vila a ed 2011a 14 15 16 Cardoso 2007 g 260 Schattner ed 2003 da Silva 1986 Gonz lez Ruibal 2007 Vila a 1995 f 40 41 Para la V a de la Plata Almagro Gorbea et al 2008a Abarquero 2005 203s Fig 89 Romero Carnicero et al 1993 Ruiz Zapatero and lvarez Sanch s 2002 AlvarezSanch s 2003 Horse bulae Almagro Gorbea y Torres 1999 185
THE LUSITANIANS  ca12. During the Late Bronze Age, the Lusitanian stelae represent V-shaped shields between a sword and a ...
186 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE areas and communications routs while the garden and the house corresponded to women This social economical organization was based on the communal exploitation of elds characteristic of the Bronze Age previous of the idea of privet property introduced by the gentilic organization in the Late Iron Age21 Similar traditions are present in different Indo European peoples such as the Vacceai Diod V 34 3 Celts from Ireland Scotland and Wales Slavs and Germans C sar b G 6 22 2 22 In this society of warrior herders there was a clear division of labor among gender Men were tied to herding hunting war and livestock pillaging like in other archaic Celtic cultures such as the Irish onna23 Woman took care of the house and the garden Strabo III 4 17 Justinus 44 3 7 which were inherited by the family women since it was their task while men received livestock similar to the Pictons whose inheritance was also transmitted by woman Figure 3 Golden helmet from Leira or Rianxo La Coru a of the Central Plateu17 though they are contemporary to the advance of the Roman Conquest from South to North During this phase new ideological and religious ideas appear evidenced by the presence of domestic gentilic sanctuaries18 and the Galician Lusitanian warrior statues Fig 5A representing Founding Heroes or social chiefs Furthermore golden torques Fig 5B and some Lusitanian silver hoards with Vaccean in uence19 prove the existence of social classes and a plutocratic elite to whom Astolpas father in law of Viriatus belonged to Diodorus 33 7 Social Organization Posidonius and Strabo III 3 7 refer to some very archaic customs of Lusitanians that explain why their language and primitive beliefs and social structures survived The Lusitanians belong to an Atlantic Bronze Age substratum20 with an economy mainly based on herding that existed form megalithic times During the II millennium B C it was complemented by metallurgical activities characteristic of the Atlantic world and the extraction of gold from rivers as well shing and shell shing off the coast lines These traditions maintained an archaic Indo European warrior herding societies specialized in the defense of their livestock and the control of pasture This extremely articulated territory Fig 6 was inhabited by small tribes The inscription on the Roman bridge of Alc ntara CIL II 760 lists the populi who inhabited between the Tagus and the Douro Rivers24 Many of the names of these peoples are Lusitanian while others have a Celtic origin The people of these Lusitanian territories refer to their castros when they wrote their personal names in inscriptions tradition documented at the Western side of a theoretical line that runs from Merida to Gijon25 To the East the personal names of Celtiberians and related peoples offer the gentilic epithet of a family clan in the plural form of the genitive26 to the West it was writted a sign C interpreted as refereeing to a castellum or castro 27 Each castro had also a speci c deity for the whole collectivity possibly considered as their Founding Hero as is for example Teutates among the Celts28 Consequently the personal names and deity names con rm that Lusitanians had a different social organization if compared to Celtiberians and related peoples of the Central Plateau who tended to extend to the West29 These testimonies precise the ethno cultural border of the Lusitanians though it varied through time During the VII century a Tartessian colonization established 21 22 23 24 25 17 18 19 20 da Silva 1986 33s For warriors Schatner ed 2003 da Silva 1986 291s for sanctuaries Id 299 l m 22 y 132 Raddatz 1969 279 l m 94 Ruiz G lvez 1998 Cunliffe 2001 26 27 28 29 This communal exploitation of elds remained in some areas of Western Iberia until the XX century cf Costa 1981 151 339s Id 1983 147s D Arbois de Jubainville 1880 MacDowell 1986 89s Meitzen 1895 211s Costa 1983 173 174 etc D Arbois de Juvainville 1981 173 McCone 1986 Alarc o 1988 41 Garc a Alonso 2003 We must consider the Lusitanian ethnic names for Paesures Pallantienses Selium Elbocoris Aeminium Sallaecus Ammaea y Lancienseses and Arabrigenes Interannienses Meidubrigenes Seanoci Tapori Transcudani Vivemenses y Araducta are considered as Celtic Untermann 1987 Gonz lez 1986 Albertos 1988 Pereira 1982 Almagro Gorbea 1995 Blanco 1959 de Hoz 1986a 39s Garc a Fern ndez Albalat 1990 112s 123s Almagro Gorbea y Lorrio 2011 Almagro Gorbea 1996b
186  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  areas and communications routs, while the garden and the house corres...
THE LUSITANIANS Figure 4 A Castro of Baro a La Coru a B Reconstruction of a neighborhood from the Coa a castro Asturias after A Garc a Bellido C Castro of Monte Mozinho Portugal D Plant of the citania of San ns after A C F da Silva a series of factories in peripheral areas such as the Turduli Veteres Mela III 8 Plin NH IV 130 and the Turduli Barduli and in the V century the Celtici and the Vettones extended up to the Almonte and Salor rivers until Rome stopped their expansion during the II century B C The Lusitanians maintained a primitive Bronze Age structure of small groups of warriors dedicated to ambushes guerilla warfare and pillage Bronze Age swords indicate the existence of individual combat between champions Strabo 3 3 6 refers to their anachronic use of a Bronze Age panoply for initiation rituals The panoply was formed by a small concave buckler with no handle a linen cuirass a leather helmet a short dagger and darts with bronze points proving its ritual archaism Their main weapon would be the spear as was for the Celtic Gaesati and the Italic Doric and Lacedaemionian peoples Lancea is a Hispanic Celtic word after Varro l l XV 30 7 for spear used in place names as Lancia Florus Epit II 33 and in ethnic names as Lancienses Plinius IV 118 This warrior society preserved ancestral Indo European rituals since they were organized by classes depending on age and phatries since the Atlantic Bronze Age These warrior phatries lived as latrones or badits with initiation rituals and other traditions of a pre urban herding warrior societies Diodorus V 34 6 Strabo III 3 5 Apianus Ib 56 57 67 70 Orosius 5 5 12 such as the Irish onna30 Young men dedicated their time to hunting and war far from their home to test their 30 Garc a Fern ndez Albalat 1990 Cipr s 1990 Peralta 1990 Para los onna McCone 1986 187
THE LUSITANIANS  Figure 4. A, Castro of Baro  a, La Coru  a  B, Reconstruction of a neighborhood from the Coa  a castro, A...
188 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE valor Diodorus V 34 6 until Rome ended this way of life This tradition was a way of controlling the demographic surplus and of obtaining power and loot usually livestock Phatries were lead by a charismatic leader gifted with supernatural prestige to whom the warriors were bound by a sacred oath or devotio Ap Ib 56 57 67 69 71 T Livius 25 17 4 id 38 21 tradition maintained until Viriatus and Sertorius31 in the I century B C These chiefs can be identi ed with the warriors depicted on Lusitanian stelae and with Fionn leader of the onna a hero of extraordinary infancy gifted with magical powers since he belonged to the sidh or Other World who married the goodness Earth This warrior society originally from the Bronze Age presents an organization comparable to other Indo European comunities previous to urban life32 Warriors carried out gymnastic games ritual combats and sang when attacking their enemies Apianus Ib 71 Diodorus 5 34 33 21 Strabo 3 3 7 such as the Lacedemonions Tucid 5 69 2 5 70 the Roman Salii Aen 7 723 4 and the Vedic warriors33 Strabo III 3 6 compared their lifestyle with that of the Lacedaemonians since they ate in order of age and prestige Str III 3 7 same as Galli Ateneus 4 152 Dorians and the primitive Roman curia Among these ritual traditions we must highlight the initiation rituals in saunas built in the castros and oppida34 and the ritual deposit of weapons until Roman times Suet Galba 7 12 This archaic character of the Lusitanians explains it resistance to the civilized world that has survived in rural areas almost until our day as Martin Dumiense exempli es in De correctione rusticorum A primitive language Lusitanian The personality of the Lusitania is con rmed by its language called Lusitanian There are only 5 inscriptions in Lusitanian written in Latin alphabet and some Lusitanian words in other inscriptions from roman times and therefore it is one of the most interesting linguistic testimonies of Iberia35 Fig 7 Lusitanian is an ancient western Indo European language different from the up to day known Celtic languages and with similarities to italic languages in some of its characteristics The most evident archaism is the presence of the initial p original of the Indo European p that differs Lusitanian from the Celtic languages s e as Celtiberian which have lost the initial and intervocalic p This initial p subsists in place names rivers names people s names personal names and dei31 32 Figure 5 A Lusitanian warrior from Lezenho Portugal Golden torques from Burela Lugo 33 34 35 Garc a Fern ndez Albalat 1990 238s Etienne 1974 Benveniste 1969 1 222s McCone 1986 id 1987 Garc a Fern ndez Albalat 1990 207s Jeanmaire 1939 Brelich 1962 34 53 Almagro Gorbea y lvarez 1993 Pr sper 2002 Wodtko 2010 Vallejo 2013
188  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  valor  Diodorus V,34,6 , until Rome ended this way of life. This trad...
THE LUSITANIANS Figure 6 Lusitanian peoples between Douro and Minho rivers after A C F da Silva ties names Fig 7 that therefore can be associated to Lusitanian36 The classi cation of Lusitanian is controversial Etymology of some deities names and words has been related to Italic languages such as Cossue Consus in Latin Segia Seia in Latin Iovea i Iovia in Marrucinian Pala Pales in Latin comaiam Gomia in Umbrian porcom porcum in Latin pig taurom taurum in Latin bull oila
THE LUSITANIANS  Figure 6. Lusitanian peoples between Douro and Minho rivers  after A.C.F. da Silva .  ties names  Fig. 7 ...
190 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figure 7 Geographical dispersion of Lusitanian epigraphy place names and ethnic names starting in P frontier Fig 8 9 than the plural genitive related to gentilic Celtiberic elites and the expansion of the Celtiberian horse bulae41 In effect this linguistic substratum extended throughout the Northwestern quadrant of the Iberian Peninsula and coincides with other cultural elements such as bronze weapon hoards in rivers and ritual sacred stones This fact indicates that all of them belonged to the same Proto Celtic system that existed since the Bronze Age Some elements of this substratum remained in the Central Plateau such as ritual sacred stones ritual saunas and place names ethnic names and personal names starting with Pthat indicates the af nity of the Lusitanian to the Celtic populations of the Center and Northern areas of Iberia Consequently linguistic and cultural elements that characterize the Lusitanians are so ancient that they could be earlier than the differentiation between Italic and Celtic and the formation of the Celtic languages 41 Gonz lez 1986 Almagro Gorbea y Torres 1999 This hypothesis would explain the common elements that Lusitanian shares with Celtic and Italic languages as well as its archaic Indo European character preserved until the Romanization in the Western regions of Iberia a substratum that disappeared in the Central Plateau and the North of Iberia during the expansion of the Celtiberian language and culture Religion and rituals Lusitanians had an archaic Indo European religion Their deities evidenced by epigraphs found to the West of the line between Gijon and Merida in occasions in rock shelter sanctuaries is related to Celtic religion while some deity names are related to Italic ones Their deities seem to be asexual numenes previous to the anthropomorphic idea of Celtic gods42 Their relation to Celtic gods is con42 Kruta 2000 575
190  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figure 7. Geographical dispersion of Lusitanian epigraphy, place name...
THE LUSITANIANS Figure 8 Dispersion of Lusitanian personal names after Vallares 2013 modi ed rmed by the etymology of their most important deities43 though they seem to be more archaic that those of the Celts Bandua is considered a deity related with the devotio or sacred bound and a protector of society since it is associated to epithets such as Aetobrigus Lanobrigae etc related to the castros and it is represented with the iconography of Fortuna Tych in the ritual bowl of Band ua Araugel ensis Cossus was a warrior god related to an onphallic stone whose epithet Oenaecus is related o the oenach or Irish juridical assembly Navia or Nabia was a deity linked to water which acted as an access to the sidh or the Other World and its epithet Tongoe is related to oaths Reve and its epithet Larauco and is associated to the mountains dedicated to Jupiter Coronus would be the deity of the warriors assembly such as Quirinus co wiri no in Rome and Herjann epithet of Odhinn leader of the armies and protector of the Germanic community Other divine epithets are also known such as Toudopalandaigae and Trebopala alluding to the Stone or the Altar stone located in an axial rock used for sacri ces that was the residence of the deity An inscription from the sanctuary of Cabe o das Fraguas Portugal records the sacri ce of a bull a lamb and pig similar to the archaic Roman suoevetaurilium or the Indian sautramani sacri ces documented on ritual bronzes 44 Lusitanian funerary rituals are unknown but they would be similar to those of the Atlantic Bronze Age This tradition was different respect the cremation ritual belonging to the Urni eld and Celtiberian Cultures45 The ritual deposits of weapons in waters46 could be related to these ancient funerary rituals hat were carried out until Roman times Suet Galba 7 12 since water was the access to the Sid or Other World as indicated by 44 43 Blanco 1959 Unterman 1985 de Hoz 1986a 39s Garc a Fern ndez Albalat 1990 109s Olivares 2002 Pr sper 2002 45 46 Schattner y Santos eds 2010 Para los bronces rituales Armada y Garc a Vuelta 2003 Cruz 1997 Cardoso 2007 383s Torbr gge 1971 Bradley 1990 Ruiz G lvez 1995 25s 191
THE LUSITANIANS  Figure 8. Dispersion of Lusitanian personal names  after Vallares, 2013, modi   ed .     rmed by the etym...
192 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE the Limia river considered the pass towards the Underworld in Antiquity Strab III 3 5 Silius Italicus 1 236 id 16 476 7 T Livius Per 55 Florus 1 33 12 Apianus Ib 74 Plutarcus Quest Rom 34 Plinius N H 4 115 etc Primitive ritual rocks are very characteristic47 extending throughout the whole Northwestern quadrant of Iberia reaching Guipuzcoa and part of the Iberian Mountain Range This dispersion is similar to the other cultural and linguistic elements commented Some ritual rocks have steps to ascend to the altar placed on top They were also oracle rocs to see the future in axial places related to the Lars Vials deities related with Celtic beliefs in the Other World to which Martin Dumiense alludes to De correct rust 8 Another interesting characteristic were the warrior initiation rituals in saunas with hot stones and baths in cold water the so called pedras formosas of Gallaecia Fig 10 related to Celtic and Italics parallels and also to the traditional saunas in Northern and Eastern Europe Strabo III 3 6 7 also refers to ritual banquets and bloody sacri ces carrying out hecatombs and sacri cing goats prisoners Plut Quest Rom 88 and horses to a warrior deity named Ares identi ed with Mars in Roman epigraphy48 and in Bletisama Ledesma Salamanca a man and a horse were sacri ced in the ritual to sign peace Livio per 48 49 Origin and Ethnogenesis of the Lusitanians The archaic characteristics of the Lusitanians pose a problem when trying to understand when and how the Atlantic regions of Europe and Iberia in particular fell under the in uence of Indo European cultures The western regions of Iberia far from the Mediterranean maintained ancestral ways of life different from those of the civilized world of Antiquity Among these communities a proteceltic substratum remained common to Lusitanians and Gallicians but can also be seen in Vaccaei Vettones Cantabri Astures Turmogi and Pelendones50 Archaeological linguistic and religious data as well as historical and ethno archaeological references allow us to reconstruct the cultural system and ethnogenesis of Lusitania Its material culture corresponds to the Atlantic Bronze Age and its language and religion show a very archaic Indo Eropean character originated suring the Bronze Age some of whose elements can be related to the Celtic world of the Iron Age The absence of massive human movements and notable cultural changes from the Early Bronze Age until Romanization con rms a continuum coherent with their archaic Indo Europe an character in its social structure language and religion which can be considered as protoceltic In consequence Lusitanians are an Indo European people originated at the least during the Bronze Age The cult of sacred rocs associated to solar cult is documented since the Bell Beaker Culture Offerings of weapons in caves and sacred rocks can also be tracked down to the Bell Beaker society51 evidenced by deposits of Carrapata type halberds and tongued daggers and short swords52 Furthermore the oldest tombs with weapons and the rst warrior stelae also belong to the Bell Beakers as are for example the stelae of Longroiva and Sangus n Fig 1A B though they continued existing until the Iron Age53 Fig 1E Weapon deposits Fig 2 and ritual rocs and saunas Fig 10 also coincide with the dispersion of the Lusitanian linguistic substratum that conserved the initial p illustrated by the dissemination of the word p ramo Fig 7 This coincidence evidences that these archaic linguistic Fig 7 8 social and ideological Fig 9 elements correspond to the same cultural system whose origin goes back to the Bell Beaker Culture54 This polymorphic cultural substratum extends throughout the whole Northwestern quadrant of the siliceous area of Iberia from the Atlantic Ocean to the Iberian Mountain Range and from the Cantabrian Sea to the Guadalquivir River Valley in the Southwest Its characteristics and continuity allows us to consider it as protoceltic since it was the substratum of the Celtic populations of the Center West and North of Iberia until the presence of a strong Celtiberian in uence after the V century B C when the expansion of the Celtiberian people began whose ethnic roots came from the Urn eld Complex55 According to this hypothesis Lusitanians can be tracked down to the Bell Beaker people during the III millennium B C process that helps to understand the ethnogenesis of the Celts of Central and Western Europe During the Late Bronze Age around 1200 B C the Urn eld Culture 1400 800 a C enters through the Northeast of Iberia and reaches through the Ebro Valley Celtiberia towards the end of the II millennium B C This hypothesis explains why the Celtiberic culture and language have a origin related to the Celts in Central Europe56 From c 600 B C the Celtiberians expansion assimilated the previous Atlantic Bronze Age substratum identi ed as Lusitanians process that explains the differences and af nities between Celts and Lusitanians as well as the ethnogenesis of the Celts from the Center North and West of Iberia 51 47 48 49 50 For Ulaca altar type stones Almagro Gorbea and Jim nez 2000 For the ritual saunas da Silva 1986 53s AlmagroGorbea and lvarez 1993 for Oracle stones Almagro Gorbea 2006 Encarna ao 1975 Olivares 2002 de Hoz 1986a 48 Almagro Gorbea 1996b Id 2009 52 53 54 55 56 Valera 2007 l m 5 2 3 Almagro Gorbea 1996a Vila a 2006a de Blas 2001 117s Harrison 1974 Almagro 1966 108 l m 30 Cardoso 2007 337 Celestino 2001 Harrison 2004 D as Guardamino 2010 Gallay 2001 Kruta 2000 123s Brun 2006 Lorrio 2005 Ruiz Zapatero and Lorrio 1999
192  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  the Limia river, considered the pass towards the Underworld in Antiqu...
THE LUSITANIANS Figure 9 Dispersion of Lusitanian god names after Vallares 2013 and J C Olivares 2002 The continuity of Celtic people since the Bronze Age also seems evident in Ireland Goidelic Celtic documented since the V century A D preserves a mythological cycle that can be tracked down the Bronze Age and some settlements such as Emain Macha the court of the Ulster Kingdom which existed since the Late Bronze Age57 Therefore these myths and its culture can be traced back to the Atlantic Bronze Age 2000700 B C Equally Lepontic is a Celtic language from the North of Italy58 that corresponds to the Golaseca Culture 900 450 B C derived from the Canegrate Culture of the Late Bronze Age 1400 1200 B C that belonged to the Urn eld Culture of Central Europe59 All these cultures and its peoples were Celts as the cultures of Hallstatt 800 500 B C and La T ne 500 50 B C whose Celtic character was signaled out by Herodotus and other classic authors Since the Urn eld Culture 1400 750 B C proceeds without 57 58 59 Raftery 1994 75 Waddel 1995 Lejeune 1971 Eska 1998 De Marinis 1988 Id 1991 interruption from the Tumulus Culture 2000 1400 B C it must also be considered a Protoceltic population In consequence all the Protoceltic languages and peoples of Western Europe can be traced back to the Bell Beaker Culture which would be the origin and the substratum of all the Celtic languages and cultures of the Iron Age The process of ethnogenesis of the Celts began in the III millennium B C according to the cultural and archaeological data parallel to what has been documented in other Indo European cultures such as Greeks Italics or Germans whose roots go back to the II millennium B C According with this hypothesis we must de nitely exclude the traditional identi cation of the Celts only with the cultures of the Hallstatt and La T ne The end of the Lusitanians The end of the Lusitanias is far better known Celtic place names in Seg and briga Celtic personal names and the gentilic names in genitive plural document a West 193
THE LUSITANIANS  Figure 9. Dispersion of Lusitanian god names  after Vallares, 2013 and J.C. Olivares, 2002 .  The continu...
194 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figure 10 Ritual Sauna of Briteiros Portugal with the cold bath to the left and the laconicum at the rear ern expansion of the Celtiberians until it was suddenly stopped by Rome A new social structure appears associated to this expansion the gentilic clientele substituted the ancestral social structures preserved since the Bronze Age among the Lusitanians Because of this Strabo III 3 7 considered the Lusitanians as the most primitive people of Iberia due to its archaism rather than the Celtiberians who he considers tog toi or civilized Str III 2 15 4 20 The Lusitanian 155 139 B C and Sertorian Wars 82 72 B C 60 marked the end of the Lusitanians Since the II century B C they had become the most combative people of Iberia after almost having reached a state like organization with more urbanized oppida evolving in to a chiefdom society Capable of ef ciently countering an army as powerful as Rome s they laid pressure upon the Southern rich lands of the Turdetani and the Guadalquivir Valley countering Rome s advance from South to North while they tried to conquer Western Iberia Their primitive groups of latrones or shepherd warrior of the Bronze Age Strab III 3 5 7 Diod V 34 6 evolved into symachiai or warrior confederations with organized armies of up to 25000 men who fought against Rome since they opposed 60 Almagro Gorbea ed 2009 224s their expansionist politics Their leaders were elected chiefs warriors such as Caesarus Punicus and Viriatus who had a large amount of tactical experience gained in the wars against the Romans though readapting their traditional tactics of guerilla warfare Viriatus was not a shepherdwarrior of the Bronze Age He had the capacity of organizing and leading an army of thousands of men while controlling cities and large extensions of land This leads us to conclude that the Lusitanians had almost reached a state like organization inspired by Turdetani Celtiberians and Romans though in the northernmost and wildest areas Romanization scarcely had any effect before the I century A D Therefore Lusitanians who were part of an Atlantic Bronze Age tradition are a people with a great cultural personality in European Prehistory since they preserved very archaic cultural and linguistic elements in the cultural island of the Western nis terrae where many elements have been preserved until our day through folklore The interdisciplinary study of this culture having combined Archaeology Linguistics History History of Religions Ethno archaeology and Paleogenetics contributes to the knowledge of the Indo European expansion throughout Western Europe the origin of the Celts and the complex processes of ethnogenesis of ancient Iberia
194  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figure 10. Ritual Sauna of Briteiros, Portugal, with the cold bath to...
Gonzalo Ruiz Zapatero The Urnfield The work carried out on the Late Bronze Age groups in Germany since the end of the 19th and the rst decades of the 20th century created the notion of Urnenfelderkultur or Urn eld Culture which are cremation groups involving the burial of the ashes inside urns under pit elds Such pit elds can be identi ed in almost all the countries of Central Europe with expansion in every direction This is a cultural and chronological concept that has carried enormous weight in archaeological research up until the present day1 Apart from the cremation ritual the Urn elds are characterised by their open air settlements continental style hoards and typical pottery with grooved decoration 2 Today the extent of the civilisation des Champs d urnes to use the French term is very far reaching from the Middle Danube region from where the rst cremation groups emerged in the 15th 14th century B C to the North East of the Iberian Peninsula and from Belgium and the Netherlands to the North of Italy A vast complex of regional groups essentially de ned by the rite of cremation that is hard to see as being evidence of a cultural unit and or of belonging to a people The explanations for such an extensive distribution through Europe have traditionally been attributed to diffusionism with diverse variable factors waves of peoples or continuous displacements of small groups over short distances In other cases contacts and exchanges have been seen between neighbouring groups and in other situations the expansion of a religious phenomenon that is linked to the new cremation rite The expansion throughout SW Europe by the RhineSwitzerland Eastern France group R S F O brought these elements to the Iberian Peninsula The rst works undertaken by Bosch Gimpera at the start of the 20th century de ned the Urn elds as the basic cultural component of the Late Bronze Age in the NE of the peninsula an era with an ever increasing level of detailed periodisation 3 Its cultural content has been changing from the old migratory models we have moved towards taking into consideration small inputs by the population that introduced the ritual of crema 1 2 3 Universidad Complutense de Madrid gonzalor rghis ucm es Sorensen and Rebay Salisbury 2008 Brun and Mordant 1988 L pex Cachero and Pons 2008 tion and the pottery and metallurgy traditionally associated with the continent in addition to other cultural innovations 4 The Urn elds of the Iberian Peninsula do not comprise a homogenous culture or civilization stretching throughout the North East but rather a patchwork of regions that have developed locally The unequal presence of the new rite and the different economic social and ideological changes that arose in the Peninsula depends on each area and its regional and cultural backgrounds Foreign elements impacted on the native populations of the Bronze Age that still adopting and absorbing stimuli from Europe were the protagonists of the historical developments seen in the Late Bronze Age and the Early Iron Age Earlier visions of the Urn elds expanding throughout the middle of Europe were completely exaggerated However the more recent independent interpretations that question the protagonism of the phenomenon of the Urn elds reducing it to the level of a ritual and to its accompanying material objects fail to offer a plausible explanation of the combination of cultural changes that took place during the nal centuries of the 2nd millennium and the rst centuries of the last millennium B C5 The key issue is in short why and how the cremation rite spread together with its associated funerary objects 6 and what economic social and cultural transformations took place in the communities of the North Eastern Iberian Peninsula The mosaic of archaeological groups in the Middle Bronze Age 1500 1200 B C of the NE of the peninsula is not completely de ned however it does reveal a population model offering scattered hamlets wooden huts silos and pits for storage and in some areas wellestablished bronze metallurgy Small communities of hamlets made up of by a few self governing family units with little social differences even though in areas such as the Segre Cinca Group the emergence of a edgling individual power base can be observed New cultural elements are easy to identify among these Middle Bronze Age communities whose origin stems from the other side of the Pyrenees a pottery 4 5 6 Maya 1998 Ruiz Zapatero 1983 85 2005 and 2009 Junyent 2002 28 32 and L pez Cachero 2011 Pons L pez Cachero and Mazi re 2012
Gonzalo Ruiz Zapatero   The Urnfield  The work carried out on the Late Bronze Age groups in Germany since the end of the 1...
196 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figura 1 Map of the Iberian Peninsula and the territories with Urn elds presence and in uences with button shaped handles b multilegged bowls c edged axes and d some triangular bladed daggers with rivets In various places such pottery and metal objects are linked and in general their distribution covers two large areas the Segre Valley from the Pyrenees to the River Ebro and the Eastern region of Catalonia spreading inland The new cultural elements reveal clear parallels with prototypes found in the North Western Mediterranean Arc Polada and Roine cultures and in particular from Southeast France7 All this proves that at the end of the Middle Bronze Age there were close relations and frequent movements between both sides of the Pyrenees that in turn demonstrated a good knowledge of the best land based routes and most suitable mountain passes The uidity of population movements during the Middle Bronze Age helps understand the arrival of the rst Urn eld elements and why the same routes of penetration more or less continued to be followed 7 Ruiz Zapatero 1997 The organisation of the phases or stages of the Late Bronze Age in the North East has on one hand followed the French periodization established by J Guilaine 1972 and subsequently developed in detail and on the other the outline of Almagro Gorbea 1977b who adopted the German terminology regarding the typological evolution of peninsula grooved pottery The main problem continues to be that both attempts have been somewhat complicated and to a certain extent arti cial due to various reasons Firstly there are hardly any good stratigraphies on settlements that allow for the construction of detailed sequential typologies Secondly the cemeteries have not in general been the object of rigorous serialisation studies as frequent superpositioning of tombs does not exist and there is a lack of clear diagnostic elements prior to the Early Iron Age Thirdly the ideal solution of a radiocarbon chronology with an independent value is handicapped because the range of C14 dating continues to be reduced to establish sequences in all the different areas And lastly we have to add that radiocarbon calibration has
196  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figura 1. Map of the Iberian Peninsula and the territories with Urn  ...
THE URNFIELDS signi cantly increased conventional historical dates This does not present any dif culties for the early stages however it does cause a problem in that it raises the end of the Bronze Age and thereby causing a d calage with the historical dating of the Mediterranean colonial importations in the Iron Age Traditional trust in the importations has resulted on many occasions in disregarding radiocarbon dating in addition to which there is little help from the famous calibration table between 800 and 400 cal B C the Hallstatt plateau that deducts chronological accuracy As a result of all this and in the light of the limitations to the archaeological record available in many of the areas dealt with I have opted to establish long periods that offer historical developments in each of the areas even where this means stretching some of the chronological horizons Only an extension to the C14 date bank can solve this The dating of cremated bone remains carrying out tests on duplicated samples carbon bone remains from the same tomb or two separate bone samples from the same tomb as has been successfully done for the Urn elds of Western Belgium8 comprise without a doubt the way forward for future research Thus the burial sites themselves can be directly dated and trustworthy sequences constructed that overcome the inaccuracies of a type chronology that is based on pottery and or metal objects This would require speci c multi scale projects at the level of tombs cemeteries and entire regions Early Urn elds Late Bronze Age II 1300 1100 cal BC 1100 900 BC A view from the perspective of the settlements may help complement the reading of the burial record Broadly speaking we nd a clear regional diversity that differentiates between the coastal areas that run from the mountain passes of the Eastern Pyrenees to the delta of the River Ebro and the inland region of the Segre Cinca uvial complex On one hand we nd small villages of huts in the Ampurd n region and in southern Catalonia originating from earlier Bronze Age local communities On the other the huts built in isolated pits or those forming small farms and hamlets in the Vall s Maresme with a long history that goes back to Neolithic times Lastly there are the villages built around a central area with stone architecture found in the Segre Cinca and Bajo Arag n regions a prototype urban model whose roots date back to the indigenous periods of the Middle Bronze Age or even earlier 8 Mulder de et al 2007 In the Ampurd n the village of La Fonollera in the Late Bronze Age 1100 900 BC comprised a group of huts constructed from light materials with stone plinths The huts have a rectangular ground plan with rounded corners and a small surface area around 6 12 m2 They have well built replaces and display a differentiated use of space The household implements show strong similarities between the different domestic units The dwellings of the type found in La Fonollera comprise the rst permanent hamlets in the extreme NE of Catalonia In Southern Catalonia some ndings also seem to record the existence of this type of small hut villages as is the case of El Coll de les Forquetes de Prades and Boella near Reus On the coastal plains and in the valleys of Vall sMaresme the small groups of sunken huts ditch huts are a type of exclusive settlement always looking for more fertile land such as the sites at Can Cort s and Can Piteu Can Roqueta At this last site we can see small structures with a replace benches or basements storage pits and a gabled roof supported by two interior pillars The open air silos for grain storage located in the vicinity of the huts have been well studied regarding their capacities and two sizes have been identi ed the small or family sized silos and the larger ones that allowed for storage of grain beyond what was used for own consumption The similarities between the huts could explain small segmented groups scattered around the countryside for which the cemetery would serve as a focal point representing the visualisation of the community in the countryside and the physical expression of the cohesion and identity of the group The existence of large silos could also support the start of some form of differentiation based on intensi ed agricultural activity and on the control and management of surpluses but as the cemeteries indicate the differences would not be very pronounced However there is still insuf cient knowledge regarding the organisation of agricultural production and the operation of the silos linked to the family huts The villages with rectangular stone houses and a central area characterise the plains and terraces of the Bajo Segre Cinca region The sites are typically located on hill tops such as Gen or at the end of promontories such as Carretel More comprehensive and interesting information comes from the village of Gen Aitona Lerida situated on a small mound beside the River Segre and occupied during the 11th century BC The settlement is in the shape of a horseshoe and comprises a row of 18 terraced houses with a central area probably for communal use to keep livestock at night and for carrying out other group activities The houses have a rectangular ground plan and are built with stone walls cemented 197
THE URNFIELDS  signi   cantly increased conventional historical dates. This does not present any dif   culties for the ear...
198 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figura 2 Village of Gen A ground plan showing the detail of the interior of the houses and B attempted interior reconstruction A after Maya and Cuesta 1989 and B after Bosch and Santacana 2009 with mud interior wooden posts would have helped support the low at roof The usable surface area was around 35 40 m2 All the dwellings had similar dimensions and the parity between the domestic implements would suggest a rather egalitarian community The only exception is House 2 as it is larger with a replace made of large xed slates the only one in the village and its metallurgy workshop revealed the diverse remains of casting bronze activity In addition the pottery items offered the greatest variation and the highest number out of all the dwellings As a result of this House 2 could have been the metallurgist s house and the head of the most important family in the community and hence possibly revealing that this is the start of an emerging process of social differentiation The complex organisation of these villages is in addition the rst sign of the existence of cisterns such as that at Regal de P dola These rst Late Bronze Age communities were small in demographic terms with probably between 40 and 100 inhabitants as regards the villages of Segre Cinca such as Gen Carretel and Monte u that had 20 25 houses Similar data can be imagined for the villages of the Ampurd n and Southern Catalonia and possibly lower gures small groups of a few families for the groups of huts from the Vall s region As a result it seems that regions such as the Bajo Segre or the Vall s had a relatively high population density In the rst case with villages that controlled good agricultural land in the valley oor and in the second case through a population model comprising very scattered farmhouses and hamlets as the case of Can Roqueta demonstrates The rst settlements from the Late Bronze Age were in some cases very short lived so that it was not possible to build a cemetery of a certain magni tude as has been suggested for Gen and in others the cemeteries established were so small that it is dif cult to identify in archaeological terms This fact could help understand why there are no large cemeteries during the earliest phase of the Late Bronze Age In addition this period of change and transformations at the end of the 2nd millennium B C saw the start of burials using a diversity of mixed rituals prior to the wide spread use of the cremation cemeteries throughout the NE of the peninsula This diversity also existed in the South of France9 In short the settlements of small communities from the start of the Late Bronze Age built dwellings that were structurally very similar and with the same organisation of the domestic space The unequal control and access to manufactured metal implements is not very pronounced between the different domestic units however the existence of small amounts of bronze deposited in some tombs might suggest otherwise The emergence of some individuals that acquire greater status and power could be the most signi cant social phenomenon of the time The weapons and warrior panoply mentioned earlier and the bronze hoards from the end of this era would be the most unequivocal expression of the process However this only affected certain areas 10 As a start if we take the funeral rite itself the scenario offered by the era of the Early Urn elds 1100900 B C 1300 1100 cal BC is the least complex11 On one hand we nd the continued existence of the diverse manifestations of the collective inhumation 9 10 11 Dedet 2004 Ruiz Zapatero and Rovira 1994 96 Ruiz Zapatero 2001 261ss
198  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figura 2. Village of Gen    A, ground plan showing the detail of the ...
THE URNFIELDS Figura 3 Grave goods from the cemetery at Can Missert Tarrasa Barcelona Early Urn elds period rite in caves or more recently in megaliths These are the old rituals that above all continued in mountain regions and more marginal areas On the other hand we see the tentative implementation of cremations in urns the new ritual and the creation of cemeteries in the open areas of the Segre and the Vall s Lastly we see a combination of funerary traditions that mix the old rites with the new to create mixed rituals such as cremation in a cave or the tumular inhumation on a collective and individual basis These cases are the minority of burials somewhat exceptional but typical at times of crisis and cultural change The geographical distribution of these funerary patterns reveals that the new customs for dealing with the dead were not widely adopted There are many and varied factors involved in the spread of the new funerary ideas but doubtless the different weight of the cultural backgrounds and the greater or lesser importance of the cremation groups have a lot to do with the diversity of the burial record of the time We only know about a few burials from the oldest phase of the Urn elds essentially in the centre of the coastal depression of Catalonia and in the Lower Segre Cinca river valley The analysis of the grave offerings reveals two essential characteristics 1 the uniformity and simplicity of the funerary implements where the usual practice was one cinerary urn often with a pottery lid or a at stone and it seems that there was no standardised production of pottery for the funerary rite and 2 the reduced use of metal as a grave offering Very few tombs include any bronze artefacts Thus in the earliest phase of the cemetery at Can Missert in Tarrasa the most commonplace is the funerary urn for all grave offerings and only in very rare exceptions would a level of wealth be added Only tomb 18 contains special grave offerings a needle with a bronze circle head two globe shaped vases and a tapered bowl However it is rather hard to establish to what extent this tomb belonged to an individual that was prominent due to their greater status 199
THE URNFIELDS  Figura 3. Grave goods from the cemetery at Can Missert  Tarrasa, Barcelona . Early Urn   elds period.  rite...
200 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE The cemetery at Can Piteu Can Roqueta12 the best known to date in the entire NE of the Peninsula with 1 058 tombs the majority of the tombs from the Late Bronze Age 1000 750 B C have no grave offerings other than the cinerary urn Only a few burials 7 of the total include metal objects and are usually limited to one or two bronzes Some relate to personal hygiene and toilet shaving razors and tweezers and others are linked to adornments and clothing rings bracelets buttons and some other items There are around twenty tombs containing animal sacri ces It seems that the family groups are self governing and the lack of symmetry seen in the grave offerings is not signi cant This would suggest some differences in status but it is very dif cult to de ne the personal sphere of the individuals In short as has also occurred in the Languedoc region it would appear that a type of community organisation prevailed at Can Piteu Can Roqueta in which some families have greater in uence and status but always within the strict boundaries of the community And even so the social distance is very hard to discern In the Lower Segre Cinca the tombs from the oldest Late Bronze Age cemeteries follow the same line in terms of the lack of disproportion in the grave offerings In general the few tombs known in the Ancient Urn elds point to a fairly egalitarian society that had few material possibilities to identify differences in status On the other hand we have highlighted that the lack of weapons found in hoards and tombs the few we know about are broken ancient pieces of foreign origin that are out of context represents the reduced level of con icts of that time However we must not forget that the long swords such as those at La Llacuna the Hemigkofen type sword in Zaragoza a mould to cast this type was found along with other moulds in the village of El Regal de P dola the Dasice type knife from Tarragona some spearheads Can Sadurn and Can Xamanet Barcelona and forming part of the transition to the following phase the cn mide shin plate in the hoard at Llavors and the blade of a carp s tongue sword all remain linked to elite individuals with ef cient combat weapons and doubtless were also symbols for exhibiting power Such war elements as in other areas of the European Late Bronze Age would only have reached a very limited number of individuals within each community and even perhaps not all the communities of the period But beyond all doubt it appears that the bronze was an element of status and social distinction The communities from the earliest days of the Late Bronze Age were cultivators of cereals and 12 Carl s and Lara 2004 Carl s et al 2007 L pez Cachero 2006 breeders of goats cows and pigs even though there is little or no information available in some areas However it appears evident that the cultivation of cereal crops continued from the Middle Bronze Age as barley Hordeum vulgare and bread wheat Triticum aestivum durum continue to be the predominant species especially on the plains of the SegreCinca complex13 These plants complement each other well and re ect a widely established model throughout the North Western Mediterranean arc There is also millet Panicum miliaceum L that could have been introduced from South Eastern France It is possible that simple ploughs were used suggesting the earlier introduction of in uences from the Polada Culture Leguminous plants would have been a secondary crop at least including lentils lens culinaris peas pisum sativum and vetches Lathycus sp We do not know if any crop rotation system was practised In addition acorns were gathered rich in proteins and ours and these would have been a good substitute for cereals during bad harvests In some locations use would have been made of wild grapes Agrarian life revolved around the dry arable lands immediately surrounding the villages and hamlets with perhaps some vegetable gardens cultivated close to the rivers The most important herds were for breeding goats and cows depending on the area and some pigs Cereal grain was stored in large receptacles inside the houses on the Western plains and in silos in pre coastal and coastal areas As regards food we have relatively comprehensive information from the village of Gen the analyses of the waste content of some of the pottery vessels give an idea of whole range of products that were prepared on stored in or eaten off them14 Some revealed traces of beer which others contained dairy products animal fats soups or marinated meat blood acorns cereal our and bee honey and in one case the use of a type of blackberry jam This in addition to the cereals eaten in the form of cakes or porridge provides us with an outline of a diet that is more varied than traditionally imagined In Gen some bread baking ovens have been conserved and each house had various grinding stones on which to prepare the our The nding of large vessels beside the fronts of the houses reveals a system to make use of rain water so that a reserve supply would be available In future studies of the forms of diet carried out using isotopes and the possible intra group differences identi able from an imbalance in the access to rich and regular food will be the key to carrying out social 13 14 Alonso 2000 Juan Tresseras 1998
200  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  The cemetery at Can Piteu-Can Roqueta12    the best known to date in ...
THE URNFIELDS Figura 4 Types of dwellings in the different regions of the NE of the peninsular readings The social characterisation of the communities is best discovered as in other European Urn eld regions through the funerary practices that reveal an ideological transformation 15The rst cremation cem15 Fokkens 1997 eteries represented a clear break with the old inhumation rituals of the Middle Bronze Age that took place in independent communities based on kinship In the cemeteries of the Late Bronze Age each individual although there remain doubts over whether the entire population was buried was allowed to be visible as ancestor including children despite of different 201
THE URNFIELDS  Figura 4. Types of dwellings in the different regions of the NE of the peninsular.  readings. The social ch...
202 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figura 5 Radiocarbon chronology of Middle Bronze Age and Late Bronze Age sites showing the earliest dates of the rst cremation burials after L pez Cachero 2011 with additions tombs The cremation tombs with clear separations between them expressed in some way the emergence of individuality even though the group element is not forgotten as the continued use of the cemeteries symbolised the solidarity of the group and its continuity in the territory In fact the cemeteries emphasised the local communities as signi cant social units and the authority of parental groups gave way to the authority gained by individuals at the heart of autonomous nuclear families Unfortunately we are unable to explore the basic differentiating criteria of the funerary rite the age and gender due to the dif culty in identifying these elements from cremated remains and we can only make an estimate of the individual s status through the grave offerings The lack of symmetry in the grave offerings is very tenuous but surely tomb 18 at Can Missert as well as the metallurgist s house in Gen seem to represent the start of a tentative social differentiation within fairly egalitarian communities as no rich grave offerings exist A similar idea is expressed by the few bronze artefacts that started to be deposited in hoards from the end of the period a practice that increased in the following phase What is particularly relevant is the new ideology that converts every individual buried in at or tumular tombs in an ancestor The establishment of genealogies in the cemeteries and the capacity of gaining power and status depending on personal skills points to the appearance of a gentilician system This is a system that has a correlation with the settlements that have domestic units of nuclear families The gentilician ideological revolution thus becomes the key to the future expansion of the funerary rite and that rite comes from the other side of the Pyrenees In other words the ritual of the Urn elds is the ideological expression of the new societies even though in demographic terms they are scarce with numbers possibly ranging from less than 50 up to more than one hundred units The impact of the Urn elds is dif cult to evaluate However there are a series of issues that do help outline the most plausible scenario It is true that the rst grooved pottery predates the cremation cem
202  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figura 5. Radiocarbon chronology of Middle Bronze Age and Late Bronze...
THE URNFIELDS etery through what we know to date see Fig 5 but the fact remains that we are talking about a few generations perhaps 4 or 6 over that period And this can in part be explained by the time needed to create large cemeteries and to help understand the cases of mixed rituals that we have seen during the transition period It is very likely that the rst groups to enter through the Pyrenean passes of the Alto Segre or the Eastern coastal strip during their rst movements to access new lands did not create substantial cemeteries It was only with time and over the course of a few generations that the new ritual started to prevail 16The few radiocarbon dates available for the rst cremation burials do not establish a xed point in the time in which cremation is introduced and it is simply better a transition or rather transitions depending on the areas with different variations either shorter or longer It has been suggested thanks to information on some Central European cemeteries that it usually takes at least two generations to fully adopt the new ritual and furthermore this would not take place at the same time at a regional level 17 Also the grooved pottery of the Urn elds is hard to disassociate from the cremation ritual that accompanies it always On other hand the strength and expansive capacity of the new ritual is ideological with the emergence of a new social gentilician organisation that starts to prevail on the indigenous backgrounds of the old Bronze Age populations This not only ts well with the continuity depending on the area of the forms of subsistence and the diversity of the population with strong local roots but also with the introduction of new types of metals and pottery All this suggests the arrival of small reduced size groups that are able to leave their imprint without comprising the majority of the population New paleogenetic studies may be able to shed some light on this The European distribution of the Haplogroup R1b U152 Y DNA has been compared with that of the Urn elds complex although this may also include subsequent Celtic migrations 18The density of the R1b U152 is much higher in Northern Italy and radiates outwards from there The change gradually extended like the waves from throwing a stone into water and well adapts to the idea of individuals moving over short distances over a more or less prolonged period of time As such this pattern of change would not be predominant in any place even though population movements in the Second Iron Age have contributed to its current distribution as has been clearly discovered in central Anatolia Galatians It is true that in the case of the Iberian Peninsula R1b U152 is 16 17 18 Ruiz Zapatero 2001 264 66 Rabay Salisbury 2012 21 Manco 2013 180s much wider spread throughout the territory that the greatest extent of Urn elds however this could be explained by subsequent movements of Celtic groups towards the South and South West of the peninsula Such a capacity for expansion is also relevant when exploring the linguistic dimension We know nothing about the language s spoken by the peoples of the Urn elds on the Iberian Peninsula however due to their geographical distribution and the subsequent linguistic panorama in Europe it is quite likely that it stems from the Indo European Family of languages IE 19 It is worth remembering that the only case where there is a very plausible relation between a group of Urn elds Canegrate Northern Italy or rather the direct evolution of the Golasecca group and one language is Lepontic the oldest known Celtic language Late Urn elds Late Bronze Age III 1100 900 cal BC 900 700 BC In the second phase Late Urn elds or the Late Bronze Age III a series of changes took place that developed some of the trends observed at the start of the Late Bronze Age The population of this stage continued the earlier models and above all strengthened the stability of the settlements that on many occasions demonstrated long term occupation with long stratigraphies In the Ampurd n region and bordering districts hamlets of huts continued to exist although there have been few excavations and there does not appear to be any hierarchy in the governance of the population In the Vall s the tradition of farmhouses and small hamlets of huts excavated from the ground was more prolonged maintaining the model of a scattered population Meanwhile in the south of Catalonia the rst stable villages with a stone architecture such as the types found at Mol and La Mussara substituted the groups of huts of the previous stage On the Western plains of the Segre Cinca the villages with central areas and stone houses continued to represent the general norm This village model would spread to the Bajo Arag n where the best example can be found in Cabezo de Monle n It is unfortunate that the data on the domestic implements of each occupied unit throughout the entire NE of the Iberian Peninsula is very scarce and the information on settlements with various welldocumented dwellings even more so The village of Cabezo de Monle n allows us to reconstruct a village located on the at top of a small hill It had 58 houses distributed in two rows leaving a central 19 Villar and Pr sper 2005 de Hoz 2009 203
THE URNFIELDS  etery, through what we know to date  see Fig. 5 , but the fact remains that we are talking about a few gene...
204 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figura 7 Urn decorated in the Mailhacian style from the Agullana cemetery Gerona Figura 6 Male tomb 170 and female tomb 207 grave goods from the Agullana cemetery Gerona area between at one end of which there was a natural pool for the collection of water The population could have been around 250 300 inhabitants and the ground plans and internal organisation of the houses reveals a high level of uniformity The dwellings had a rectangular oor plan with surface areas of between 25 and 40 m2 and were organised into three areas a hall a main living area with replace and a larder or store room at the back The relative uniformity in the presence of replaces ovens benches and pits or stores in some corner of the halls indicates as has already been pointed out in the stone dwellings of the Segre Cinca the independence of the domus and the importance of the nuclear family as a fundamental institution No notable differences can be seen between the household equipment although it is possible that two of them contained a small textile workshop and a small our mill and another two rooms that could have served as small metal working areas due to the presence of casting ovens and the remains of moulds It would appear that in all cases such artisanal activities took place within the family environment The Tarragona village of Barranc de G fols offers a similar scenario with an excellent archaeological record It seems that during this stage both the huts of the Ampurd n and the Vall s Maresme in addition to the stone and mud houses of the Segre and Lower Arag n maintain symmetries as regards domestic implements However this does not necessarily mean that these were egalitarian communities as social distances could be identi ed through other aspects of daily life for example the capacity for grain storage and other food resources Furthermore there are few villages or hamlets that have been extensively excavated so as to allow social readings to compare domestic units The burial records of this phase extend and generalise the use of cremation in spite of different existing regional traditions The cemeteries of this era offer a series of shared ritual features and other characteristics that are speci c to each as indicated for the Segre Cinca group These differences would seem to indicate that the community of each settlement is able to reaf rm its own cultural features and this changes the uniform image of the earlier period It suggests that the social dependence for the reproduction of the system is losing or has already lost the structural nature of the Early Urn elds This social fracture also impacts on the composition of each community insofar as the study of the better known cemeteries Els Castellets de Mequinenza and Roques de Sant Formatge proves that the different separate funerary sectors were each operating simultaneously This fact suggests that within each village there were family groups able to express the links that united them independently of whether these translated or not into a greater or lesser level of collective economic autonomy The rst cremation cemeteries represent a signi cant change for various reasons Firstly because they represent an individualised and standardised treatment of at least the majority of the population Secondly because the fact of cremation distances the living from the dead in a way that is different to the inhumation rituals in the cremation rites the physical presence of the ancestors in the region was not as important as the sense of belonging to the community and from there arisen rights privileges and status Thirdly they represent the removal of the dead from the settlement and the creation of an unobtrusive space for them visible from the settlement itself and likely to be visited by the members of the
204  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figura 7. Urn decorated in the Mailhacian style from the Agullana cem...
THE URNFIELDS community in some way the existence of the cemeteries is one further element in the social construction of the landscape Lastly cremation is innovative because it could be suggested that the rites of cremation and post cremation serve as technologies for commemoration as the cremation favours different forms of commitment to the material aspect of death The general trend found in the cemeteries of this period is that from a beginning that comprised simple tombs and standardised grave offerings a cinerary urn in addition to a bowl and or some bronze artefact for the wealthiest we see the creation of a phenomenon of greater social complexity with burial structures involving more investment in work and a progressive differentiation in the grave offerings and sacri ces all of which herald the changes to take place in the Early Iron Age In the Ampurd n region this process is clear to see in the cemetery at Agullana It is suggested that in the phase Agullana I 900 800 B C few tombs contained metal and this appeared to be distributed more or less equally between tombs for men and women However in phase II 800 700 B C the number of tombs containing bronze artefacts increased and the rst iron objects appeared especially iron knives that are very closely related to shaving razors The increase and diversi cation of metal objects demonstrates easier access to the distribution networks the increase in purchasing power and the growing willingness of certain individuals to distinguish themselves with the acquisition of prestigious commodities Even for the individual of the T 397 an iron knife spearhead dagger belt plate and swivels brooch would be suf cient to claim the status of the hierarch And this without a doubt symbolises the process of social internal differentiation within the community of Agullana prior to the intensi cation of the exchanges with colonial Mediterranean agents In the Vall s the cemetery at Can Piteu Can Roqueta offers the same phenomenon Following phase I cal 1000 750 B C with a social structure that would appear to be fairly egalitarian small imbalances are perhaps simply expressions of differences in status or the role within the same family unit However at Can Piteu II 750 700 B C we see the appearance of new pottery and some accompanying swivels brooches and bowls and towards the end of the phase the rst knives appear in the tombs and double clip brooches that anticipate the arrival of a new era that is linked to colonial Mediterranean trade The differentiation between parental groups is increasing In the Southern Catalonia and the Lower Arag n some cemeteries offer very similar social readings In Mol it is possible to identify an important so Figura 8 The cremation A dead body placed on the wood pyre B body on the ustrinum covered in wood and C replica of the positioning of the dead body on the ustrinum of the cementery at P de la Lliura before being covered with rewood after Pons and Sol s 2008 cial basis with tombs containing no metal or having any burial structure However a small segment of the population was buried in the centre of the cemetery in tombs with complex structures And lastly there is a larger group with metal grave offerings including iron knives representing individuals with greater social status At the cemetery of Coll del Moro del Gandesa in the oldest Ia phase 800 725 B C the diverse tumular structures only include simple grave offerings with a cinerary urn in addition to a few examples where bronze bracelets have been added However in the following phase Ib 725 650 B C grave offerings are increased with the presence of bracelets and towards the middle of the period we start to see small sacri cial goblets accompanying the urns This is a tentative indigenous differentiation that precedes the far reaching changes of the following phase with the introduction of Phoenician trade into coastal areas Lastly regarding inland regions on the plains of the lower river courses of the Segre Cinca the evo 205
THE URNFIELDS  community  in some way the existence of the cemeteries is one further element in the social construction of...
206 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figura 9 Cremation burials from the Late Bronze Age A double tomb at P de la Lliura E85a E85b B tumular structure with central cistern perimeter ring and stela C tumulus with eccentric cistern raised elevation and headstone A after Pons and Sol s B and C after Santacana 2005 lution of the cemeteries offers similar characteristics with the exception that their isolation from the colonial in uence of the Mediterranean coastline produced less drastic transformations in the burial implements At Roques de San Formatje Lower Segre more than 300 tumular structures have been identi ed however there were only approximately one hundred recorded grave offerings Phase I 900 800 BC showed no metal grave offerings placed in any tomb which is fully in line with the trend of the rarity of bronze objects in burials from the Late Bronze Age II In phase II 800 750 BC barely any tombs contained bracelets and or rings The paucity of deposited bronze helps understand the development of small stone tools and even the existence of polished stone axes in some tombs Figura 10 Types of cremation tombs from the cemetery at Can Piteu Can Roqueta after L pez Cachero et al 2006 From the line of the Ebro some tombs and small cremation cemeteries and the typical grooved pottery are evidence of incursions by small groups or the ow of cultural elements from the Urn elds of the North East towards the South impacting on the lands of the East until reaching the South
206  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figura 9. Cremation burials from the Late Bronze Age  A, double tomb ...
THE URNFIELDS Figura 11 Distribution of the main animal species according to reproduction ratios and mobility The main trend in the consumption of meat by the area is shown in red The orientative proportional values of cows sheep goats and pigs during the initial phases of the Late Bronze Age in Eastern Catalonia East20 These are clearly intrusive minority elements within the period of the nal stages of the Valencian Bronze Age On one hand this concerns grooved pottery found in local Bronze Age settlements such as Castellet de Borriol Tabai and La Mola d Agres Alicante that could date to around 1000 BC Or perhaps it denotes exchanges or exogamic practices And on the other hand we nd groups of small tumular burials and a predominance of cremation at tombs such as Salzadella and El Boverot and a few 20 Lorrio 2009 10 Rafel et al 2008 258 62 larger sized cemeteries such as Pe a Negra Les Moreres Alicante where there were little more than 30 tombs in phase I of the Late Bronze Age and La Loma del Boniche that already dates from the Early Iron Age To the south of Vinalopo river there are no more cemeteries instead we nd more or less isolated tombs The recently re studied cremations group of the Late Bronze Age of the South East Qur nima 21 reveals isolated cremations with traditional Urn eld pottery together with decorated bracelets necklaces 21 Lorrio 2008 207
THE URNFIELDS  Figura 11. Distribution of the main animal species according to reproduction ratios and mobility. The main ...
208 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figura 12 Bronze artefacts A distribution map showing weapons and bronze hoards Late Bronze Age B hoard at Sant Mart d Emp ries and C hoard at Ripoll A after Rafel et al 2008 B and C after Bosch and Santacana 2009 and speci c types of beads that all point in the same direction The arrival of small groups of cremation peoples as from 900 850 BC seems to be the most convincing explanation for this Agriculture continued to be arable with a predominance of barley various types of wheat and millet and secondary crops of legumes while ax was probably cultivated for artisan use textiles 22Cereals represented by far the most important crop with a high level of ubiquity in the settlements 80 90 On the lowlands of the Segre Cinca the density of the population created a network of villages separated by short distances 5 6 kms representing the value of the arable cultivation of the dry lands We have no information regarding metal agricultural implements except for a fragment of a sickle with a button shaft from the hoard at Sant Mart d Emp ries and the int sickle elements replaced the metal It is very likely that the plough was used as from the middle of the 2nd millennium BC and an iconography of possible ploughing activity on pottery from Camp Red n 22 Alonso 2000 Albizuri et al 2011 Mailhac I supports its use during this period Grain was stored in silos excavated out of the ground in the Eastern areas and in the Catalonian hinterland while large pottery containers kept in the storerooms of the houses was the generally used system in Western regions The storage capacity of the silos from the Late Bronze Age 900 2800 litres represents a signi cant growth compared with previous stages with many silos exceeding the average consumption of the family unit that was estimated at 1000 1500 litres per annum As a result a surplus was generated for possible exchanges Stock breeding continued to see a predominance of cows in the pre coastal and coastal areas with sheep and goats in the inland regions and on the Western plains of the NE of the Peninsula 23 The theoretical importance of the meat produced by this essential stock breeding trio as regards DNR emphasises the value of cows almost twice that of goats and the lack of importance of the pig The methods of slaughter together with an increase in the age of 23 Albizuri et al 2011 22 25
208  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figura 12. Bronze artefacts  A, distribution map showing weapons and ...
THE URNFIELDS Figura 13 Llavorsi bronze hoard and graphic showing its typological composition after Gallart 1991 amended killing for cows and pigs demonstrates a specialisation in stock keeping and probably an increase in the use of secondary products The horse is barely present however could have played a relatively important role as an animal for riding and pulling carts Some contexts furthermore reveal symbolic representations for equine remains The emergence of the cart has not been archaeologically proven however is very likely The production of bronze artefacts rose judging by the increase in the number of moulds found in the settlements of the Segre Cinca and Bajo Arag n the emergence of bronze hoards and the growth in the quantity of metal objects included in the grave goods It is hard to characterise the technology used in metallurgy however it has been suggested that the furnace chamber and the lost wax casting technique could have been introduced The analyses show binary copper alloys with a high tin content very similar to those from South East France and the stone moulds are more sophisticated Many bivalves mounds now show both components carved Sometimes however we could do worse than leave technology behind and think of bronzesmiths as working under almost magical conditions as indeed we have been invited to do by many ethnographic and historic cases The hiding of bronzes is not very prevalent but at least 8 hoards and some more lost nds testify to the trend of accumulating metal objects for different purposes even though none appear to have a votive or ritual meaning All are concealed in dry earth or rock and date from between 1100 and 800 cal BC and their distribution marks out a long path along the River Segre and its tributaries as well as another two less important areas the River Ter and the Catalonia coastal plain 24The hoards are of various types a personal with completely new or almost unused items such as the one at Sant Aleix containing 17 bracelets b trader or pedlar for recycling metal using obsolete items such as those found at Ripoll and Font Major or at Llavors the biggest of them all containing 148 pieces and 7 38 kilos of bronze that included broken and or unused items 25 and lastly c hoards speci cally used by the metallurgists as in the case of Serra de Monderes that are completely made up of plano convex smelted bronze pieces However it was recently suggested that many hoards responded to a fragmentation of structured pieces and as such are far from the traditional idea of hoards of scrap metal for recycling An useful idea perhaps for exploring in the lands of North Eastern Iberia The most recent nding at Sant Mart d Emp ries a set of 8 tools with axes a chisel and a fragment of a button sickle some intact and others broken is interesting as it originates against a backdrop of habitation even though hidden in the hollow of a rock In general the majority of the foreign pieces originate from workshops in the Centre East of France that by means of the Rhone and the Languedoc following well established circuits and transported by itinerant metalworkers reached the passes of the Alto Segre and Eastern Pyrenees The combination of moulds from Cantaperdius along the course of the Segre includes among others moulds for daggers swords and needles of the types widely spread throughout 24 25 Ruiz Zapatero and Rovira 1994 95 Rafel et al 2008 248s Gallart 1991 209
THE URNFIELDS  Figura 13. Llavorsi bronze hoard and graphic showing its typological composition.  after Gallart, 1991, ame...
210 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figura 14 Idealized composition of the community at the cemetery of Mol Tarragona Individuals without metal grave goods pale yellow individuals in complex burial structures with positions of privilege orange and individuals with greater status with richer metal objects red after Ruiz Zapatero 2001 redrawn the different regions of Central Europe26 And this would suggest that some bronzesmiths perhaps specialists in creating objects of prestige were familiar with or brought with them patterned moulds of a Central European design that contrast with the dozens of simple moulds axes rods arrowheads chisels found among the many villages of the Segre Middle Ebro and Lower Arag n There was anyway a far reaching connectivity for the movement and transportation of products and materials even over long distances We do not however know about the speci c mechanisms that made this possible It seems clear judging by the overall lack of bronze objects in tombs and its rare presence in domestic contexts that the metal was a form of accumulating wealth and weapons and adornments were seen as elements of prestige and marks of social status The tools personal adornments and some weapons present in the cisterns prove the value of bronze its hoarding and use through continuous recycling and the scrapping of obsolete or unused 26 Rovira 2004 pieces This could have been undertaken by specialist metalworkers as suggested by the workshop found in one of the houses in La Colomina in the Segre Valley or the concentration of moulds in some villages such as El Roquizal del Rullo Lower Arag n One last re ection remember that we do not exactly know the reasons for the hiding of bronze artefacts and that even their content is not a representative sample of the types of metals in circulation As suggested by Bradley27 one possible more in depth exploration of this issue would be a contextualised study to correlate the types founds in hoards and those manufactured in foundry moulds We should view the hoards as part of a wider investigation into the distribution of metal and not disassociating them from the discovery of isolated nds and the bronze deposited in tombs In this period there is forewarning of two general trends First a growing sustainable demographic identi ed through the increase in the number of settlements and the total number of tombs the inten27 Bradley 2013 129
210  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figura 14. Idealized composition of the community at the cemetery of ...
THE URNFIELDS Figura 15 Centre of Aldovesta Tarragona A Ground plan showing the different functional areas and the forti ed store B geographical situation C amphorae D attempted reconstruction of the centre and E operation of the site as port oftrade to store Mediterranean imports and their redistribution to inland villages A and C after Mascort et al 1991 B and E the author and D after Bosch and Santacana 2009 si cation in agriculture and stock breeding and the capacity to occupy new areas the Middle Ebro valley and incursions into the Levant Second a greater evidence of permanent settlement on the land by human groups that in turn translates into an increase in the structures for grain storage and milling and the ongoing occupation of settlements and use of cemeteries Some communities reached 200 300 inhabitants counting the number of dwellings of the larger villages even though estimates that are based on the cemeteries demonstrate that the small hamlet groups and families scattered through farmhouses continued to comprise the majority of the population This is evidenced by the 82 burials at P de la Lliura over a period of 200 years or slightly more The characterisation of the demographic structure of these small communities is dif cult because the cremated remains do not permit an accurate anthropological analysis However from recent works such as that at P de la Lliura a slightly strange perspective emerges In the sample of identi able individuals there is a strong presence of children 37 and of young people aged between 7 12 years 4 while sub adults 20 and unde ned adults 20 do not appear well represented The high rate of infant mortality with values of over 50 was a constant factor and if we take note of the values of other contemporary European groups where life expectancy at birth was extremely low 17 20 years we have an approximate idea of the short lifespan of these populations Regarding social organisation the limited access by individuals to the wealthier grave goods demonstrates groups with scant social distance even though once again it must be remembered that we are long way away from truly understanding the value of the funerary implements What is true is that despite the general similarities between them some tombs already stand out due to their bronze artefacts while others stand out for having no grave offerings not even a cinerary urn Early Iron Age Groups in the tradition of the Urn elds cal 750 700 500 BC As from the end of 8th century BC the regional groups of the Urn elds in the NE of the peninsula underwent their own periods of evolution showing a clear difference between the groups of the coastal areas Ampurd n pre coastal Catalonian depression Bajo Ebro and Bajo Arag n and those of the hinterland Segre Cinca and Medio Alto Ebro The Mediterranean colonial in uences rst the Phoenicians 7th century BC then followed by the Greeks essen 211
THE URNFIELDS  Figura 15. Centre of Aldovesta  Tarragona   A, Ground plan showing the different functional areas and the  ...
212 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figura 16 Ground plan of the fortress at Els Vilars Arbeca Lerida tially from the focal point of Ampurias profoundly transformed the settlements of the Late Bronze Age Throughout 6th century BC such transformations lead a process of acculturation that crystallised in the formation of Ancient Iberia Cave occupation in the Ampurd n region was abandoned and there was a multiplication in the number of hut villages that followed the tradition of the Late Bronze Age seeking secure settlements The stratigraphies of settlements such as Sant Mart d Emp ries and the Illa d en Reixac document the rst Phoenician importations and to a lesser extent Etruscan and Greek imports prior to the founding of Ampuries From 580 BC following the decline in the Phoenician agents there was an increase in Greek products the emergence of the rst Iberian pottery and a reduction in wheel turned products On the central Catalonian cost and the lands of the pre coastal depression in particular the Vall s there was spectacular growth in the number of settlements The hut villages and their accompanying silos continued to follow the local tradition and it was only the appearance of Mediterranean imports that indicated the arrival of a new era In the Pened s region the groups of huts were the norm but eventually new villages emerged such as Ol rdola that were located in defended positions and provided with forti cations By the end of the period the hut settlements had started to decline to be replaced by defended villages with houses built of stone An important network of villages developed in the southern region of Catalonia and particularly in the area of the Lower Ebro in the wake of the Phoenician colonial factor that was very active along its coastline Some communities tried to pro t from the Phoenician trade taking advantage of their strategic positions between the coast and the more inland regions The best example is that of Aldovesta in which a small group served as a gateway community accumulating colonial products for their redistribution inland Sant Jaume Mas d en Serra was another centre of local power that used to control Phoenician colonial exchanges The contacts with the Phoenicians were intensive as revealed in the case of the cultual building of Tur del Calvari 625 575 BC It comprised a singular structure with a rectangular ground plan and a double apse with a solid stone base and adobe elevation divided into two spaces that probably included an upper oor In the interior
212  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figura 16. Ground plan of the fortress at Els Vilars  Arbeca, Lerida ...
THE URNFIELDS were found the remains of portable altars incense burners and an extensive range of luxury pottery that included Phoenician importations and imitations The singular building was an expression of the strong Orientalized in uence on the cultural background of Urn elds tradition with an outwards appearance that united religion ideology and power One generation on many villages were abandoned or destroyed coinciding with the end of Phoenician trade The Lower Arag n continued the tradition of stable villages in settlements with a central area or grouped houses dating from the Late Bronze Age These were concentrated throughout the small valleys of the tributaries of the River Ebro such as La Loma de los Brunos and Azaila The standard construction involved rectangular houses with tripartite oors The estimated populations varied between 60 and 300 inhabitants The region was a crossroads of routes in uenced by the Mediterranean coast Phoenician amphorae red varnished pottery and very characteristic metal objects such as double clip brooches and iron knives and by the Segre Cinca in turn spreading elements towards the Eastern edge of the Plateau and the valley of the Medio Ebro In the 6th century BC arrived Greek productions with its black and red gures pottery other black varnished pottery and Etruscan kylix In all the coastal areas the transformations arising from the colonial Mediterranean impact could be most clearly seen in the burials The cremation cemeteries were standard practice and in general their size increased along with the diversity of tombs and the amount of grave offerings included in the same Phoenician pottery vases such as those type La Cruz del Negro and others became part of the grave goods at richer tombs together with a wider range of new metal elements These items were in abundance at the majority of the tombs as is well demonstrated by the nal phase of Can Piteu Can Roqueta Similarly were deposited iron knives items of clothing and adornments such as snake shaped brooches belt plates and pins and other items related with Mediterranean symposium such as roasters and simpulae and nally as an unequivocal indicator of status pieces of horse bridles Signi cantly there are no weapons In 6th century BC we come across the warrior s tombs period that also existed in the SE of France These were usually small groups of tombs with grave goods including both offensive and defensive weapons adornments scarabs and metallic dishware Llinars del Vall s Granja Soley and Can Canyis are examples some of these tombs of warrior aristocrats whose collections of arms exhibit swords spears with their tips helmets and cn mides shin plates in ad dition to typical elements from the Mediterranean symposium roasters and metallic dishware as well as personal adornments including brooches and belt plates that heightened the beauty of the warrior During the middle decades of this century productions of wheeled pottery started to become generalised until the emergence of Paleo Iberian pottery and the con guration of the Ancient Iberian Period as the cemetery at Mas de Mussols in the area of the Lower Ebro reveals In the inland areas the scenario is more diverse In the Catalonian hinterland in particular the Solson s the Marl s group with its strong native roots received some importations Phoenician amphorae red varnished pottery double clip brooches and some Greek artefacts that date back to the end of 7th century and 6th century BC In the Pre Pyrenean territories some cemeteries from the transition between 8th century and 7th century BC demonstrate strong contacts with groups from the Upper Garona on the other side of the mountain range operating in a more closed world far beyond the stimuli of the Mediterranean On the plains of the Segre Cinca the evolution of the groups from the Late Bronze Age lead to the emergence of territorial power based centres that were well forti ed such as Els Vilars an impressive fortress whose construction started in 8th century BC and whose long occupation of some four centuries is an example of the transformation of the last groups of Urn elds into the Ilergetes people of the Iberian Age A solid forti cation with quadrangular towers reinforced with a ditch and chevaux de frise defences protects a narrow group of terraced houses distributed in a radial pattern around a central area presided over by a large cistern that had various constructive phases A numerous community with some central power in the hands of a local group that exploited a surrounding expanse of land with an active economic life in which the raising of horses seemed to play a special role At the end of 7th century BC and the start of 6th century BC few colonial importations had reached the villages and cemeteries of the region a prelude to the Ancient Iberian Period The upper reaches of the Ebro river to the West of the Sierra de Alcubierre on the left and the River Aguas Vicas to the right the lands in the centre of Ebro Basin created their own character in uenced by the Urn elds groups of the Segre Cinca and the Lower Arag n This is the group of the Early Iron Age from the Middle Ebro valley with an Urn elds28 tradition The rst settlements with Urn elds elements are found in the best known village the Alto de la Cruz of the Cortes de Navarra Following the 28 Royo 1990 213
THE URNFIELDS  were found the remains of    portable altars   , incense burners and an extensive range of luxury pottery t...
214 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figura 17 The warrior s tombs period from C16 B C with the accompanying panoplies and pottery equipments at Granja Soley and Can Canyis compared with the French site at Corno Lauzo after Ruiz Zapatero 1983 85 redrawn initial phases of the Middle Bronze Age with round houses the beginning of 9th century BC saw villages being built with rectangular houses and the typical tripartite division and pottery that included the conspicuous grooved pottery This was a village that could house around 300 350 inhabitants distributed between neighbourhoods comprising blocks of attached houses El Cabezo de la Cruz Zaragoza also offers also a superpositioning of settlements that started from 9th century BC and embraced the entire Early Iron Age until its Iberianisation We do not know any ancient cemeteries in the region however it is very probable that this is more due to a gap in the research than its real absence as the ancient elements of the Cortes de Navarra lead us to think that the cremation ritual of at tombs in pits or in tumular structures should accompany the other elements of the Urn elds In fact the known cemeteries date from later on not appearing before 8th 7th century BC such as La Atalaya that is associated with the nal phases of the Cortes de Navarra La Torraza and El Castillo de Castej n29 The economy of the groups of the Early Iron Age consolidated earlier strategies as well as incorporating signi cant new elements connected with the colonial Mediterranean phenomenon These included the introduction of iron metalwork the potter s wheel and wine The introduction of iron seems to be due in essence to the actions of the Phoenician agents 30 In areas such as the Lower Ebro the rst manufactured 29 30 Ruiz Zapatero 2007 Ruiz Zapatero et al 2012
214  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figura 17. The    warrior   s tombs    period from C16 B.C. with the ...
THE URNFIELDS iron goods and the Phoenician importations appear simultaneously and the same probably occurred in the other regions However it is possible that the rst iron in the Ampurd n region such as the Agullana knives 750 700 cal B C was as a result of its transportation from the South East of France where it had already appeared at the end of 8th century BC within pre colonial contexts Both approaches are possible and there is little more that can be said with certainty The rst local production of iron came later throughout 6th century BC The general spread of iron implements and above all their regular use as agricultural tools is already a phenomenon that dates from the Iberian period Agriculture consolidated the system for producing surplus cereals clear to see from the silo capacity in the areas of NE Catalonia where the values vary between 1 400 and 3 300 litres This represented a noticeable increase compared to the situation during the Late Bronze Age The introduction of the grapevine indicates a southerly origin judging by the Western Phoenician amphorae that predominate in the Catalonian settlements31 Some of the at spouted amphorae were also used to store beer The harsher and poorer lands had a predominance of sheep and goat herds with the presence of pigs appearing to follow an upwards trend The emergence of elite individuals with complete panoplies is accompanied by the elements associated with the Mediterranean symposium such as roasters metallic dishware and simpulae The communities of the Early Iron Age demonstrate clear imbalances in the funerary equipments that prove increasingly hierarchical social and gentilician systems of organisation From the right hand border of the Middle Ebro region penetrations by small groups took place towards the Eastern edge of the Meseta from relatively early dates as proven by small settlements similar to Fuente Estaca 8th century BC or cemeteries such Herrer a that lays claim to a much earlier dating but which unfortunately is not linked to any diagnostic archaeological material The in uences of the Middle Ebro in the latter case brought together the tradition of the groups from the Segre and the Bajo Arag n and established the initial phase of Celtiberian cemeteries around the end of 7th century and the beginning of 6th century BC In relation to this phenomenon it would be suggestive to put forward the origin of the Celtiberian language But in the event a Celtic Indo European dialect was spoken by an Urn elds groups from Western Catalonia and from the Middle Ebro at the end of 9th century and 8th century BC it could be said that the in uence of this group was a decisive factor in the emergence of the Early Celtiberian Period on the Eastern Meseta As such it would then have been possible for such a Celtic Indo European language to have formed the background from which the Celtiberian language was born32 It has been pointed out33 that on the right hand border of the Middle Ebro there are two clear linguistic bases one is Southern Indo European and the other Celtiberian It is very tempting to associate the rst with the arrival of the elements of the Urn elds in the centre of the Ebro Basin around 8th century BC or a little earlier and the second with the Celtiberian expansion from the edge of the Iberian mountain range towards the centre of the valley in 4th century BC This would leave various centuries between one occurrence and the other as has been suggested by paleolinguistics 32 31 Bux et al 2010 33 Ruiz Zapatero and Lorrio 1999 34 Villar 2000 433 215
THE URNFIELDS  iron goods and the Phoenician importations appear simultaneously and the same probably occurred in the othe...
Alberto J Lorrio The Celtic peoples Iberia is one of the Celtic territories par excellence This is con rmed by the information provided by classic sources that explicitly indicate the presence of peoples with a Celtic heritage in the inland regions of Hispania such as the Celtiberi and the Berones and in the Western lands of the Iberian Peninsula such as the Celtici in the South West on one hand and diverse peoples with Celtic af liated in the North West on the other The Celtiberi or the Celtici have names that leave no doubt as regards to such links Others probably would have been Celts even though Greco Latin authors have not been explicit in this regard as is the case with the Olcades Carpetani Vettones Vaccaei Astures Cantabri Turmogidi Autrigones Caristi Varduli and perhaps also Lusitani The majority of these peoples occupied the centre west and north of Spain while the Lusitani and Celtici preferred to settle in the area that is presentday Portugal Fig 1 A Abundant epigraphic documents clearly demonstrate the existence of at least a Celtic language in the peninsular territory the Celtiberian language Such testimony focuses on the Eastern Meseta and the valley of the Upper and Middle Ebro in other words on Celtiberian and adjacent territories Lusitanian on the other hand is an archaic Indo European language that would have been spoken in the Western Iberia and shares some common elements with the Celtic sub family The study of personal names place names and theonyms similarly allows for a Celtic Hispania to be identi ed in the centre and west whose territory is de ned by a characteristic anthroponomy of the Indo European type that permit a differentiation between certain regional groups and by the presence of the briga place name the most prevalent in Celtic linguistics Fig 1 B Archaeological record is essential to analyse the formation of the Celtic world of Iberia establish the cultural processes that lead to its gestation and ulterior expansion and characterise the different Hispano Celtic groups The increase in recent decades of knowledge of the Late Bronze Age and the Iberian Iron Age have allowed progress to be Universidad de Alicante alberto lorrio ua es made in the interpretation of the material culture of the Celts and their relationship with other related elds such as Linguistics and Religion This allows the chronological framework to overcome that has traditionally limited the archaeological study of the Hispano Celtic groups to historical accounts by classical sources from the end of the 3rd century to the 1st century BC History of the research and origin of the Iberian Celts The rst studies on the Iberian Celts date back to the erudite tradition of the 15th to 18th centuries which focused rst on Greco Roman antiquities and then on prehistoric monuments studying and collecting relics from the past In the 19th century research focused on literary sources and on linguistic studies H d Arbois de Jubainville 1893 y 1894 put forward the Ligur theory according to which this Indo European people had colonised the West before the Celts He also mentions the Celtic elements of Hispania based on classical literary sources and onomastic From 1850 we start to nd records of the material culture that must have accompanied the Pre Roman peoples cited by the literary sources At this time the rst cemeteries on the Meseta dating from the Iron Age were excavated and eld research started in the most important cities oppida and hillforts castros of Celtic Hispania1 A new stage up to the 1940s saw a notable increase in archaeological excavations among which we can highlight the Celtiberian and Vettonian cemeteries and castros of the Eastern and Western Meseta while in Extremadura Galicia and Asturias interest grew in the excavation of Pre Roman settlements We also see the rst attempts to explain the presence of the Iberian Celts by integrating linguistic information with archaeological documentation A Schulten P Bosch Gimpera and M Almagro studied 1 About the historiography of the Celtiberians and the Hispanic Celts vid Lorrio 2005 15 31 A general overview in Almagro Gorbea 1991 Almagro Gorbea et al eds 2001 and Lorrio and Ruiz Zapatero 2005
Alberto J. Lorrio   The Celtic peoples  Iberia is one of the Celtic territories par excellence. This is con   rmed by the ...
218 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE the Celts in the Iberian Peninsula in successive works In his work on Numantia 1914 and based on literary sources Schulten gives his personal reconstruction of the ethnogenesis process of the Celtiberians which was used as the basis for subsequent studies by Bosch Gimpera suggesting the existence of several invasions or a single slow and gradual invasion within the general context of the Urn eld Culture The third stage covers the period up to the 1970s that is characterised by the advances made in linguistic studies In 1946 A Tovar described some of the fundamental features of the Celtiberian language that allowed for its inclusion among the Celtic languages M Lejeune U Schmoll and J Untermann whose most emblematic work is the Monumenta Linguarum Hispanicarum of which volume IV is concerned with Celtiberian and Lusitanian inscriptions 1997 This renewed approach did not transfer to the archaeological research of the Celtic world due to the dif culty in relating Hispanic materials with those from the other side of the Pyrenees which explains why from the 1940s onwards no attempts were made to produce new archaeological overviews and interpretations The old theories of Bosch Gimpera and Almagro were repeated an approach that changed from the 1960s to the work of German archaeologists such as E Sangmeister K Raddatz and V Pingel who occasionally studied the Celtic issue During this stage we can highlight the work of W Sch le Die Meseta Kulturen der Iberischen Halbinsel published in 1969 whose in uence on Celtiberian studies was a determining factor in the 1970s and 1980s The 1980s saw an increase in the excavations of cemeteries settlements and to a lesser extent sanctuaries at the same time as there was a refocusing of the studies on the Celts of Hispania This new approach identi ed the regional sequences that explain the processes of its formation and its characteristics and differences compared to the rest of Celtic Europe These studies integrated archaeological and linguistic data with the classical sources in spite of the dif culty in understanding the historiography of Celtic Europe that is bound to a false perspective being unable to evaluate the personality of the Celts of Hispania and other peripheral areas One issue of renewed relevance is the explanation of the origin of the Celtiberians and the other Hispanic Celtic peoples a topic that forms part of the celticisation of the Iberian Peninsula Except for the laudable attempts by Sangmeister and Sch le this subject had not been reviewed since the theories of Bosch and Almagro with research coming to a halt after their major archaeological syntheses This resulted in extreme viewpoints from some researchers that have linked up until recently the celticisa tion to the latenisation of the Iberian Peninsula by relating the arrival of the Celts with the Iberian elements of La T ne culture It even led to a rejection of the presence of the Celts in Hispania by considering such contributions as insuf cient2 In the mid1980s M Almagro Gorbea proposed a cross disciplinary perspective to analyse the Celts of Hispania again integrating this archaeological data with the literary sources linguistic evidence and even with ethno anthropological traditions3 Having criticised traditional invasionist models he suggested regional processes of ethnogenesis pointing out the dif culty of all the Celts of Hispania coming from the Urn eld Culture For this reason he sought their origin in a proto Celtic substrate ranging from the Bronze Age to the beginning of the rst millennium throughout the west and north of the Iberian Peninsula This means setting the origin of the Celts back to the third millennium BC and locating the roots of the formative process that eventually led to the Celtic peoples in the Bell Beaker culture and in the Atlantic Bronze Age4 This origin explains its extensive presence throughout Western Europe and its internal variations due to ancestral traditions The Celts known from classical sources and their archaeological remains would be the result of a long process of progressive or accumulative celticisation that explains its cultural variety even though they possibly spoke related languages and upheld similar ideas regarding life and its values a fact that differentiates them from other peoples of Antiquity Such approaches have contributed to the explicit recognition of the personality of the Iberian Peninsula in the Celtic world while accepting the existence on the Iberian Peninsula of some Celts with their own identity before the in uences of La T ne culture The Iberian Celts display a material culture that perfectly differentiates from that of the Central European Celts of Hallstatt and La T ne cultures which explain the dif culty in understanding it using traditional approaches Throughout the 1st millennium BC and largely due to their contact with Tartessians and Iberians at least a part of those peninsular Celts assimilated elements of Mediterranean origin such as weaponry the potter s wheel urban planning or writing even though the existence of Northern Pyrenean stimuli is well documented given the presence of in uences from the Urn eld groups in the area all of which would justify the mixed nature Celtic and Iberian alluded to by the classic writers as regards the Celtiberians5 2 3 4 5 Mainly Lenerz de Wilde 1991 Almagro Gorbea 1992 1993 2001 99 ss Vid equally Koch 2013 Ruiz Zapatero and Lorrio 2007
218  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  the Celts in the Iberian Peninsula in successive works. In his work o...
THE CELTIC PEOPLES Figure 1 A Map of Hispano Celtic ethnic groups B Basic division between Indo European and Iberian linguistic areas in the Iberian peninsula with Late Iron Age Roman epigraphic evidences for different indigenous languages C Processes for the ethnic cultural and linguistic con guration of the Celtiberians D The development of the Celtiberian culture B according to Almagro Gorbea et al 2001 C according to Lorrio and Ruiz Zapatero D according to Lorrio 2005 This archaeological evidence permits an analysis of the ethnogenesis of the Celtiberians despite the dif culties involved in the use of this term prior to the time it was created by the Greco Latin writers Their interest is evident as it concerns one of the few cases in which all the sources analysed coincide in highlighting its Celtic character at least during the time of the Wars with Rome Thus the appearance of certain elements of material culture settlement burial ritual ideology or socio economic structure that are the 219
THE CELTIC PEOPLES  Figure 1. A, Map of Hispano-Celtic ethnic groups. B, Basic division between Indo-European and Iberian ...
220 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE characteristics of the Celtiberian world throughout its evolutionary process allow for its initial moments to be individualised placing it on the high lands of the Eastern Meseta towards the 7th and 6th Centuries BC or even earlier In this sense as we will see later it would be appropriate to use the term Celtiberian referring to the archaeological cultures that are situated on the lands of the Upper Tagus Upper Jal n and Upper Douro rivers on the Eastern Meseta and in the Iberian Mountains from the formative stages onwards Fig 1 D The continuity heralded by means of the cultural sequence in this sector of the Meseta allows for a correlation to be made between archaeological evidence and historical and ethnical evidence Fig 1 C given its individualisation in a territory that almost entirely coincides with that which the classic writers have attributed to the Celtiberians people that as we have indicated were thought of as Celtic Celtiberian was spoken in this area at least during the historical period and is the only language that has been identi ed as unequivocally Celtic in the whole of the Iberian Peninsula Fig 1 B On the other hand the nding of elements that may be considered as being Celtiberian in areas that are not strictly Celtiberian could be seen as an indication of celtiberianisation and as such the start of the Celtic in uence on those territories This more than making an association between signi cant ethnic movements must be seen as an intermittent phenomenon with a cumulative effect that is linked to the imposition of dominant groups albeit in a reduced number local migrations and even the acculturation of the indigenous substratum As a result the geographical spread of some elements such as the horse brooches or some typically celtic weaponry for example the bidiscoidal type daggers could be interpreted as signs of such expansion and as a consequence of the celticisation process This is furthermore documented by the distribution of the ethnic personal names Celtius and Celtiber and their variants and of some characteristic place names From the linguistic point of view this is demonstrated by the emergence of texts in the Celtiberian language outside the theoretical extent of Celtiberian territory which was largely based on the Central Plateau or Meseta but also in more remote areas such as Extremadura Obviously this does not exclude that there may have been Hispano Celts other than the Celtiberians as seems to be con rmed by the literary sources with respect to the Berones and the Celtici according to Pliny III 13 14 of Celtiberian origin or that this process of celtiberiacisation occurred in areas where there had previously existed a Celtic component that is dif cult to determine This scenario is particularly complex in relation to those ethnic groups whose formation is known through Archaeology those which are not expressly deemed as being Celts according to the classic sources and those whose spoken language was unknown or as occurred with Lusitanian whose Celtic character is far from being unanimously accepted Within the Celtic world as thus understood there is variation in time and space and as such it is not possible to see it as something uniform and simple It is a reality whose recent discoveries demonstrate a signi cant level of complexity The Celtiberians The Celtiberians are one of best known of the Celtic peoples in Iberia6 The rst reference to Celtiberia is within the context of the Second Punic War as told by Polybius during the early stages of the siege of Saguntum in the spring of 219 BC From that time mentions of Celtiberia and the Celtiberians are abundant as they were one of the leading protagonists of the warlike events of the 2nd century BC mainly the so called Celtiberian Wars that culminated in 133 BC with the destruction of Numantia and its submission to Rome They played a prominent role in other military episodes from the 1st century BC such as the Sertorian Wars Literary sources present the Celtiberi as a mixed population of Celts and Iberians according to Posidonius Diodorus Appian and Martial although according to Strabo the Celts as the more dominant group in this blend thereby coinciding with conserved linguistic onomastic and archaeological evidence The term would have been created by the classic writers to give a name to a group of people who were hostile towards Rome that could have referred to the Celts of Iberia in spite of the fact that the Celtiberians as we know were not the only Celts on the Peninsula The Celtiberians were people with a Celtic language and culture whose cultural characteristics are fairly homogenous as demonstrated by its art social organisation and religious beliefs During its nal stage it developed an important urban culture while its state epigraphy became prominent through indigenous and Latin texts the numerous hospitality tessera and the large number of coins minted in bronze and silver The Celtiberians would have been an ethnic group similar to the Gaul or the Iberians as they incorporate entities of a lower category such as the Arevaci Belli Titii Lusones and Pelendones The analysis of such ethnic groups and the regions they occupied through the localisation of their cities allows us to establish certain limits for Celtiberia that 6 A summarised overview regarding the Celtiberians can be seen in the works of Lorrio 2005 and 2008 Jimeno ed 2005 and Burillo 2007 that contain the above bibliography
220  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  characteristics of the Celtiberian world throughout its evolutionary ...
THE CELTIC PEOPLES in no way should be seen as being unmoveable that spanned the high lands of the Eastern Meseta and the right bank of the Middle Ebro Valley Today invasionist viewpoints that link the formation of the Celtiberian group with the arrival of successive waves of Celts from Central Europe are totally rejected as the necessary corroboration from archaeological data has not been found More recent approaches such as that defended by M AlmagroGorbea A Lorrio and G Ruiz Zapatero suggest we should look for their origin in the Indo European cultural background widespread throughout the Late Bronze Age at the start of the 1st millennium BC to the West and North of the Iberian Peninsula Even though their expansion was halted on reaching the mountain range of the Iberian System the future Celtiberia comprising peoples originating from the Urn elds of the Ebro Valley was a phenomenon that dates to around the 9th or 8th centuries BC which is known as the Proto Celtiberian period The data from some cemeteries such as phases I and II at Herrer a Guadalajara or that at San Pedro in Oncala Soria 7 is extremely interesting as it suggests dates that are very early prior to the start of the Iron Age for the arrival of these in uences During the Early Celtiberian period c 650 600450 BC the high lands of the Eastern Meseta and the Iberian Mountains recorded signi cant new developments some of which would end up characterising the Celtiberian Culture in its more advanced phases The rst permanent settlements in this territory now emerge generally of the type known as castro forti ed settlements situated on easily defended hills and sometimes protected by walls Fig 2 1 8 The houses were rectangular with a stone socle and mud brick adobe elevation The adjoining walls were closed to the outside to form a rampart and doors opened onto the interior of the hillfort This documented central area that could be interpreted as a street or square is an urban layout originating from the NorthEastern Urn eld Culture This model would be the type of Celtiberian dwelling that continued up until the Late period Fig 2 2 The largest settlements barely had a few hundred inhabitants with no noticeable hierarchical organisation of the land resulting in small fairly homogenous and self suf cient communities The basis of their economy would have been predominantly agriculture and livestock Despite different types of evidence gathered coinciding in demonstrating the eminently pastoral nature 7 8 About the ancient phases of the cemetery at Herrer a I II vid Cerde o and Sagardoy 2002 31 s About the cemetery at San Pedro vid Tabernero et al 2010 Cerde o and Juez 2002 lvarez Sanch s Jimeno and Ruiz Zapatero eds 2011 of the Celtiberian economy subsistence agriculture was also practised This allowed for the population in general to become more settled with only some of its members being on the move with their livestock during certain periods of the year The increase of the hillforts reveals a growing instability a consequence of demographic increase and the need to defend its pagus that was usually a valley or small territory arising from the predominance of livestock partly due to its move to new pastures to avoid the arid summers on the plains of the Meseta and the harsh winters of the mountains and the resulting tensions over control of the grazing lands This process favoured an increasingly hierarchical social organisation in turn giving rise to the emergence of elite warriors that evolved into hereditary gentiliate clans in a process that ran parallel to the ruling elites of the Iron Age in the North East This period also sees an increase in the cremation cemeteries the rst examples of which date a little earlier as demonstrated by the above mentioned exemples at Herrer a and San Pedro Through these ancient excavations we have found out about the internal organisation of some cemeteries with tombs lined up in rows Recent works however at the cemetery of Inchidero Aguilar de Montuenga Soria 9 suggest a greater level of complexity as its initial phase shows the alignment of the tombs dating back to between the end of the 7th start of the 6th centuries and the middle of the 5th century BC It also reveals a reorganisation from that time with its rows of stelae that would continue through the Celtiberian period up to its more advanced phases Fig 2 12 In other cases such as at the cemeteries at Molina de Arag n and Sig enza Guadalajara the tombs appeared covered with tumular stone structures Some of these cemeteries such as the one at Carratiermes Soria had been in use from the 6th to the 1st centuries BC or even later the tombs appeared to be distributed into two burial sectors separated by a distance of around 200 m with the oldest tombs in the central area of the zone from which the majority of the units excavated originated10 The grave offerings reveal groups with an emerging social differentiation and a warrior component indicated by some tombs containing weapons including long spearheads Recent ndings even suggest the exceptional use of the sword during this era During the Early Celtiberian period we nd a collection of pottery and new metal objects many already made of iron with no antecedents in the traditions of the local potters and metalworkers The important activity of the bronzesmiths can be highlighted with 9 10 Arlegui 2012 Argente et al 2000 221
THE CELTIC PEOPLES  in no way should be seen as being unmoveable, that spanned the high lands of the Eastern Meseta and th...
222 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figure 2 Celtiberians 1 View of the hill fort of El Cereme o during the Middle Celtiberian period 2 Celtiberian house with tripartite division 3 idealised reconstruction of the oppidum at Numantia 4 silver brooch from Driebes 5 hospitality tessera from Contrebia Belaisca 6 denarius from Sekobirikes 7 8 Numantine pottery with symbolic decoration 9 11 cemetery at Carratiermes breastplates and military equipment 12 rows of stelae at the Luzaga cemetery 13 14 cemetery at Numantia horse brooch and signa equitum 15 Numantine pottery with a scene depicting cadavers 16 helmet at Muriel de la Fuente 17 sanctuary at Termes 1 according to Cerde o and Juez 2002 2 according to Ruiz Zapatero 3 according to Jimeno 4 according to Raddatz 1969 5 according to Almagro Gorbea 1991 6 photo Real Academia de la Historia 7 11 and 13 16 photo A Plaza Museo Numantino 12 photo Cerralbo Museum 17 photo A J Lorrio
222  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figure 2. Celtiberians. 1, View of the hill-fort of El Cereme  o duri...
THE CELTIC PEOPLES a good number of varied objects relating to clothing and personal adornment Some of these were manufactured in local or regional workshops such as certain styles of brooches those decorated with spiral form patterns and the at back brooches some types of belt buckles and different sorts of breastplates Fig 2 9 10 all of which made an exclusive appearance in the Eastern territories of the Meseta The analysis of the material culture of the cemeteries and settlements of this early phase of Celtiberian Culture similarly demonstrates the existence of contributions of diverse provenance and a variety of cultural traditions the South of the Peninsula the Eastern and the SouthEast territories and the Ebro Valley This latter area is considered as being essential for an understanding of the arrival of the funerary ritual of cremation together with its urns and the settlements with a central street that are characteristic of the North Eastern Urn eld culture Similarly we can include the placement of infant inhumation within the settlements a characteristic ritual of the Urn eld groups of the North East to which the centre of the River Douro basin bears witness through the Soto culture that would come to be general practice in the Iberian world A new period developed as from the 5th century BC known as the Middle Celtiberian period c 450225 200 BC during which we can observe a consolidation in the settlements of the areas of the previous phase and the incorporation of new territories such as the right bank of the Middle Ebro Valley The hillforts increased in size and the castro type settlement was maintained The urban layout became widespread with its streets and central square New defensive elements were adopted such as double walls and rectangular towers while the ditches were larger than during the preceding phase some with examples of the characteristic elds of sunken stones chevaux defrise already discovered in the Early Iron Age in the castros of the northern mountains of Soria Furthermore the number of settlements grew as did the cemeteries some of which display the characteristic rows of stelae The number of tombs in some of the cemeteries suggests this even though in many cases given the prolonged period of use of these cemeteries also include tombs belonging to the earlier or later phase which as it concerns old excavations is not always possible to determine The number of burials varied signi cantly from one cemetery to another at Aguilar de Anguita around 5 000 tombs were excavated in Luzaga around 2 000 Gormaz offered some 1 200 burials Osma and Quintanas de Gormaz exceeded 800 in Almaluez 322 tombs were documented while Alpanseque and Arc briga offered around 300 graves and La Mercadera some 100 This is able to provide us with information regarding the size of the communities linked to these sites During this phase the cemeteries reveal the growing social differentiation with the appearance of tombs of aristocrats whose grave offerings comprise a large number of artefacts some of which could be considered as being exceptional This includes bronze weaponry helmets breastplates and shields or wheel turned pottery This important development initially appears to be limited to the region of the Upper Henares Upper Taju a tributaries of the River Tagus as well as the southern lands of the province of Soria corresponding to the Upper Douro and the Upper Jal n Valley This was a region with a wealth of livestock the control of the salt resources that were still in use up until a few years ago the production of iron and enjoyed a privileged geographic situation being a natural route from the Ebro Valley to the Meseta The wealthiest tombs contain antenna pommel or front n type swords Fig 2 11 spearheads shields breastplates cuirass discs and even a helmet These objects demonstrate a strongly hierarchical society in which the wealthiest tombs are linked to aristocratic groups Alongside these we can often nd horse harness one further sign of the category of the individual accompanying them On the highest level we nd tombs offering a host of weaponry that includes helmets shields and bronze breastplates truly breathtaking pieces and horse harness These would be the tombs of warrior horsemen or equites that were members of the ruling elite of the community Lower down we nd warrior tombs containing rich weaponry made up of swords knives spears and shields A third row of tombs with weapons includes poorer grave offerings with just spears and shields and occasionally a sword The vast majority of the burials correspond to the mass of the rural population with no armaments and diverse levels of wealth An analysis of the weaponry and the remaining metal objects brooches belt buckles etc in many cases recovered from the tombs clearly illustrate the diverse in uences of Celtiberian Culture during its Middle phase Northern Pyrenean arriving via the Ebro Valley from the Meseta speci cally the lands of the Middle Douro and possibly from the Vettonian area surrounding vila as well as inspiration from the Mediterranean most likely from the Southern and Eastern regions of the Peninsula However a signi cant portion of these objects given their characteristic typology were surely produced in metallurgy centres situated on the Eastern Meseta despite the fact that we have scant information in this regard Notwithstanding this the 5th and 4th centuries and to a lesser extent the 3rd century would see a high level of development in Celtiberian metalwork Proof of this is the appearance in grave offerings from the east of the Meseta of new types of weapons in many cases locally manufactured and often displaying rich Damascene decorations 223
THE CELTIC PEOPLES  a good number of varied objects relating to clothing and personal adornment. Some of these were manufa...
224 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE One nding of exceptional interest is the collection of Hispano chalcidian helmets that were discovered in Aranda del Moncayo Saragossa possibly genuine Hispanic or perhaps Celtiberian creations that re ects the intense and active mercenary participation in the South of Italy11 The large number of helmets hard to determine but could be between 10 and 20 examples together with the place and distribution of the ndings and the presence of other unique objects such as breastplates that formed part of the same hoard suggests a singular interpretation for the nd The remains of other helmets of the same type in cemeteries or in addition to votive hoards such as that at Muriel de la Fuente Soria Fig 2 16 discovered in a unique uvial setting12 about 200 metres from the source of the Avi n River in the spring of karstic origin of La Fuentona along with the nding at Aranda de Moncayo suggests that they perhaps originate from a possible sanctuary within a prominent Celtiberian oppidum and this clearly demonstrates its strong symbolic meaning The Late Celtiberian period the end of the 3rd 1st century BC was a period of transition and profound change in which the trend towards an increasingly urban way of life predominates Relating to this process of urbanisation would be the likely emergence of writing already recorded in the middle of the 2nd century BC in the celtiberian minting Fig 2 6 However the diversity of alphabets and their rapid increase lead us to think that it was introduced earlier from the southern and eastern Iberian regions Similarly this process decisively contributed to the development of the Celtiberian art such as working with precious metals Fig 2 4 13 bronzework Fig 2 13 14 coins representations Fig 2 6 and the production of wheel turned pottery above all the monochrome and polychrome Numantine pottery Fig 2 7 8 and 15 At the same time a hierarchical process of land planning was developed in which the urban character of the oppida is de ned more due its functional meaning than its architecture even though public buildings did exist The application of orthogonal urban models can be seen in Numantia Fig 2 3 A unique case is that of La Caridad de Caminreal Teruel in the Jiloca Valley This city was constructed on the initiative of the Romans at the end of the 2nd century BC and was destroyed during the course of the Sertorian Wars It is laid out on a grid system with perpendicular unpaved streets offering pavements a water supply and drainage channels running between rectangular insulae such as the so called Likine House a Hellenistic Roman mansion of sizeable dimensions These are centres that mint coins carrying their name the most 11 12 13 Graells Lorrio and Quesada 2014 Graells and Lorrio 2013 Raddatz 1969 important of which are made of silver and are the expression of a more complex social organisation with a senate magistrates and standards to regulate public law The oppida such as Numantia and Termes may have had a few thousand inhabitants around 1 500 2 000 have been calculated for the city of Numantia in some cases as occurred in Uxama with more than one burial site for the population Excavations at the cemetery of Numantia have revealed 155 tombs14 arranged into zones with spaces in between with less density and even the absence of burials altogether The oldest that date back to the end of the 3rd century or the start of the 2nd century BC occupy the central area while two other more recent groups that date prior to 133 BC are arranged around the rst group with signi cant changes in the characteristics of the grave offerings The tombs in the highest row show characteristic elements such as weaponry and above all horse and rider brooches Fig 2 13 and standarts or signa equitum Fig 2 14 Other cemeteries linked to oppida are those found at Uxama Termes and Arcobriga15 In other cemeteries weaponry disappeared however this seems to have been restricted to certain areas of Celtiberia and could probably translate into changes in funerary ideology and in the ways in which social status carried weight Jewellery hoarded in family treasure troves or community hoards and not in the burials replaced weaponry as the element of status Fig 2 4 Furthermore and according to literary sources and the pottery from the oppidum of Numantia the Celtiberians practised a funerary rite that was destined for warriors fallen in combat the ritual of laying out the corpses to be devoured by vultures considered as sacred birds Fig 2 15 A relevant contribution linked to the Celtiberian sanctuaries comes from the identi cation on the summit of the acropolis of the Celtiberian oppidum at Termes Soria of a templum dating from the 2nd century BC and underneath a hut whose origin dates back to the initial phases of Celtiberian Culture All this is located beside a omphalic rock with a b thros or ritual shaft This sacred complex within the arx of Termes Fig 2 17 represents the heroon or shrine of the founder of the settlement the Founding Hero16 This polyadic Temple clearly predates Roman domination as records on the urban origin and ideological development of the Celtiberian oppida identify Celtic traditions alongside an evident HellenisticRoman acculturation in the forms of worship The records offered by Greco Latin writers and the epigraphic evidence allow an in depth examina14 15 16 Jimeno et al 2004 Lorrio and S nchez de Prado 2009 Almagro Gorbea and Lorrio 2011
224  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  One    nding of exceptional interest is the collection of    Hispano-...
THE CELTIC PEOPLES tion of this nal phase of the socio political structure of the Celtiberians They reveal organisations of a supra family type socio political institutions such as senates or assemblies or those of a non family type such as the hospitium or clientship as well as ethnic and territorial entities emerging for the rst time They also offer important information regarding the wealth of the Celtiberians garnered from livestock as they were frequently required to pay taxes through the provision of sagos or woollen blankets horses and even ox hides The various paleontologic analyses that exist for the Celtiberian region attest that a variety of animal herds existed from the early stages of the Celtiberian Culture goats have been identi ed and in lesser proportions cows pigs and horses The analysis of the trace elements found in human remains in the cemetery at Numantia has provided interesting information regarding the diet of the Numantians rich in vegetable components with a predominance of nuts acorns and poor in animal protein The importance of the agricultural activity must have varied widely between the different regions of Celtiberia giving rise to intensi cation as from the more advanced phase of the Celtiberian Culture The cultivation of cereal crops played a determining role according to the diverse types of analysis and the records of the Greco Latin writers The nding of remains of leguminous crops suggests crop rotation and perhaps the cultivation of fodder crops for livestock The practice of irrigation is known via an exceptional document such as the Latin bronze of Contrebia dating to 87 BC This document refers to an arti cial water channel crossing lands acquired by another community leading us to think that the practice of intensive cultivation already dates from the start of the 1st century BC The ndings of different types of agricultural implements such as ploughshares sickles hoes hand hoes pruners pitchforks etc record the different agricultural tasks undertaken preparation sowing gathering transportation and maintenance Throughout the 2nd century BC the Celtiberians were the protagonists of one of the main episodes involving the clash destruction and absorption of the Celtic world by Rome the so called Celtiberian Wars17 that had a huge impact on Roman society throughout a good part of the 2nd century BC by causing continuous defeats in the face of a theoretically inferior enemy The nal episode was called the Numantia War and lasted over 20 years The long duration of the con ict and its severity has been explained by diverse factors On one hand for the Celtiberians the war was a phenomenon of great social relevance that affected and conditioned their entire cultural system and would be a means to 17 Lorrio 2009 achieve prestige and wealth This explains the frequent raids on neighbouring territories and the presence of mercenaries in the service of among others Carthaginians and Romans a fact that allowed them to become familiar with the military tactics inherent those peoples On the other hand during the rst years of the con ict the Romans did not appear to have a particular interest in the conquest of Celtiberia as the majority of the confrontations took place on the periphery of their territory and on many occasions the generals mobilised more to obtain a plentiful bounty and personal gain than for strategic reasons This would explain the dif culty in consolidating a stable frontier that for a long time was the Celtiberian ank of the Middle Ebro Valley Another factor was the inexperience of the Roman troops that were often demoralised due to continuous defeats It was only the military genius of Scipio Aemilianus the conqueror of Carthage in the Third Punic War who having disciplined the army and with a disproportional level of deployment made the conquest of Celtiberia possible with the destruction of Numantia in the summer of 133 BC This did not however avoid signi cant revolts occurring throughout the Celtiberian territories at the start of 1st century BC The Celtiberians and Celtiberia still played a key role in subsequent events such as the Sertorian Wars that formed part of the civil con icts of the later Roman Republic However the domination of Rome on Celtiberia had already been consolidated and would culminate in the 1st Century AD when the ancient Celtiberian oppida of Bilbilis Vxama Termes Numantia and Ercavica had already become Roman cities some even being raised to the rank of municipium The Central and Western Meseta Vaccaei and Vettones To the West of the Celtiberians we nd the Vaccaei spanning the sedimentary plains of the central river basin of the Douro Valley These were one of the most educated populi of the Meseta according to Poseidonius and already appear cited by the literary sources in the year 220 BC during the campaign by Hannibal on inland Iberia They were also prominent actors in wars of the conquest of the Meseta by Rome as con rmed by the campaigns against Cauca Intercatia and Pallantia during the Celtiberian Wars18 The cultural background to this region is represented by the Soto de Medinilla group c 800 400 BC that de nes the Early Iron Age19 The people 18 19 For a recent summary regarding the issue vid Sanz and Mart n Valls 2001 Sanz and Romero eds 2007 Romero and Sanz eds 2010 Romero and lvarez Sanch s 2008 657 ss 225
THE CELTIC PEOPLES  tion of this    nal phase of the socio-political structure of the Celtiberians. They reveal organisati...
226 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE from the Soto group offer the rst stable settlements with prolonged occupation Their settlements had round houses built of stone and adobe Fig 3 1 and they developed an intensive arable economy on the fertile ground of the valley oors They shared a more or less homogenous material culture with a well standardised tradition in pottery and initially bronze metallurgy that subsequently gave way to iron We have no information regarding the funerary ritual which would seem to discount the existence of cremation cemeteries There is controversy surrounding the origins of the Soto world in the Middle Douro Valley On one hand the discontinuity regarding the tradition of the Late Bronze Age Cogotas I has been highlighted and on the other links have been sought between the Urn eld groups of the Ebro Valley especially with Cortes de Navarra In the latter case this might con rm the Celtic background of the Soto but southern in uences have also been perceived in some of their most typical traits The communities of the Soto maintained strong features of identity until the end of the 5th century or the start of the 4th century BC the time in which the effective celticisation took place and the Vacceans group began to form The emergence of the Vaccean culture is characterised by the appearance of the rst cremation cemeteries previously unknown in the region a settlement pattern based on the oppida true cities on a vast area and the widespread use of iron metallurgy and ceramics painted on a potter s wheel Unlike their Celtiberian neighbours there is no indigenous epigraphy or any minted coinage However we do know about some treasures that were discovered within domestic contexts in Pintia Fig 3 7 Pallantia and Roa linked to times of insecurity Different types of jewellery such as necklaces bracelets bangles pendant earrings and rings were hoarded along with a large number of silver coins of Celtiberian origin20 Vaccean settlement was concentrated linked around large urban nuclei which were usually between 5 and 20 hectares however some may have exceeded 40 hectares They have large spaces between them and no hierarchy following a population model that appears to date back to the 4th century BC21 The largest Vaccean oppida would have had a population of a few thousand inhabitants between 1 500 and 5 000 many more than the previous modest communities of the Soto group The Vacceans cities of which the most prominent are those of Pallantia Rauda Cauca Pintia 22 Fig 3 2 and Septimanca 20 21 22 Delibes et al 1993 Sacrist n 2011 Sanz and Velasco eds 2003 display walls of adobe and wood with deep ditches extensive residential areas and suburbs beyond the walls with districts for craftsmen such as Carralace a in Pintia with potter s workshops and large ceramics kilns Fig 3 6 areas for depositing rubbish etc The streets were fairly regular and divided up the housing into blocks made up of rectangular houses although unfortunately we have few details on the Vaccean urban planning due to a lack of extensive excavations In urban centres such as Viminatio Brigeco and Amallobriga the aerial photograph allows a regular layout to be identi ed with at least one long street bisecting other perpendicular streets The houses were rectangular with adobe walls covered with mud internal compartmentalisation and grass covered roofs opening out to the streets that are sometimes paved and have a central drainage channel as seen at Melgar de Abajo Valladolid A certain degree of variation can be seen in the characteristics of the domestic units and their internal organisation with single oor dwellings alongside others more complex with examples in Pintia Fig 3 3 4 and Rauda In Las Eras de San Blas de Roa Burgos the Vacceans city of Rauda one such dwelling has been recorded as relating to the most prominent sector of the population Fig 3 8 dating from between the end of the 3rd century and the middle of the 2nd century BC It has a rectangular ground plan with wooden posts and adobe walls opening on to a street with an entrance portico ve rooms of different sizes and a basement It has a larger noble area in the front of the building and other areas devoted to culinary work and storage to the rear with a large kitchen and other smaller associated rooms including a wine store a well known feature in Numantia23 We have less information about the sacred areas although in the village of Plaza de Castillo in Cuellar Segovia 24 what would appear to be a sanctuary for domestic worship has been identi ed dating from the 5th century BC These urban centres were authentic city states and literary sources stress the importance of these Vacceans oppida when they indicate that the Roman campaigned against speci c cities or make allusions to the councils of elders and assemblies that had the capacity to choose leaders and make declarations of war It has been thought that the fundamental basis of its economy was the extensive cultivation of crops as mentioned by Diodorus according to whom every year elds are divided up for their cultivation giving each individual the fruits of their joint labours This has resulted in the assumption that the Vacceans had a communal agrarian system However 23 24 Abarquero and Palomino 2012 Barrio 2002
226  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  from the    Soto group    offer the    rst stable settlements with pr...
THE CELTIC PEOPLES Figure 3 Vaccaei 1 Dwellings and grain stores in the village of El Soto de Medinilla 2 7 Pintia 2 aerial view showing the position of the oppidum at Las Quintanas with the suggested urban layout the cemetery at Las Ruedas and the industrial area at Carralace a 3 reconstruction of a dwelling with a loom and ovens 4 5 view of the dining area and domestic pottery originating from the same 6 kiln 2 at Carralace a 7 treasure from Padilla 3 8 noble building at the oppidum of Rauda 9 13 cemetery at Las Ruedas 9 Monte Bernorio type dagger and swordbelt with Damascene decoration from tomb 28 10 pommel of a Monte Bernorio type dagger with a symbolic decoration 11 stela with zoomorphic decoration 12 cremated remains and two brooches from tomb 89 13 grave offerings and sacri ces at tomb 127b belonging to a girl from the upper class 1 according to Sanz and Romero eds 2007 2 3 and 6 according to Sanz and Velasco eds 2003 4 5 and 13 according to Romero et al 2009 7 and 9 according to Sanz and Mart n Valls 2001 8 according to Abarquero and Palomino 2012 10 12 according to Romero and Sanz eds 2010 227
THE CELTIC PEOPLES  Figure 3. Vaccaei. 1, Dwellings and grain stores in the village of El Soto de Medinilla  2-7, Pintia  ...
228 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE perhaps this should rather be seen as a response to exceptional historical circumstances de ned by the war against the Romans even though communal traditions were preserved in the Sayago Zamora shire until the start of the 20th century Raising livestock played a key role in the Vaccean economy above all the breeding of cows and sheep as well to a lesser extent pigs and horses the latter being related to the all important Vaccean cavalry The consumption of adult deer is noteworthy among the hunting activities carried out Their funeral culture was characterised by cremation cemeteries of which unfortunately we only know of around six of these The best studied is the cemetery at Las Ruedas situated some 300 m outside the city of Pintia25 Fig 3 9 13 The community buried at Las Ruedas with almost 300 tombs excavated reveals a large chronology from the end of the 5th century BC to the end of the 1st century AD with a radial model of occupation of the cemetery ground and a clear pattern of social differentiation evidence of highly hierarchical society The summit would be occupied by the equestrian elite such as tomb 75 a Vaccean chief with 25 pieces of grave offerings metal objects with a high value such a dagger with Damascene decoration a caetra or short round shield two spearheads a knife a very complex horse harness and a decorated bone handle the rest were pottery containers and there were also some animal offerings buried Below this we have identi ed another two rows of tombs rich in numerous objects imported elements and symbols of authority especially weaponry The majority of burials have grave offerings containing simple weaponry pottery and glass adornments The lowest row comprises burials without grave offerings with the cremated remains deposited directly into excavated pits On the other hand the cemetery must also have been a place of worship for the living as surmised from the existence of external markers for the graves or stelae Fig 3 11 and the fact that the tombs were not superpositioned The weaponry recovered at Las Ruedas is a good example of the peculiar nature of the Vaccean world with its characteristic short daggers with scabbards on occasions with rich Damascene silver decorations Fig 3 9 10 small round shields both of Monte Bernorio type and some swords of Miraveche type so called because such artefacts were recorded for the rst time as coming from two cemeteries in the provinces of Palencia and Burgos Some tombs offer evidence of funerary banquets relating to the consumption of food as well as goblets bowls or crater for the alcoholic drinks mainly wine Fig 3 13 There were metal items relating to the cooking of meat sometimes in miniature such as iron griddles tongs and knives as well as faunal remains predominantly lamb These dining habits have similarly been documented in domestic environments as seen in the dining area in Pintia dating from the Sertorian era Fig 3 4 5 where its aim was surely to highlight the key role of speci c individuals at the same time as strengthening alliances with or gaining support from the other social classes26 We also know about other rituals such as the inhumation of children aged less than one year under the oors of the houses The ritual deposit of domestic animals has also been recorded such as at the mentioned house in Roa These related to the funerary practices of the Ebro Valley and the latter instance of the Mediterranean region The other was the exposure of the corpses to vultures a practice reserved for warriors fallen in combat and there is good degree of textual and iconographic documentation within the Celtiberian group regarding which there is possible evidence in the cemetery at Pintia In this way in general the funerary world of the Vaccaei takes us back to the burial traditions of the Celtiberian region and as such strengthens the idea of acculturation stemming from the eastern lands of the Meseta The Roman writers located the Vettones on the plains and mountain ranges of the Western Meseta and especially between the Tormes Douro and Tagus rivers The Vettones were one of the most important populi of Celtic Hispania27 and predominantly committed to stockbreeding In this region with the disappearance of the Late Bronze Age group of Cogotas I there followed another still little known stage characterised by castle settlements such as Los Castillejos de Sanchorreja vila and El Berrueco El Tejado Salamanca in the highlands and by open settlements typical of the Soto group the Early Iron Age group in the Middle Douro Valley on the lands closest to the River Douro The mountain communities demonstrate an establishment on the land unknown up until now and were receivers of importations and products from the Tartessian world Fig 4 1 2 of the South of the Peninsula who in turn were shaped by trade with Phoenician traders established on Andalusia s coastal regions Worthy of note are the El Berrueco bronzes representations of female divinities of orientalizing origin Fig 4 1 but also ritual dishware and jewellery Fig 4 2 and the model for their characteristic sculptures of bulls 26 27 25 Sanz 1997 Romero et al 2009 242 s lvarez Sanch s 1999 2003 and 2008 ed S nchez Moreno 2000 Barril and Gal n eds 2007
228  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  perhaps this should rather be seen as a response to exceptional histo...
THE CELTIC PEOPLES and wild boars Throughout the 5th century BC a signi cant transformation took place on these western lands of the Meseta on one hand an abandonment or transfer of part of the most important centres and on the other a drastic decline in the exchanges that had arrived from the South caused by the collapse of the Tartessians At the start of the 4th century BC we see a series of developments that have been attributed to a process of celticisation whose origins should be sought for within the Celtiberian region These changes can be summarised in the increase in forti ed settlements many of them with a new ground plan and much larger than those of earlier times the expansion of the cremation ritual and cemeteries containing weaponry and innovations in the material culture that included the generalised use of iron metallurgy and the rst ceramics made on a potter s wheel This archaeological group has been called Cogotas II and also Verracos wild boars Culture due to its characteristic crude zoomorphic sculptures worked in granite that are very much prevalent throughout the entire mountain area of this region The huge reorganisation of the social landscape in the 4th century BC continued up until the 2nd century BC The land seems to be the new economic value and in the case of the Vettones the pastures in particular given the predominant activity of its individuals to stockbreeding fundamentally cows sheep goats pigs and horses They also practiced subsistence agriculture basically the cultivation of dry lands for arable crops wheat and barley in addition to legumes and acorns The strong occupation of the privileged areas can thus be understood such as the Ambl s Valley or the con uence of the Rivers Yeltes and Agueda Salamanca There was a great deal of compartmentalisation of land between communities that lived in large castros that are probably better be categorised as oppida and the verracos sculptures were used as landmarks to divide up pasture areas The most characteristic elements of the Vettones were the castros and oppida the cemeteries the famous zoomorphic sculptures and certain types of pottery such as hand made pottery decorated with a combing technique and certain metal weapons and adornments The Vettonian settlements generally have a new ground plan and are placed on hilltops uvial promontories meanders and on valley slopes They are equipped with good defences ditches elds of sunken stones chevaux de frise and stone walls with towers and occasionally solid bastions The most important settlements such as Las Cogotas Fig 4 3 4 28 La Mesa de Miranda Yecla de Yeltes Saldeana and El Raso enclose large areas of between 20 and 70 hectares with several walled enclosures typical of the Vettonian region even though some areas were most likely designated for keeping livestock These large settlements could have achieved populations of between 800 and 1 500 inhabitants even though the majority of the Vettones lived in small unforti ed farms or in complex structures that housed a few families There is no orthogonal urban planning and the housing was usually made up of free standing square or rectangular units adapted to the topography of the interior of the hillforts We know much about the case of El Raso de Candeleda vila one of the most prominent oppida of the Central Meseta situated on the southern slopes of the Gredos mountain range29 The settlement was occupied between the end of the 3rd century and the middle of the 1st century BC The abandonment of the place occurred during the era of Caesar as con rmed by a hoard comprising various silver pieces a necklace a bracelet a bangle a brooch Fig 4 6 and ve republican denarii that were discovered hidden under the oor of a dwelling The houses formed closed blocks with doors opening in different directions which allows for the identi cation of spaces to move around the generally irregular street They have quadrangular ground plans with a masonry socle and adobe elevation and circular constructions that serve as store rooms They offer a range of different areas but all have a kitchen with a replace in its centre as well as a bench and some have porches over their main entrance Fig 4 5 Most had a loom but only some a small furnace for metalworking often situated outside the dwelling In some cases houses were built outside the walled enclosure and classical sources referred to the existence of a suburb in the conquest of Salmantica by Hannibal in 220 BC The entire settlement has an internal organisation that is quite different to the urban model of the Celtiberians or Vacceans There is little information regarding the public buildings even though we know about possible sacred areas or rituals in the oppidum at Ulaca Solosancho vila This involves two structures carved into the rock a sanctuary with an altar for sacri ce and a sauna30 The sanctuary is a rectangular area carved into the rock that probably would have been covered To the side an access had been carved into a large stone with double steps at the top and a type of platform with various interlinking channels for the ow of liquids Fig 4 8 The sacred nature of the structure can be established due to its parallels 28 29 30 Ruiz Zapatero and lvarez Sanch s 1995 Fern ndez 2011 Ruiz Zapatero 2005 229
THE CELTIC PEOPLES  and wild boars. Throughout the 5th century BC a signi   cant transformation took place on these wester...
230 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figure 4 Vettones 1 Orientalizing bronze from El Berrueco 2 pendant earring from Madrigalejo 3 4 the castro at Las Cogotas idealised reconstruction of the castro and a view of the northerly forti cations with walls strongholds and sunken stone barrier 5 6 oppidum at El Raso de Candeleda ground plan of house D1 and silver bracelet from a hoard 7 the bulls of Guisando 8 altar at Ulaca 9 10 votive altars at Velico originating from the sanctuary at Postoloboso and the goddess Ilurbeda from San Mart n del Trevejo 11 16 cemetery at La Osera spearheads and sword of the Alc cer do Sal type from tomb 1060 area V 11 Damascene sword from tomb LX area III 12 redog and griddle from tomb 514 area VI 13 14 bronze pot from tomb 350 area VI 15 belt buckle tomb 395 area III 16 17 18 cemetery at Las Cogotas scabbard and swordbelt of a Monte Bernorio type dagger tomb 418 and a so called front n type dagger tomb 605 1 2 6 9 and 16 according to Barril and Gal n eds 2007 3 according to Ruiz Zapatero and lvarez Sanch s 1995 4 photo A J Lorrio 5 according to Fern ndez 2011 7 8 photo J R lvarez Sanch s 10 photos J C Olivares 11 12 and 17 18 according to E Cabr 13 15 according to lvarez Sanch s 2009
230  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figure 4. Vettones. 1,    Orientalizing    bronze from El Berrueco  2...
THE CELTIC PEOPLES with the Roman world the most expressive example of which is the Portuguese sanctuary at Panoias with its Latin inscriptions that allude to the animal sacri ces carried out there The entrails of the victims were burned in niches or basins and the blood poured into other cavities towards the lower part of the rock whilst the deities were worshipped The sauna at Ulaca is a rectangular structure also carved into the rock and offers three distinct areas a more extensive ante chamber a smaller chamber with two benches each side and the oven or re chamber It has been linked to the initiation baths of the warriors such as the pedras formosas the famous saunas of the Cultura Castre a or Castro Culture from the North West Fig 7 7 and would prove the reference made by Strabo that alludes to the steam baths taken by the inhabitants of the areas surrounding the Douro river We have also learned about some Vettonian gods through the votive altars of the Roman era such as Velico with a series of inscriptions originating from Postoloboso Candeleda Fig 4 9 and Ilurbeda Fig 4 10 The best known Vettonian burial sites were excavated during the rst decades of last century Fig 4 11 15 Las Cogotas with 1 613 tombs Fig 17 18 and La Osera with 2 230 tombs Fig 16 A few recent excavations have extended our knowledge of the funerary world of the Vettones but with a much lower number of graves such as El Raso with 123 and other cemeteries found in Extremadura The Vettonian cemeteries shared their own series of features 1 the ritual of cremation 2 tombs with urns in pits sometimes with small protective stones and on other occasions with stelae as in Las Cogotas and in small burial mounds or tumuli with examples at La Osera and La Coraja 3 their location opposite to and near the settlement gates 150 300 m 4 proximity to streams and 5 concentration of graves in well de ned areas with empty spaces between them 4 in Las Cogotas and 6 in La Osera that have been interpreted as areas for the tombs of family or kingroups The astronomical knowledge of the Vettones is clear to see in the layout of the cemeteries as the case of La Osera would appear to prove The nding of two inhumed skulls has been linked to the opening and closing rituals respectively of the cemetery area31 We have no information regarding cemeteries the far West of the Vettones territory either because they have not been located or more probably because perhaps they shared the burial customs of the Atlantic regions and the North Western peninsula that excluded the cemetery areas and whose rituals have failed to leave any recognisable archaeological 31 Baquedano 2013 trace Some of the tombs of the cemetery at La Osera are among the richest discovered on the Meseta such as no 201 area I II and no 514 area VI They contained some exceptional weapons horse harness that con rms the equestrian nature of the individuals buried and a complete aristocrat banqueting service as is the case of no 514 that included a redog Fig 4 13 a bronze cooking pot and its trivet a griddle Fig 4 14 some tongs and 3 roasting spits that permits these to be interpreted as elements of prestige linked to ritual banquets of meat for the warrior elite32 Other tombs although less rich offer equally exceptional pieces some with Damascene decorations such as swords and various weaponry Fig 4 11 12 belt buckles Fig 4 16 brooches cooking pots Fig 4 15 etc The analysis of the funerary grave offerings between the 5th and 2nd centuries BC has allowed for a social reading of the Vettonian communities The cemetery at Las Cogotas provides a good illustration of the society model Out of the 1 447 tombs recorded only 224 contained grave offerings which represent 15 5 of the total The ranges or categories identi ed are as follows 1 warriors with sumptuous grave offerings weaponry and horse harnesses We can distinguish between various levels of wealth and they comprise little more than 18 of the tombs with grave offerings The weapons include antenna swords with their pommels and scabbards decorated with silver Damascene some long swords of La T ne type and some falcatas the famous Iberian sword with a curved blade daggers of Monte Bernorio type Fig 4 17 so called front n Fig 4 18 and bidiscoidal type daggers spearheads shields or exceptionally a helmet 2 artesans with chisels and some tools that represent around 5 3 women in general associated with spindle whorls and small adornments bracelets rings brooches account for almost 20 and 4 individuals with no particular af liation and poor grave offerings pottery bowls and some simple adornments that represent the vast majority with 57 5 of the total of tombs with grave offerings Apart from this we nd the great mass of the population without any grave offerings in their tombs that presumably would correspond to simple peasants and perhaps even slaves The verracos are the typical Vettonian sculptures of wild boars and bulls carved into granite blocks and always depict the full body of the animals on their pedestals Fig 4 7 The sizes vary from a little under one metre in length and half a metre high to enormous pieces exceeding two and a half metres Within the schematics of the carvings sometimes anatomical details have been 32 lvarez Sanch s 2009 231
THE CELTIC PEOPLES  with the Roman world, the most expressive example of which is the Portuguese sanctuary at Panoias, wit...
232 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE added such as very well de ned sexual organs these are always male The sculptures of which around 400 are known today extend throughout the Western Meseta Extremadura and the Portuguese region of Trasos Montes They comprise a speci c cultural manifestation of the Vettones unparalleled in other peninsular Celtic groups The chronology of the verracos that is almost always found outside well de ned archaeological contexts is hard to establish in each case but generally their presence in non Romanised castros allows them to be dated between the 4th and 1st centuries BC with their abandonment prior to the Roman conquest On some sculptures the Latin inscriptions they bear date back to the 1st and 2nd centuries AD and thus seem to be an indigenous survivor that was reused in the Roman age It is even possible the inscriptions to carved pieces were only added in Roman times The meaning of these enigmatic sculptures arouses controversy The rst interpretations based on the verracos that appeared in some castros or close to their gates attribute a more magical or religious meaning relating to the protection and fertility of the cattle which was the principal source of wealth for these people In Roman times some verracos were used as cupae to cover burials as evidenced by the excavations at Martiherrero vila However those that display Latin inscriptions could have a funerary signi cance as they carry epitaphs with the names of the deceased and their kin However the majority of pieces appear in in rich lush elds and pasture land close to water sources and several kilometres away from the settlements We think that these examples could have served as a type of landmark or visual marker on the landscape to signal pasture areas and vital resources for the cattle during the summer months or during periods of drought controlled by the ruling elite of the castros In this way the sculptures could represent one further element in the planning and exploitation of the territory by the Vettonian stockbreeding communities The idea of considering the verracos as the demarcation of areas of property or control corresponds well with the type of hierarchical society that we have seen in the cemeteries of these peoples with an aristocracy that would probably be based on the wealth garnered from possessing a large number of heads of livestock The exploitation of the land the access to the pastures and the control of the agricultural and livestock resources would have been the pillars of power of these ruling groups during the Second Iron Age The Southern Meseta Carpetani and other Celtic peoples The Carpetani were located in an extensive territory situated around the middle valley of the River Tagus33 They are mentioned on diverse occasions within the framework of the Second Punic War appearing in Polybius as a powerful nation around whom important peoples were situated such as Celtiberi Vaccaei Vettones and perhaps even Lusitani and Oretani Its main towns included Toletum Complutum Consabura and Contrebia Carbica if we accept that the place name of this city located in the environs of the Celtiberian Segobriga refers to the Carpetani Literary sources are silent as from the start of the 2nd century BC which in conjunction with successive records of the Celtiberians being protagonists of warlike events that at that time were taking place in Carpetanian territory could be interpreted by the sources on the start of the conquest as an indication that the Carpetani were thought of as being Celtiberians Although the supposed lack of ethnic identity of the Carpetani has been pointed out the prolonged use made by literary sources of the concept of Carpetania could suggest that it responds to a well de ned cultural reality34 The Celtic character of the Carpetani could be supported by the inscriptions on minted coins such as Konterbia karbika Fig 5 12 and Kombouto by the personal names and place names of the Carpetanian territory by the presence in the area of organisations of a supra family type expressed by plural genitives by the identi ed names of their gods and by the practice of the hospitium con rmed by the presence of hospitality tessera Fig 5 11 To this has to be added archaeological evidence such as horse brooches that are linked to the elite Hispano Celtic horsemen in this territory as well as certain bronze or pottery pieces that demonstrate the Celtiberian in uence on the region Fig 5 7 9 At the start of the 1st millennium BC following the stage of Cogotas I 1200 900 BC that forms part of the Late Bronze Age in the centre of the Iberian Peninsula diverse regional groups appear that characterise the transition from the Late Bronze Age to the Iron Age in the lands of the middle valley of the River Tagus These include Pico Buitre and San Antonio that incorporate new developments arriving from the Ebro Valley that are linked to the Urn eld Culture as well as others from the southern and eastern regions of the Peninsula35 These are small unforti ed settlements close to the courses of rivers with a predominance of round and oval dwellings although there are some with a rectangular ground plan that form small relatively egalitarian and self suf cient 33 34 35 A summarised overview by Torres 2013 About the demarcation of the Carpetani territory Blasco and S nchez 1999 For the most recent contributions vid D vila ed 2007 Ruiz Zapatero and lvarez Sanch s 2013 347 Ruiz Zapatero 2007 Torres 2013
232  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  added such as very well de   ned sexual organs  these are always male...
THE CELTIC PEOPLES communities The nding of redogs in various settlements in the area whose prototypes have reference to the Ebro Valley could be linked to the cult of the gentiliate based domestic home We have no information about its cemeteries even though the cremation tomb at the cemetery of Palomar de Pintado Villafranca de los Caballeros Toledo within the con nes of Carpetanian territory appears to date from the 10th 9th centuries BC36 This would suggest that the arrival of the cremation rite would have been somewhat earlier than that hitherto understood as has occurred in other not too distant territories of Iberia such as the high valley of the Tagus or the South East of the Meseta During the Early Iron Age these settlements offer a panorama that is not so different to the earlier phase a scattered rural population with settlements located on both the plain and on the high ground We nd small oval huts alongside other quadrangular buildings of enormous dimensions The rst cremation cemeteries now emerge that appeared in the region towards the end of the 7th century and the 6th century BC with grave offerings that give a clear indication of a lack of symmetry Alongside simple bronze adornments we nd exceptional objects such as brooches tweezers for depilation and necklaces all made of bronze and an iron knife all of which are pieces that generally denote a strong in uence from the south of the peninsula Weapons are absent something which is a characteristic feature of the Carpetani cemeteries It is worth mentioning the cemeteries from the South East of the province of Cuenca that started its trajectory at around this time such as Las Madrigueras Carrascosa del Campo Fig 5 13 El Navazo La Hinojosa and Haza del Arca Ucl s These are all situated in a transition area between the Carpetanian and Celtiberian territories as in this vicinity the cities of Contrebia Carbica and Segobriga caput Celtiberiae were built37 Similarly the inhumation of new borns under the oors of the houses38 has been con rmed proof of the relation between the groups from the Tagus Valley with those from the Ebro Valley and the Northern Meseta An economic and demographic growth is observed as from the Second Iron Age c 450 400 BC that relates to an increase in social complexity This can be surmised from Mediterranean imports of indisputable prestige goods that included metal dishware of Etruscan Italian origin Fig 5 14 Attican pottery some exceptional weaponry etc that is evidence of the growing social complexity of the ancient Carpetani groups The most outstanding information comes from the peripheral areas of the South East and East of Carpetania in the Upper Guadiana Valley such as the cremation cemeteries at Las Madrigueras Haza del Arca and Palomar de Pintado These are evidence of a degree of variation in both burial structures and in the characteristics of the grave offerings with clear examples of the social hierarchisation and in uences from both the Celtiberian and Iberian worlds New types of settlements now emerge with small open farms on at lands and forti ed villages on the highlands mostly in the central territories of Carpetania39 A late hierarchical in uence on the habitat has been noted because the oppida did not emerge until the middle of the 3rd century BC This would seem to suggest that the Carpetanian communities did not achieve the same level of hierarchy as that seen between neighbouring peoples A good example of this type of settlement would be that at El Llano de la Horca Santorcaz Madrid an oppidum dating from between the middle of the 3rd century and the rst third of the 1st century BC that occupied the at summit of a hill It covered an area of some 14 hectares Fig 5 19 that suggests some hundreds of inhabitants40 We know about its urban organisation with blocks of terraced houses separated by cobbled streets laid out more or less to a rectilinear plan with open spaces Fig 5 1 The dwellings appeared to be compartmented with halls or entrance porches main living rooms with a replace and rooms for storing and handling food with hearth ovens benches and other domestic elements Fig 5 2 3 The inhabitants of El Llano de la Horca extensively cultivated the dry land for arable crops mainly barley and different types of wheat as well as stockbreeding sheep and goats cows and to a lesser extent pigs The Celtiberian in uence on the oppidum is evidenced through the presence of coins from that origin as well as some unique pieces such as a bronze plate decorated with geometric shapes and zoomorphs Fig 5 9 and some potteries with a clearly Numantine in uence Fig 5 7 8 Fosos de Bayona Villas Viejas Cuenca identi ed with Contrebia Carbica by the ndings of coins was an oppidum much larger whose end is linked with the Sertorian Wars situated in an frontier zone between Celtiberians and Carpetanians Fig 5 10 12 41 This is a large classic oppidum a forti ed settlement of an urban nature that was built to control an extensive territory with a central location that acted and operated as the capital It stood on a limestone platform 39 36 37 38 Pereira et al 2003 Almagro Gorbea and Lorrio 2006 2007 Blasco et al 1998 250 ss Torija et al 2010 40 41 Urbina 2000 Ruiz Zapatero et al 2012 A recent summary of this oppidum can be found in Lorrio 2012 247 ss 233
THE CELTIC PEOPLES  communities. The    nding of    redogs in various settlements in the area, whose prototypes have refer...
234 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figure 5 Carpetani 1 9 El Llano de la Horca 1 idealised reconstruction of the oppidum 2 3 ground plan and view of a tripartite dwelling from the outside with oven and right hand base of the porch 4 griddle 5 6 bronze bulae 7 8 pottery with Celtiberian in uence 9 bronze plate decorated with birds deer and astral symbols 10 12 Contrebia Carbica ground plan of the oppidum zoomorphic hospitality tessera on which is mentioned the Beronian city of Libia and a minted coin from Konterbia Karbika 13 urn and stela from the cemetery at Las Madrigueras 14 Etruscan Italian olpe from the cemetery at Haza del Arca 15 cinerary urns and small grey plate in imitation of the Campanian Lamboglia 36 from various tombs in the cemetery at Villarejo de Salvan s 16 relief with a heroic scene from El Cerr n de Illescas 17 silver patera from Titulcia 1 9 and 15 17 according to Ruiz Zapatero et al 2012 10 according to Gras et al 1984 11 photo Real Academia de la Historia 12 photo Classical Numismatic Group Inc 13 photo M Almagro Gorbea 14 photo A J Lorrio
234  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figure 5. Carpetani. 1-9, El Llano de la Horca  1, idealised reconstr...
THE CELTIC PEOPLES on the left bank of the River Cig ela and covered a surface area of around 45 hectares structured into three independent walled enclosures interconnected by communicating gateways Fig 5 10 The steepest slopes are found on the North East approach while on the opposite side the gentle topography made it necessary to construct a signi cant defensive system with walls and two ditches the rst of which is in a V section dug out of the rock and subsequently plastered over The second ditch that is not as wide and only identi able via aerial photography shows a possible fence line built around the outside perimeter The name of this settlement appears to refer to a process of sinecism as its rst element Conterbia has been interpreted as con treb a union of tribes or of houses while its second element Carbica very probably refers to the peoples that inhabited those lands Carbica Carpetani As regards the world of beliefs the most prominent nding comes from El Cerr n de Illescas Toledo with the documenting of a gentiliate sanctuary This is characterised by a central replace interpreted as being an altar and a platform with embossed decorations in orientalizing style of two chariots and a winged griffon that alludes to the idea of hero worship Fig 5 16 42 that could be linked to a mythical heroic ancestor Another exceptional piece is a silver patera from Titulcia Madrid with a boss in the form of a wolf s head intertwined with serpents Fig 5 17 that depicts a mythical Celtic gure with examples found on a range of Pre Roman pieces from the Iberian Peninsula The references regarding the Olcades and the Lobetani are very brief and vague as regards the ethnic group to which they belong43 Even though these have frequently been considered as Celtiberian peoples not even their geographical location has been established However this has not prevented different suggestions being put forward in this respect The Olcades would have been one of the Celtic peoples that supported by their own ethnic etymology used to live in the South Eastern area of the Meseta They have only been cited by Livy and Polybius when narrating the Hannibal campaigns from 221 220 BC against the Vacceans and their cities Salmantica and Arbucala For their part the Lobetani are only known through references made by Ptolemy that places them lower down than the eastern Celtiberians Regarding their territory Livy places the Olcades to the south of the Ebro River but does not offer greater precision as to where Based on the vague references offered by literary sources 42 43 Valiente 1994 Lorrio 2007 the trend is to situate them in the eastern part of the South Meseta with suggestions that range from the West of the province of Ciudad Real to the South of Cuenca which has resulted in them being linked with the Celtiberians More complex is the case of the Lobetani thought of as an ethnic group whose lands would have fallen within the Iberian and Celtiberian regions The Olcades and Lobetani could have been situated on the extensive stretch of land that runs through the southern territories of the province of Cuenca as far as the North Western lands of Valencia Here we have found cultural elements sometimes in the same territory that could refer to either Celtic or Iberian in uences including language with its clear ethnic value The Celtic peoples of the South West and Western Atlantic The South West of Iberia to the south of the River Tagus offers a well de ned personality This is the area where the Celtici are located even though Pliny refers to Celts in the region of Baetica They are also the most southerly and would have formed part of the so called Castro Culture of the North West whose southern limit would have been the River Douro The territory was more extensive than the ancient Gallaecia that would have embraced different ethnic groups including the Celtic peoples as cited by literary sources as well as perhaps a signi cant part of the Lusitani despite the current dif culty of giving archaeological content to this ethnic group that for one sector of research would have occupied the territory between the Duero and the Tagus with extensions southwards The presence of Celtici in the South West of Iberia is well attested by both the classics sources and the toponymy Perhaps the most cited reference is that of Pliny III 13 14 who in the middle of the 1st century AD af rmed that they were natives of the Celtiberians and came from Lusitania as demonstrated through their rites their language and in the names of their towns Although the presence of contributions originating from the Celtiberian eld has been suf ciently evidenced archaeological research seems to prove that the Pliny text is nothing more than the Roman interpretatio of a much more complex indigenous reality a reality that plants its roots rmly in the nal moments of the 5th century BC44 The proven arrival of Celtiberians in the area is not in itself enough to explain the existing abundant information that includes a very varied range of Celtic 44 Berrocal Rangel 1992 1998 Fabi o 2001 235
THE CELTIC PEOPLES  on the left bank of the River Cig  ela and covered a surface area of around 45 hectares, structured in...
236 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE elements onomastic linguistic and archaeological some of which are de nitely prior to the Celtiberian presence in Western Iberia Such elements are often grouped under the Celtici ethnonym that seems to leave little doubt regarding the Celtic character of these people From the 4th century BC onwards in the lands of the Portuguese Alentejo the West of Badajoz and the North of Huelva a series of important changes took place with the appearance of hillforts These include forti ed settlements riverside forts such as Capote Fig 6 6 10 and Mesas do Castelinho and small oppida such as M rtola with stone walls and barriers of sunken stones even though the origin of this defensive system in this area probably dates back to the Late Bronze Age45 In addition the presence of hand made pottery with stamped incised and engraved decorations is a characteristic reminder of the Meseta prototypes from the Middle Douro Valley alongside brooches typical of La T ne I and II antennae hilted sword of Alc cer do Sal type Fig 6 5 and some other elements that are linked to the cultures of the Second Iron Age on the Meseta Also in evidence is their work with precious metals in particular the gold plates embossed with human heads at La Martela Badajoz that combine a wholly orientalizing technique with designs that have a clearly Celtic origin Fig 6 1 This evidence together with the disappearance of the writing of the South West the cemeteries with stelae from the Bajo Alentejo or the palatial settlements on the plains all of which highlight the differences with previous cultural contexts re ects a process of celticisation in the form of demographic contributions by small gentiliate groups originating from the Meseta These groups possibly had a Celtic language and religion with economic interests relating to stockbreeding the long distance control of exchange and the exploitation of mining resources There is a paucity of documentation regarding the burial rituals of these Celts of the South West with few known cemeteries whose such varied structures and grave offerings do not appear to re ect the dominant ethnic background In contrast we do have good records regarding aspects of the religious ritual The secondary votive hoard at Garvao Ourique in the Portuguese region of Baixo Alentejo is particularly noteworthy Fig 6 2 4 46 including hundreds of pottery pieces of different sizes Among these the following stand out due to their singular nature scent burners and an urn with a moulded decoration in addition to a series of gold and silver plates with 45 46 Berrocal Rangel 2003 Beir o et al 1985 eye motifs Another prominent case is that of the communal chthonic altar in the castro at Capote Higuera la Real Badajoz 47 The sanctuary at Capote Fig 6 9 10 was situated in the highest area of this settlement in the Celtic Baeturia that is in addition its centre and open to what would seem to be a central street that leads towards the main gate of the hillfort The sacred ceremony would have involved a large community banquet accompanied by sacri ces carried out around an altar stone facing the SouthWest with a bench running around it The bones analysed indicate the sacri ce of some two dozen animals cows goats pigs horses and deer thus con rming the ritual character of commonality of the nd On the altar and in its environs the remains of replaces and different types of materials have been recorded among which we can highlight three hundred sets of goblets and bowls belonging to a number of participants around thirty scend burners as well as 127 spindles whorls that could have been contained in one of the goblets a range of metal objects relating to the banquet a coal shovel a spit a griddle and curved knives weaponss a falcata a soliferreum spears and a possible shield boss spurs and the possible remains of horse harness ornamental objects quartz and glass paste beads rings and bangles and so on To this evidence must be added the step altars carved into the rock at El Cantamento de la Pepina Fregenal de la Sierra and Rocha da Mina Redondo vora 48 Fig 6 11 This is a type of sacred area with evidence in the centre and west of Celtic Hispania with examples as notable as the already mentioned altar at Ulaca in Vettonian territory Fig 4 8 As we have indicated the South West is not lacking elements of probable Celtiberian provenance that could date back to the 3rd and 2nd centuries BC such as La T ne type and antenna swords bidiscoidal daggers possible signa equitum and some horse brooches To these we should add certain personal names such as Ablonios Fig 6 7 and Celtibera and above all place names such as Nertobriga and Arcobriga elements that date back to the 2nd century BC or even slightly later The limited spread of these elements does not allow us to identify an increased Celtiberian component nor does it explain the strong cultural personality of the lands of the peninsular South West despite the evidence of so many weapons and brooches in addition to the linguistic and place names mentioned that could be related to the Celtiberian military presence in the region This would date back to the time of the Lusitanian Wars or even more recently The identi cation of the Celt47 48 Berrocal Rangel 1994 Berrocal Rangel 2010 274
236  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  elements  onomastic, linguistic and archaeological , some of which ar...
THE CELTIC PEOPLES Figure 6 Celts of the South West 1 Gold plate from the castro at La Martela 2 4 ritual hoard at Garv o silver plates with eye motif scent burner and urn with perforated handles and moulded decoration 5 antenna sword from Alc cer do Sal 6 10 El Castrej n de Capote walls and entrance bastion view and ground plan of house LE B from level 2 pottery with the inscription Ablonios altar and pottery recovered from the votive deposit 11 rupestral sanctuary at Rocha da Mina 1 7 8 according to Berrocal Rangel 1992 2 according to Beir o et al 1985 3 4 photos Museu Nacional de Arqueologia e Etnologia Lisbon 5 according to Almagro Gorbea 1991 photo Palazzo Grassi 6 and 10 11 photos L Berrocal Rangel 9 photo A J Lorrio 237
THE CELTIC PEOPLES  Figure 6. Celts of the South-West. 1, Gold plate from the castro at La Martela  2-4, ritual hoard at G...
238 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE iberian coins of Tamusia in the castro at Villasviejas del Tamuja Botija C ceres could explain the origin of such in uences that according to Pliny came from Lusitania within whose boundaries it is situated In short it seems that the process of celticisation of the indigenous peoples of the South West was unequal a consequence of gradual demographic contributions in the form of small groups originating from the Meseta Such groups would have had a social gentiliate organisation have spoken a Celtic language and would have been based on a predominantly stockbreeding economy well adapted to the rich grasslands of the region between the rivers Tagus and Guadiana However by con rming the Celtic nature of the language of the stelae from the South West the presence of Celtic groups in this territory is documented at least from the 7th century BC This would allow for an explanation of personal names such as Arganthonios or the possible identi cation of a Celtic goddess in a drawing at Huelva dating towards the second quarter of the 6th century BC49 The presence of Celtic mercenaries in the South West could explain the possible existence of people of that origin in the cemeteries at Medell n Badajoz 50 and suggests a more complex scenario of celticisation that has been accepted up until now for the lands of the South West of Iberia Numerous arguments con rm the existence of Celtic settlements throughout the extensive territory of the Western Atlantic that stretches between the Tagus and the Cantabrian Sea occupied by Lusitani and Gallaeci even though their origin arrival routes and true identity is still to be discovered51 If we take into account the literary sources and onomastic there is no doubt about the presence of Celtic peoples in the entire Atlantic seaboard of Iberia However the information provided by the scant documents written in Lusitanian the only indigenous language identi ed in the area with the exception of the few documents in the Celtiberian language are less conclusive Even though it is unanimously considered to be an Indo European language Fig 7 8 the majority of linguists do not include Lusitanian among the Celtic languages This however does not get away from its similarities with other languages of this family that leave no doubt as regards the lexicon to which it belongs On the other hand the Celtic archaeological elements discovered in the NorthWest are in the minority and often date to a later era and therefore should be situated within the context of some deeply rooted societies that have had their own evolution since the Late Bronze Age Today it appears to be commonly accepted that the Castro world started in the Late Bronze Age and its transition to the Early Iron Age offered a basic continuity in the form of indigenous evolution throughout the Iron Age to end up being diluted by the Roman conquest of the North West and the consequent process of Romanisation52 This followed a period of great development which generated genuine works from the Castro Culture such as the sculptures of Lusitanian Gallaecian warriors Fig 7 3 and the so called Castro saunas Fig 7 7 These are often attributed to Celtic traditions however as occurs with many buildings interpreted as baths are de nitely of a PreRoman origin This celticisation is fundamentally patent in some aspects of the material culture that prove the existence of some ruling elite probably of a military This is well recorded through statues of Lusitania Gallaecian warriors possibly the heroic gures of notable ancestors or local chiefs and princes as con rmed by one of these monuments that dominates the main entrance to the oppidum at Cit nia de San ns Pa os de Ferreira Fig 7 1 53 Celtic elements can also be identi ed from the rich precious metalwork of the Castro Culture Fig 7 4 6 and their widespread nature could have been enhanced with the appearance at a later period of Celtic minorities that perhaps originated from the Meseta Even though relations with this territory throughout the Iron Age are weak and limited to the eastern lands of the North East failing to penetrate the interior and the coastal areas some silver necklaces and certain models of brooches in La T ne style horse bulae etc Neither it is easy to establish the connection with the South West of the peninsula as indicated by the classic texts that insist on the Celts from the Guadiana River being linked through kinship relationships with those from Gallaecia as the protagonists of a real migration towards the NorthWest in the company of the Turduli This was told by Strabo as an episode of great importance that could have taken place towards the middle of the 2nd century BC54 and would agree with the later chronology contributed by epigraphy and literary sources Some elements are characteristics of a more extensive territory such as the saunas or castro baths buildings whose clearly ritual character has been defended linking them to initiation rites for young warriors55 that are characteristic of the peninsular North West Fig 7 7 some examples of which exist with the Vettones The majority of these examples continue 52 49 50 51 Gamito 2005 576 ss Almagro Gorbea et al 2008 b 1052 s Lorrio 2011 53 54 55 Silva 1986 2001 Gonz lez Ruibal 2006 2007 Silva 2003 47 ss Berrocal Rangel 1998 26 Olivares 2013 Almagro Gorbea and lvarez Sanch s 1993
238  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  iberian coins of Tamusia in the castro at Villasviejas del Tamuja  Bo...
THE CELTIC PEOPLES Figure 7 Celts in the North West 1 2 Aerial view of the Cit nia de San ns and of a domestic building 3 warrior sculpture from Lezenho 4 necklaces from Burela 5 6 brooch pendant and diadem from Vega de Ribadeo 7 ritual sauna at San ns 8 Lusitanian inscription at Cabe o das Fr guas 1 2 and 8 according to Silva 2001 3 4 according to Almagro Gorbea 1991 photo Palazzo Grassi 5 6 according to Garc a Vuelta 2007 7 photo A J Lorrio 239
THE CELTIC PEOPLES  Figure 7. Celts in the North-West. 1-2, Aerial view of the Cit  nia de San   ns and of a domestic buil...
240 IBERIA PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE up to the Roman age the 1st 2nd centuries AD but their indigenous Pre Roman origin con rms the saunas from the castro at Chao Samart n Fig 8 4 in the west of Asturias as dating from the 4th century BC In any event we cannot discount that the gradual celticisation of the Western lands of Iberia was above all the result of a peculiar culturalisation the progressive or accumulative celticisation referred to by Almagro Gorbea whose origin could possibly be embedded in the Proto Celtic peoples of the Atlantic Bronze Age or even in earlier traditions Unfortunately as we have recently noted56 we still have no keys that explain the process The case of the Lusitani is particularly complex Its boundaries are not easy to establish mainly due to generally inaccurate rather than clearly contradictory records in this regard This would explain the different suggestions that have been put forward in respect of their location 57 Thus we nd them on the lands to the south of the Tagus River if we take into account the eld of the warlike con icts of the 2nd century BC in which the Lusitani played a leading role and other records provided by authors including Orosius and Artemidorus They are also all along the Atlantic seaboard of Iberia to the north of the Tagus that as told by Strabo would encompass the Gallaeci as well as in a more southerly location between the Duero and the Tagus and the territories immediately to the south of the latter river as can be gathered from the works of Ptolemy Although the Lusitani are not recognised by the literary sources as being a Celtic people the Celtic nature of the socalled Lusitanian language results as we will see controversially in the identi cation of a strong Celtic presence throughout this territory with good examples of this in the place names of the area The Lusitani encompass diverse minor groups as according to Strabo thirty different peoples or tribes used to occupy the lands between the Tagus River and the Artabri of the north of Galicia This would indicate that the Lusitani were a combination of populi without ruling out that as circumstances require the term could include other peoples such as the Celtici or the Vettones Despite the little impact that the records contributed by Strabo have had on recent historiography that focuses on identifying the boundaries of the Lusitani there are arguments that do corroborate the Strabonian text such as the characteristic anthroponymy and theonomy of the West of Iberia whose geographical distribution coincides58 with the territory Strabo attributes to the Lusitani 56 57 58 Lorrio and Ruiz Zapatero 2005 227 P rez Vilatela 2000 Alarc o 2001 311 ss Almagro Gorbea 2009 15 ss Guerra 2010 95 Salinas 2012 Olivares 2000 2001 The peoples of the North No less complex is the analysis of the Cantabrian seaboard of the Iberian Peninsula where at the end of the Iron Age the literary sources place a series of peoples situated on both sides of the mountainous ranges that traverse this region from East to West59 From the viewpoint of archaeological record however substantial differences can be observed between the groups to the North of the Cantabrian Range and the Basque Mountains and the inland groups that occupy the Northern borders of the Meseta much more open to the in uences of Vacceans and Celtiberians The North Western area of this territory would have been occupied by the Astures very closely linked to the Gallaecian peoples of the North East and to the Cantabri an aspect already noted by Strabo when he stated that the way of life of these three peoples was similar in all respects Their personality was well de ned due to its distancing from the urban and civilised ways of life Their lands extended from the Gallaecian region to the valley of the River Sella to the East while to the South they occupied the territory from the North West of the Meseta to the River Esla Astura umen that marked the boundary with the Vacceans60 They are even cited as being neighbours of the Vettones In any event we do not know up to what point the indigenous communities prior to the Roman conquest coincided with these boundaries under the Roman administration Unlike the Celtiberi Vaccaei and Vettones the Pre Roman people that occupied the territory of Conventus Asturum during the Iron Age do not seem to be homogenous from an ethnic point of view as the Romans could have used the name of any of the communities of the area such as those that occupied the plains around the river Astura those that used to inhabit the Le n Mountains and adjacent lands or those from present day Asturias between the rivers Navia and Sella to refer to the territory as a whole61 In this way it is possible to differentiate between the groups to the North of the Cantabrian Range between the Navia and the Sella and the inland groups from the mountainous regions of Le n El Bierzo and the Zamora highlands and that almost stretched as far as the plains of the Douro River The Asturian castros such as San Chuis Fig 8 3 Chao Samart n Fig 8 6 Pendia Fig 8 5 Llag Fig 8 2 Campa Torres Coa a Fig 8 1 Caravia and many others share some traits with the Gallaeci to the West and 59 60 61 Torres Mart nez 2011 On this topic vid A V 1995 Esparza 2001 Esparza 2010
240  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  up to the Roman age, the 1st-2nd centuries AD, but their indigenous P...
THE CELTIC PEOPLES Figure 8 Astures 1 Idealised reconstruction of the castro at Coa a by Garc a and Bellido 2 ground plan of the castro at Llag 3 view of block wall and round house of the castro at San Chuis 4 idealised reconstruction of a hut at the castro of Moriy n 5 hut for communal use at the castro of Pendia 6 ritual sauna of the castro at Chao Samart n 7 diadem at Mo es 8 necklaces from Langreo 9 10 detail of one of the pendant earrings and treasure at Arrabalde 1 1 3 6 according to Villa 2008 2 according to Berrocal Rangel et al 2002 7 8 according to Garc a Vuelta 2007 9 10 according to Delibes and Esparza 1989 241
THE CELTIC PEOPLES  Figure 8. Astures. 1, Idealised reconstruction of the    castro    at Coa  a, by Garc  a and Bellido  ...