MARTÍN ALMAGRO-GORBEA (EDITOR) IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE: FROM NEOLITHIC TO ROMAN CONQUEST BURGOS, 2014
MART  N ALMAGRO-GORBEA  EDITOR   IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  FROM NEOLITHIC TO ROMAN CONQUEST  BURGOS,...
Any reproduction, distribution, public communication or transformation of this book can only be done with the permission of its authors, with the exceptions permitted by law. Please contact CEDRO (Centro Español de Derechos Reprográficos, www.cedro.org) if you need to photocopy or scan any part of this book. Published thanks to Junta de Castilla y León through Fundación Siglo para las Artes y el Turismo de Castilla y León Photos from the covert: 1, Bowman of Levantine Art from Val del Charco del Agua Amarga (Alcañiz, Teruel); 2, Neolithic vessel from Cueva de los Murciélagos (Zuheros, Córdoba); 3 Fortified main gate of Los Millares (Almería); 4 Pithos burial of El Argar Culture (La Bastida, Totana, Murcia); 5, Naveta of Els Tudons (Menorca); 6, Treasure of Villena (Alicante); 7 Ritual sauna of Briteiros (Portugal); 8 Orientalizing lion of Pozo Moro (Albacete); 9 Pyrenean cromlech of Kausko I, Oyarzum, Guipuzcoa (for further details, see text). © Texts: The authors and the Fundación Atapuerca © Images: The creators and the Fundación Atapuerca © Current Edition: The Fundación Atapuerca and the Universidad de Burgos Publisher: UNIVERSIDAD DE BURGOS SERVICIO DE PUBLICACIONES E IMAGEN INSTITUCIONAL Edificio de Administración y Servicios C/ Don Juan de Austria, nº 1 09001 BURGOS – SPAIN FUNDACIÓN ATAPUERCA Carretera de Logroño nº 44 09198 Ibeas de Juarros (Burgos). ISBN: 978-84-92681-91-4 (Printed Edition) 978-84-92681-92-1 (e-book) Legal Deposit: BU-208. – 2014 Photocomposition: Rico Adrados, S.L. (Burgos) Print: Rico Adrados, S.L. (Burgos)
Any reproduction, distribution, public communication or transformation of this book can only be done with the permission o...
Contents Introduction, Martín Almagro-Gorbea ................................................................................................. 7 Neolithic and Chalcolithic: Towards complex societies ...................................................................... 17 The first Mediterranean Neolithic farmers (VI-V Millennia BC), Bernat Martí Oliver and Joaquim Juan-Cabanilles ............................................................................................... 19 The Neolithic in inland and Northern Iberia, Manuel A. Rojo Guerra ....................................... 43 Mediterranean Iberia in the 4 Millennia, Joan Bernabeu Aubán y Teresa Orozco Köhler .... 71 Southern Iberia in the 4TH and 3RD Millennia Cal. BC, Francisco Nocete .................................... 83 The Chalcolithic in the Central Plateau and its Atlantic fringe (3200-2500 cal. AD), Germán Delibes de Castro .................................................................................................... 95 Bell-Beakers in Iberia, Rafael Garrido Pena ............................................................................... 113 Bronze Age: The complex societies ..................................................................................................... 125 The Bronze Age in Mediterranean Iberia, Vicente Lull, Rafael Micó, Cristina Rihuete y Roberto Risch ........................................................................................................................ 127 The Balearic Islands: From stable human colonisation until the Roman Conquest, Vicente Lull, Rafael Micó, Cristina Rihuete y Roberto Risch ....................................................................... 147 Atlantic Iberia: A threshold between East and West, Marisa Ruiz-Gálvez ................................. 161 Iron Age: The final process to urban life ............................................................................................. 181 The Lusitanians, Martín Almagro-Gorbea .................................................................................. 183 The Urnfields, Gonzalo Ruiz Zapatero ....................................................................................... 195 The Celtic peoples, Alberto J. Lorrio .......................................................................................... 217 Taršiš, Tartessos, Turdetania, Mariano Torres Ortiz ..................................................................... 251 Mediterranean Iberia: the Iberian peoples, Martín Almagro-Gorbea … ...................................... 285 The Vascons, Martín Almagro-Gorbea ........................................................................................ 319 Bibliography ....................................................................................................................................... 325 TH and 3 RD
Contents  Introduction, Mart  n Almagro-Gorbea ..............................................................................
1 introduction
1  introduction
Introduction This book Iberia. Prehistory of the Far West of Europe: From Neolithic to the Roman Conquest is an up to date summary –including future research prospects– of the early history of the Iberian Peninsula, the westernmost extremity –the Far West– of the Old Continent, the last land of Eurasia. This book has been edited for the XVII Congress of the International Union of Prehistoric and Protohistoric Sciences (IUPPS), held in Burgos in 2014, but it is aimed at a general audience seeking to understand the final millennia of this land’s Prehistory, from the first Neolithic populations to the Romanization process. Volume I, Prehistory of the Iberian Peninsula, covers the hunter-gatherer cultures from the first hominins to the Epipalaeolithic or Mesolithic. It presents the main archaeological sites and through them, the contemporary cultural and environmental features. By contrast, Volume II is designed as a series of 15 short essays that form a representative mosaic of the many cultures and peoples that made up the Late Prehistory and the Early History of the Iberian Peninsula from the Neolithic to its Romanization. It therefore offers a view of the last six millennia of history before our era, from the emergence of the first farmers to the predominance of urban life when our lands joined the Roman Empire. In order to fully comprehend the importance of the Late Prehistory and the Early History of the Iberian Peninsula, we need to evaluate its geographical context, a key aspect in its human landscape since Prehistory1. The complexity and 1 For the geography of the Iberian Peninsula, see Hernández Pacheco, E., 1955 and 1956, Fisiografía del Solar Hispano, I-II, Madrid; Schulten, A., 1959-1963, Geografía y Etnografía antiguas de la Península Ibérica, I-II, Madrid; Lautensch, H., 1967, Geografía de España y Portugal, Barcelona; Asociación de Geógrafos Españoles, 1980, Los paisajes rurales de España. Valladolid; Terán, M. de, et al., 1986, Geografía general de España. Barcelona; Floristán, A., 1988, España, país de contrastes geográficos naturales, Madrid; Vilá Valentí, J., 1997, La Península Ibérica, Barcelona; Franco, T., 1998, Geografía física de España, Madrid; Instituto Geográfico Nacional, 2000, Atlas Nacional de España. El medio físico, I-II, Madrid. the location of the Iberian Peninsula, the ancient Hispania of the Phoenicians, Punics and Romans, and the Iberia for the Greeks, is such that it can be regarded as a small microcontinent between the Mediterranean and the Atlantic in the western part of Europe, at the end of Eurasia, very close to Africa, from which it is isolated by the Sahara desert. This is the westernmost of the four peninsulas that articulate the northern shores of the Mediterranean-Anatolia, the Balkans with Greece, Italy and the Iberian Peninsula. The latter three form the Southern Europe, which in turn are a minor peninsula at the western end of the Afro-Asian Continent. The Iberian Peninsula covers 583,256 km2 and is surrounded by the Mediterranean Sea to the east and south and the Atlantic Ocean to the west and north. The Pyrenees form an isthmus less than 500 km long which connects it to the Continental mass, while the Strait of Gibraltar, just 14 km wide, separates it from Africa. Its territory has a great personality and diversity (Fig. 1). Its topography is characterized by a large Central Plateau, part of the ancient Precambrian and Paleozoic Iberian Massif, tilted slightly to the west, which has determined its river basins. This plateau is surrounded by mountain ranges and depressions formed during the Alpine orogeny. Its mountainous nature is obvious in its average height of 660 metres, only surpassed in Europe by Switzerland and Austria, with the highest peak at 3478 m, Mulhacén (Granada). The Central Plateau is surrounded by mostly Alpine orogenic ranges: the Basque-Cantabrian Mountains to the north, the Iberian Mountain Range to the east and Sierra Morena to the south, as well as the Central Mountain Range, which splits the Plateau in two from east to west and separates the Duero basin from the Tagus and the Guadiana. The peripheral zones include the Pyrenees, an isthmus that separates the Peninsula from France, the Galicia Hills in the north-west, the Catalonia Coastal Range in the north-east, and the Baetic System in the south-east and the south. Flat areas
Introduction  This book Iberia. Prehistory of the Far West of Europe  From Neolithic to the Roman Conquest is an up to dat...
10 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figure 1. Physical map of the Iberian Peninsula. are scarce, and include the Guadalquivir Depression in the west and the Ebro in the north-east, along with south-central Portugal, the Valencia coastal plain and the plains on the Central Plateau. In addition to the orographic differences, there are many lithological zones (Fig. 2). The western area has siliceous Paleozoic soils formed by granite, slate and quartzite, rich in gold, silver, tin and copper. These areas are more suitable for livestock grazing than for agriculture, enhanced by their cool, moist Atlantic climate. By contrast, the eastern zones and the mountain ranges of the Alpine fold are predominated by Secondary limestone, with karst formations accentuated by fluvial erosion. In these areas, many of them clad by Holm oak (Q. ilex) and pine forests, life continues in their valleys, based on orchard crops that are irrigated to mitigate the dryness. Finally, in the Guadalquivir and Ebro depressions, the river valleys of the Central Plateau and the coastal plains are predominated by Tertiary and Quaternary clay formations. Their soils are suitable for cereal farming, adapted to the Mediterranean multicropping system of cereals, wine and oil, an association inserted in the early development of urban life during the second half of the first millennium BC. Whenever possible, this production was completed with irrigated orchards. The Iberian Peninsula has over 4000 km of coastline, and indeed 6/7 of its perimeter is surrounded by sea. The coastal strip is narrow and only accessible in some sections of the east and south coasts, with a predominance of rocky coastlines and cliffs to the north, north-east and south-east, with limited access to the estuaries of some rivers, which rarely penetrate more than 30 km inland. The coastline had a rising tendency in the Holocene to -20 m in 9000 BP, and stabilized at -10 m 7,000 years ago, although some coastal zones such as the Basque Country reached 1 to 2 m above the present level at the peak of the Flandrian transgression. Around 5,000 BP, the sea level descended again and then rose gradually to the current level, with
10  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figure 1. Physical map of the Iberian Peninsula.  are scarce, and incl...
INTRODUCTION Figure 2. Geological map of the Iberian Peninsula (Instituto Geológico-Minero de España y Portugal). an increasing loss of the emerged coastal lands. Along with these changes in the sea level, erosion, exacerbated by human activity, also played a role in this process. The consequence was the silting of coastal marshlands, lagoons and estuaries such as the mouth of the Guadalquivir River, the ancient Lacus Ligustinus, and the formation of deltas, such as the Ebro, which began after the peak of the Flandrian transgression around 6500 BP and –with some variations– subsequently intensified due to increasing deforestation. The Iberian climate (Fig. 3) is inserted between the tropics and the Northern Hemisphere temperate zone, and between the Mediterranean and the Atlantic2. It is therefore crossed by Atlantic 2 For climatic details, see García de Pedraza, L. & Castillo, J.M., 1981. “Influencia de la configuración topográfica de la Península Ibérica en sus carácteres meteorológicos y climáticos”, Paralelo 37, 5, 31-42; Capel, J. J., 2000, El clima de la Península fronts and storms associated with the polar jet stream and the tropical high pressure systems of the Azores and Saharan anticyclones. This situation, together with its abrupt topography, has produced numerous microclimates with major variations in temperature and precipitation (Fig. 4), over 2000 mm in some places and less than 175 mm in Almería, with a clear north-west to south-east gradient. There are two distinct climatic zones: one moist - Atlantic (La Coruña: 10.4 °C in January, 19.2 °C in August and 1,008 mm) and the other dry - Mediterranean (Alicante 336 mm, 11.5 °C in January, 25.5 °C in August), tending to subtropical and semi-desert in the south-east Ibérica, Barcelona. For the historic trends, see Jordá, J., 2013, “El marco paleoambiental de la Prehistoria Reciente de la Península Ibérica”, M. Menéndez, ed., Prehistoria Reciente de la Península Ibérica, Madrid, pp. 41-108. For hydrography, see Arenillas, M. & Sáenz Ridruejo, C., 1987, Guía Física de España, 3. Los ríos, Madrid. 11
INTRODUCTION  Figure 2. Geological map of the Iberian Peninsula  Instituto Geol  gico-Minero de Espa  a y Portugal .  an i...
12 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figure 3. Map of climatic regions on the Iberian Peninsula. 1: Moist maritime and Pyrenean, 2: Atlantic, 3a-c: Continental: attenuated, pure and extreme, 4: Mediterranean, 5: Sub-desert. a, Cantabrian Montain Range, Leon; b, Ferramubín, Lugo; c, Dehesa from Las Villuercas, Badajoz; d, Fortuna, Murcia; e, Salobralejo, Albacete; f, Ebro Valley, La Rioja. (Almería: 196 mm). Moreover, the relief around the Central Plateau accentuates its dry, extreme continentality, (Soria: 2.9 °C in January, 20.0 °C in July), a feature in common with other inland areas (Cordoba: 9.2 °C in January, 27.2 °C in July), while the numerous mountain ranges above 1200 m have a characteristic mountain climate. These climatic features were formed during the Holocene, with variations that can be explained in general terms. From the start of the Holocene, the climate on the Iberian Peninsula was dry, with a rising tendency in temperatures and humidity. From the Atlantic onwards (9000-5800 BP) this increase in temperature and humidity rose above current levels, accompanied by the peak development of the Mediterranean forests and the progression of oaks in the Atlantic region. Around 5800 BP, there was a cold, arid episode with a significant drop in the tree cover which marked the start of the Sub-Boreal, a dryer and warmer phase (5800-2500 BP), followed by an optimum climate until 4800 BP, characterized by rising temperatures and rainfall, which again were above current levels. From 4800 BP onwards, there was a
12  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figure 3. Map of climatic regions on the Iberian Peninsula. 1  Moist m...
INTRODUCTION Figure 4. Map of annual rainfall (mm) on the Iberian Peninsula decline in aridity and the inland climate was subject to the Continental Mediterranean features as they are known today, accompanied by increasing anthropogenic activity. From 3250 cal BP, the socalled Cold Iron Age, there was an overall decline in temperatures, increasing aridity, and as a result, desertification and abandonment of the mountain areas, which were gradually reoccupied in the first millennium BC. The improved climatic conditions at the end of this cold swing at the start of the SubAtlantic –2500 BP– facilitated the intense cultural and demographic development in the Iron Age –the Ibero-Roman Humid Period–, dated between 2500 and 1600 BP, i.e. between 500 BC and 400 AD, during which there was a further decline in the arboreal vegetation –denoting greater aridity– and probably more intense human activity. As a consequence of this climate, the Iberian rivers carry little volume apart from those in areas with Atlantic precipitation. Their flow is highly variable and is rainfall-dependent. In some cases they carry massive runoff, exceeding 1 to 1000 in the Guadiana River. Their channels acted as transport routes on the plains, but in many cases the steep topography and abrupt banks associated with irregular flow prevented their transit. For this reason, the transport routes (Fig. 5) were not so much determined by the rivers as by the orography, as in the case of the Via Heraclea which ascended the Guadalquivir Valley from the Gulf of Cadiz and linked up with the Mediterranean Levant coast, the Via de la Plata, which connected all the western inland siliceous areas, and the Via Celtica, which connected the Iberian Mountain Range to the south-west tracking north of the Central System3. The topography and climate have also given rise to a varied flora and fauna, augmented by the geographic isolation of the Peninsula, which enabled many endemic species to survive, especially in the mountain ranges despite ongoing extinctions due 3 For the communication routes in Iberian Prehistory, see Almagro-Gorbea, M., “Las vías de comunicación tartésicas”, in M. Criado de Val, ed., Atlas de Caminería Hispánica (X Congreso de Caminería, Madrid-2010), Madrid, 2011, pp. 20-25. 13
INTRODUCTION  Figure 4. Map of annual rainfall  mm  on the Iberian Peninsula  decline in aridity and the inland climate wa...
14 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figure 5. Mains axes of communication of the Iberian Peninsula (from Ruiz Zapatero). above all to human impact4. In the moist Atlantic areas, mixed deciduous forests of oak, beech and birch predominate. In many areas they have been transformed into meadows by anthropic action. The dehesa (open woodland) landscapes in the siliceous areas of central and southern Iberia are particular interesting. These formations are the result of the conversion of Holm (Q. ilex) and cork oak (Q. suber) forests into sheltered grazing zones for livestock since the 4th millennium BC. In dry Mediterranean areas, Holm oak, Kermes oak and pine forests predominate, along with aromatic shrubs such as rockrose, thyme, lavender and rosemary. Hemp and aromatic 4 For vegetation, see Alcaraz, F. et alii, 1987, et alii, 1987, La vegetación de España. Madrid; Allue, 1990, Atlas fitoclimático de España, Madrid; Carrion, 2005; id. ed., 2012; Peinado M. & Rivas, S., 1987, La vegetación de España, Madrid; Rubio, J.M., 1988, Biogeografía. Paisajes vegetales y vida animal, Madrid. For soils, see Gandullo, J.M., 1984, Clasificación básica de los suelos españoles. Madrid. plants grow on the south-eastern steppes, and the Mediterranean woody vegetation is quite scarce due to anthropogenic activity. In addition, each mountain range has its own cliserie, depending on its location and altitude. Gallery forests can still be found along most rivers, which are still used to irrigate orchards, with agricultural crops that need to be watered concentrated on their banks due to the arid climate, a system documented since the third Millennium BC. Iberia’s complex, articulated topography and lithology have accentuated the geographical differences between regions, with strong contrasts in their relief, soils, climate, vegetation, fauna and consequently, their cultures as well. Added to this physical range there have been a diverse range of cultural and ethnic trends which interacted dynamically with other territories. Three of these exogenous paths stand out in particular. One is the Mediterranean, the major route of cultural and demographic influx from southern Europe,
14  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figure 5. Mains axes of communication of the Iberian Peninsula  from R...
INTRODUCTION and the flow path for prehistoric contacts with the more advanced cultural nodes of the Middle East. This was the route of the arrival of the Neolithic, early metallurgy, contacts with the Mycenaean world and in the first Millennium BC, historic colonisations by the Phoenicians, the Greeks, the Carthaginians and eventually Rome. Another route mainly influenced the siliceous Atlantic regions in western Iberia, with contacts from the Megalithic and Bell Beakers periods with France and the British Isles in the so-called Atlantic World, whose peak was reached in the Bronze Age, probably stimulated by metalliferous exchanges. The third stream arrived from beyond the Pyrenees, and was responsible for linking the Iberian Peninsula to Central Europe. It had peak periods such as the Bell Beakers in the Chalcolithic and the Urnfields in the Late Bronze Age and Iron Age, when contacts intensified between the Celtic populations to the north and south of the Pyrenees, although transPyrenean contacts have always existed at the local scale in the form of livestock transhumance between the mountains and the plains. Finally, we must not overlook North Africa, separate from the Iberian Peninsula only by the 14 km wide Strait of Gibraltar. However, apart from minor local contacts, there is little evidence of activity between the two sides of the Straits due to the demographic barrier created by the growing desertification of the Sahara since the recent Holocene. The above-mentioned differences in the relief, soils, climate, vegetation, fauna and consequently the cultures and peoples of the different regions have led the Iberian Peninsula, from an ethnic, cultural and historical perspective, to be regarded as a small microcontinent located between the Mediterranean and the Atlantic at the southwestern end of Europe, representing the end of Eurasia, close to Africa but isolated from it by the Sahara. In addition to the above-mentioned factors, its broad internal diversity has been accentuated by the range of external influxes received at different times and intensities in different cultural areas. Nevertheless, all these regions possess common cultural features which enable them to be distinguished from others outside the Iberian Peninsula. In this regard, the broad Central Plateau, open to the periphery along various routes (Fig. 5), has always acted as a zone of cultural and ethnic exchange with the peripheral regions since prehistory, giving rise to “systole/diastole” processes with varying intensities of ethno-cultural influence in step with the different time periods and cultural areas that were affected. * This book, Iberia. Prehistory of the Far West of Europe: From Neolithic to the Roman Conquest, is an innovative synthesis with a current perspective on the historical phenomena that took place from the Neolithic until the Romanization of the Peninsula. It has been written with a vision of the future because although it has a traditional structure, it is based on the latest innovative research using a methodology that aims to address the whole interrelated cultural system, from material culture and technology to the economy, society, ideology and religion, in addition to recent DNA-based anthropological studies and the progress made in recent years in linguistics and even prehistoric literature, read through iconography in order to gain an eminently holistic and dynamic view of the cultural process. Examples of this process can be found in the reassessment of Levantine rock Art, the Bell Beaker culture, the presentation of the Valencina de la Conception site as the main Chalcolithic demographic and cultural focal point in the third millennium BC on the Iberian Peninsula, in contrast to previous visions based on sites like Los Millares and Zambujal, and the fresh interpretation of the pre-Roman peoples and cultures in the first millennium BC, which offers a new vision with innovative features such as a new appreciation of the Lusitanians and the Vascons. Each chapter has been written by specialists whose research and publications in their respective fields are well known. This has posed an obvious difficulty for the unification of criteria and terminology, compounded by the diversity of perspectives and interpretations in cutting edge studies. However, these differences between the various essays are considered to be interesting in themselves, as they are evidence of the range of current interpretations and indeed mark the way for future research perspectives. Each author has made a considerable effort to adapt to the nature of this volume in a very short time frame, and they all fully deserve our sincere appreciation. This book has three parts. One focuses on the Neolithic and Chalcolithic, ending with the Bell Beaker Culture, another covers the Bronze Age, with its dual Mediterranean-Atlantic perspective, 15
INTRODUCTION  and the    ow path for prehistoric contacts with the more advanced cultural nodes of the Middle East. This w...
16 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE and the final part addresses the Iron Age, regarded as the final step towards urban life, which ended with the Romanization process, the end of Prehistory on the Iberian Peninsula. The first part, Neolithic and Chalcolithic: Towards complex societies, focuses on changes after the advent of domestication, with its cultural and demographic impact, which led to increasingly complex societies. It is structured into six essays: “The first Mediterranean Neolithic farmers (VI-V millennia BC)” by Bernat Martí Oliver and Joaquim Juan-Cabanilles, “The Neolithic in inland and Northern Iberia”, by Manuel Rojo, “Mediterranean Iberia in the 4TH and 3RD Millennia” by Joan Bernabeu Aubán and Teresa Orozco Köhler, “Southern Iberia in the 4TH and 3RD Millennia Cal. BC” by Francisco Nocete, “The Chalcolithic in the Central Plateau and its Atlantic fringe (3200-2500 cal. AD)” by Germán Delibes de Castro, and finally “Bell Beakers in Iberia”, by Rafael Garrido Pena, which is the transition and link to the next part. The second part is devoted to the Bronze Age: The complex societies, which basically corresponds to the cultures that developed in the second millennium BC and indeed formed an almost direct substrate for the pre-Roman peoples of the Iron Age. This section contains two major essays, “The Bronze Age in Mediterranean Iberia” by Vicente Lull, Rafael Micó, Cristina Rihuete and Roberto Risch, and “The Atlantic Iberia: A threshold between East and West”, by Marisa Ruiz-Gálvez. They are accompanied by a third article on “The Balearic Islands: from stable human colonisation to the Roman conquest”, by Vicente Lull, Rafael Micó, Cristina Rihuete and Roberto Risch, since the cultural structure of the islands basically corresponds to the same period. The third and final part is about Iron Age: The final process to urban life. The final six essays in this volume focus on the pre-Roman cultures and peoples known from classical sources, whose features have been confirmed by current archaeological and linguistic research. The list of titles reflects their varying degree of relationship to the previously discussed Bronze Age cultures and their own intrarelationships. These essays are: “The Lusitanians” by Martín Almagro Gorbea,“The Urnfields” by Gonzalo Ruiz Zapatero, “The Celtic peoples” by Alberto J. Lorrio, “Tarshish, Tartessos, Turdetania” by Mariano Torres Ortiz, “Mediterranean Iberia: The Iberian peoples” by Martín Almagro Gorbea, and concludes with Martín Almagro Gorbea’s “The Vascons”, one of the most interesting and controversial peoples in the Protohistory of Europe, from whom today’s Basques are part descendants. In conclusion, Iberia. Prehistory of the Far West of Europe: From Neolithic to the Roman Conquest is intended to be an overview of the last six millennia of the Iberian Protohistory, from the first farmers to the full development of urban life until the Romanization process. Its purpose is to stimulate all those potentially interested –both specialists and the general public– in the Protohistory of the Iberian Peninsula. The complexity of the cultural phenomena in this period can also help to explain ongoing myths and historical processes whose roots are sunk in these early times, deriving “longterm” process from them. The potential fascination of the Protohistory of the Iberian Peninsula, this small microcontinent at the south-western tip of Eurasia, is, however, also a call for increasingly necessary international scientific collaboration on these highly attractive fields of multidisciplinary research. MARTÍN ALMAGRO-GORBEA Royal Academy of History
16  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  and the    nal part addresses the Iron Age, regarded as the    nal ste...
2 neolithic and chalcolithic: towards complex societies
2  neolithic and chalcolithic  towards complex societies
Bernat Martí Oliver* Joaquim Juan-Cabanilles** The first Mediterranean Neolithic fa mers (VI-V Millennia BC) Introduction Towards the middle of the sixth millennium BC the first Neolithic economic and technological testimonies are documented in the Mediterranean area of the Iberian Peninsula. The chronology of the events are given by C14 dating on specifically Neolithic samples as there are cereal grains and bones of domestic animals. Said testimonies correspond to groups of farmers and shepherds located in certain points of the coast, whose origins according to generally shared visions, must be localized in surrounding areas of the western Mediterranean basin. In fact the occupants of the cave of Can Sadurní, or of the site Les Guixeres in Catalonia, the cave of Les Cendres, or of the site Mas d’Is in the Valencian region, or those of the cave of Nerja in Andalusia to mention some examples, possessed and raised sheep and goats, grew wheat and barley; they had ceramic recipients, tools made of polished stones, flint sickles, and an abundant trousseau heretofore unknown. These are doubtlessly entirely Neolithic groups, an acquired condition from their parents and the former generations in the Mediterranean area establishing their residence in caves and open air sites, and they also used the cavities and rock shelters like necropolis, refugees, corrals and sanctuaries with an evident control of the territory. From their initial coastal enclaves proceeds a fast expansion to the interior and during this process they might have come in contact with local Mesolithic populations will be the plausible origins of reaching the Neolithic age. The following pages are dealing with the personality of these first Neolithic communities and their development through time between the sixth millennium and the middle of the fourth B.C., necessarily in a synthetic way. The indicated bibliography will be selective and the most up-todate as possible, taking into account the extensive sources of information of the published minutes of the different congresses held about the Peninsular Neolithic and some of the recent syntheses of the same period.1 It is also convenient to make clear, as generally accepted, that for the Neolithic chronology C14 dating of short lived and ‘direct’ samples should be used (rest of plants and domestic fauna or human bones), thus trying to reach the highest degree of reliability.2 Models about Neolithization process The emergence of agriculture and herd raising, namely of the Neolithic ‘economy’ in the Iberian Mediterranean seaboard can only be understood from the perspective of the diffusion as we cannot bypass the Near-Eastern origin of the first species of domestic animals. The Neolithic technology (pottery and polished stones) always goes hand in hand with the economic evidence in the oldest coastal habitats which asserts the complete character of the so called Neolithic ‘package’. The partiality of this ‘package’ observed in some of the sites has several possible explanations including the Neolithic ‘functionality’ as well as the Mesolithic age ‘reaching the Neolithic age’, but also other realities of taphonomic character as the so called ‘apparent’ contexts.3 The ample agreement about the Neolithic diffusion cannot conceal the two principal interpretations existing about it. The first one is that the Neolithic is something provided by the people, a vision based on demo-cultural phenomena as the colonialism or the pioneerism,4 with the ultimate reference to the model of the ‘advancing wave’, situating the epicentre of the rampant diffusion in the Near East. The second interpretation stresses a * ** 1 2 3 4 Valencia Museum of Prehistory, bernat.marti@dival.es Valencia Museum of Prehistory, joaquim.juan@dival.es For the congresses: VV.AA., 1996; Bernabeu and Orozco, ed., 1999; Arias, Ontañón and García-Moncó, ed., 2005; Hernández, Soler and López, ed., 2008. For the published syntheses: Martí, 2007; Rojo, Garrido and García, coord. , 2012. Zilhão, 2011. Bernabeu, Pérez and Martínez in Bernabeu and Orozco, ed., 1999. eg. Zilhão, 1997; Bernabeu, 1997; Martí, 2008.
Bernat Mart   Oliver  Joaquim Juan-Cabanilles    The first Mediterranean Neolithic fa mers  VI-V Millennia BC   Introducti...
20 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Neolithic provided between the people, awarding a leading role to the indigenous Mesolithic populations and their networks of relations, and therein circulated the necessary information and the Neolithic ‘items’5 themselves. Combining both interpretations the mostly used scheme for the Mediterranean Peninsular coastal region, the so called ‘dual model’, the old formulation constantly put up-to-date, considers the arrival of Neolithic ‘colonists’ mostly by sea, their territorial expansion, coming in contact with the Mesolithic locals bringing them progressively, but quickly to the Neolithic age, possibly passing through frontier situations.6 As possible zones of origin are usually identified the Italian Tyrrhenian coast and the Ligurian arch, which are indicated by the parentage of certain pottery. The propagation by sea is supported by the isolated character, concentrating in few places on the coast, the first cores of Neolithic settlement and the very small time lag between them. In the last years especially in the case of Andalusia, there has been a revision in favour of a possible arrival of the Neolithic from Northern Africa,7 but there are still many unknown facts due to the weak information actually available. The data often tend to cut across models showing their weakness. Referred to the first half of the sixth millennium BC, the time just preceding the Neolithic “arrival”, the picture of settlement in the Iberian Mediterranean region is marked by wide gaps, particularly affecting Catalonia, south of country of Valencia, Murcia and much of Andalusia;8 the occupied zone is restricted to a strip between the Ebro River to the north, and Júcar River to the south, that is to say the Mediterranean central portion (lands of lower Aragon and north centre Valencia) and possibly to the interior mountain ranges of northeastern Andalusia (Sierra of Cazorla). This settlement corresponds to the last Mesolithic hunter-gatherers, characterized by geometric triangle flint type Cocina as projectile point, which places it in phase B of the recent Mesolithic Mediterranean according to classical systematization of J. Fortea. The previous phase, A, defined by the trapezoidal projectile point, would have its development in the second half of the seventh millennium BC, and would manifest territorially, barely reaching also the Vinalopó 5 6 7 8 eg. Vicent, 1997. A brief history of this model of Neolithization process, the authors involved and literature, in Juan-Cabanilles and García Puchol, 2013. Manen, Marchand and Carvalho, 2007. Juan-Cabanilles and Martí, 2002; Fernández López de Pablo and Gómez, 2009. river (south-central Valencia), in the same Mediterranean central strip. Recently, however, there have been possible reported signs of this phase on the Andalusian coast, in two sites in the Malaga area (caves of Nerja and Bajondillo), which would extent to the Mediterranean data known previously to the Atlantic.9 The Mesolithic people of phase B, then, in theory are those present at the arrival of the first Neolithic, but the meeting between the two, given the gaps in known population centres (i.e. data), can be evaluated only in the spatial domain of Valencia region and Lower Aragon. Still, the reality is that the oldest Neolithic core detected in the Valencian region (between the rivers Serpis and Gorgos and centre-south of the country) is located in an area without clear evidence of the Mesolithic phase B, which is to assume a time lapse of at least four hundred years from the last calibrated Mesolithic settlement designated to Phase A. Evidence confirms this was repeated on the coast of Malaga, at above mentioned caves of Nerja and Bajondillo. Observing the first Neolithic nuclei of the Mediterranean peninsula, the first farmers seem to establish themselves in areas hardly populated or infrequently occupied by Mesolithic hunters, in most cases an idea hard to attribute due to lack of archaeological surveys. Neolithic expansion starts in these first areas of settlement and would produce the first cultural meetings by intruding in Mesolithic territories. The result of this meeting was believed to be seen in phase C of recent Mediterranean Mesolithic, a phase established at the time by J. Fortea to account for certain archaeological assemblages characterized by the sum of Neolithic elements (pottery) and Mesolithic (lytic projectile points), usually in a fixed position within the Mesolithic stratigraphic sequencing.10 These assemblages traditionally read in terms of “Neolithization” Mesolithic, are to be found in inner central Valencia, with the cave of La Cocina as the main reference, and in the area of Lower Aragon, with important sites as the shelters of Botiqueria dels Moros, Costalena, or Pontet. Recent revision of the stratigraphy of La Cocina cave however show of a non homogenous nature the level attributed to the Mesolithic phase C due to the clear intrusion of Neolithic materials,11 which raises questions to the true identity of the assemblages of phase C and as such the terms by which the Mesolithic Neolithization must be recognized. 9 10 11 Aura et al., 2009; Cortés et al., 2012. Juan-Cabanilles and Martí, 2007-2008. García Puchol, 2005.
20  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Neolithic provided between the people, awarding a leading role to the ...
THE FIRST MEDITERRANEA NEOLITHIC FARMERS (VI-V MILLENNIA BC) For now, the assemblages of phase B are the best proof of the last Mesolithic peoples in the Iberian Mediterranean area. The authors responsible of the Mesolithic phase B, therefore, are those who would have witnessed the introduction of the first Neolithic, although the most reliable dating currently available show only a contemporaneity between them of only thirty or forty years, stretching the limits of indeterminacy of time according C14 data; perhaps a coexistence in exclusive territories and initially relatively far apart from one of another.12 Afterwards, all are uncertainties about the model and the results of predictable cultural “meeting”. For what it has to do in the substantiation of certain models of neolithization, comparative analysis of Mesolithic and Neolithic stone tools −the only viable category by which to contrast material culture− show significant differences in the technological and typological levels. Does this mean to say that the occupants, e.g. Cave L'Or, in the nucleus of Valencian Neolithic, and the Mesolithic occupants of the cave of La Cocina, not far from that nucleus, participated in different "traditions" or "styles" to knapping flint blades and to shape arrow heads, "ways of doing” that can be judged to be side by side or with little distance in time. If style is a reflection of the "identity", of the distinctive personality, it must be admitted the reality of the particular Mesolithic and Neolithic identities, and what this would mean in terms of population breakdown. At this point genetic data begins to play a bigger role, through a good selection of "samples" of population and an exclusive use of the ancient DNA for comparison purposes. With respect to the Iberian Mediterranean coast, recent studies indicate that mitochondrial types found in Mesolithic individuals do not match the Neolithic individuals, reinforcing the hypothesis of a genetic break between the two populations.13 The compared samples come primarily from the Mesolithic site of El Collao (6700-6000 cal BC), in Valencia region, and the Neolithic sites of Can Sadurní and Sant Pau del Camp (5000-4500 cal BC), in Catalonia. Beyond the little number and relative geographical distance and time of the samples, the result is significant, although from a future perspective we should consider where possible more stringent analysis of time and space. 12 13 Juan-Cabanilles and García Puchol, 2013. Fernández et al., 2010. Figure 1. Neolithic vessel with impressed Cardial decoration from the Cova de l’Or (Beniarrés, Alicante). Museu de Prehistòria de València. Photograph: From the Museu de Prehistòria de València archive. Pottery and Neolithic groups [Figure 2] Traditionally, the first Neolithic groups from eastern and southern coast of the Iberian peninsula have been assimilated into the cultural mainstream of impressed pottery of the western Mediterranean, the facies represented by the “Cardial” ware (decorative art based mainly in the impression of jagged edge of shells of the former genus Cardium shells), that is a non uniform facies stretching from the Italian Tyrrhenian coast to the Atlantic coasts of southern and central Portugal, as well as the coasts of the Maghreb. “Cardial” ware has thus been generally synonymous to oldest Neolithic period in these coastal areas. In recent times, however, and as in the south of France, the Ligurian arc or the north Italian Tyrrhenian seaboard, an initial period prior to cardial ware has believed to be recognized in some parts of the Iberian Mediterranean area, on the basis of certain pottery remains stylistically distant from the classical cardial ware and dated to or before 6500 BP.14 In the Valencian region, the open-air site of El Barranquet 14 Bernabeu et al., 2009. 21
THE FIRST MEDITERRANEA NEOLITHIC FARMERS  VI-V MILLENNIA BC   For now, the assemblages of phase B are the best proof of th...
22 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figure 2. Excavation of Neolithic settlement of La Draga (Banyoles, Gerona). Photograph: La Draga Team. From the Museu Arqueològic Comarcal de Banyoles.. (6510 ± 50 BP) has a pottery collection in which cardial ware decorations are very minor compared to other printed technique decorations as seen in simple compositions. Standing out is the so called “sillon d’impressions” or “dot and dash” (produced by print and backwards towing of a blunt pointed tool which creates a continuous series of grooves), a technique that would point to the south of France and the Ligurian arc and also appears in the (lower “cabin”) basal levels of Mas d’Is (6600 ± 50 BP), along with other types of impressed decorations, cardial ware included. With the Ligurian area, also, have been related some pieces of pottery from the Neolithic first period (VIIIb level) from the cave En Pardo (6660 ± 40 BP), by the matrix printing used and the resulting decorative design.15 Dating from El Barranquet, in particular, are statistically indistinguishable from the oldest attributable to Cardial ware, so the “antecardial” postulated period would be short-lived. As such it is therefore possible that the materials related to it have gone unnoticed among the collections of classic cardial ware sites. For example, at lower Neolithic levels at the Les Cendres cave (6510 ± 40 BP), motif painted ceramics exist that refer 15 Soler et al., 2013. to southern Italy, and to this area also would see the rocker or en flamme decorations of not cardial ware (pivoting impressions made by curved non jagged shell edges) from the first occupational levels at L’Or cave (5510 ± 160 BP). The non jagged rocker moreover, is documented between the pottery decorations of the initial Neolithic levels at Nerja cave (6590 ± 40 BP), in eastern Mediterranean Andalusia, within a set dominated by impressions of instruments, with evidence of incisions and red slip ware, and with little evidence of Cardial impressed ware.16 Unknown for now in Catalonia, the evidence put forward, as a result of recent excavations and stratigraphic revisions, have led to a new interpretation of the Neolithization of the Iberian Mediterranean coast. According to this, pioneering groups linked to the cultural circle of Italian impressed ceramics from different origins and possibly following different routes (northern Mediterranean basin direction northsouth, southern Mediterranean or North African basin, direction east-west) could have formed the first colonizing period prior to the establishment of the classical complex Cardial ware in Catalonia, Valencia and part of Andalusia, or of the complex impression/incision-red slip ware elsewhere in the latter region. The interest of the proposal in the absence of more data, lies in its ability to explain the observable regional diversity in not too advanced Neolithic times (late sixth millennium BC, Valencia vs. Andalucía, e.g.). If we think of “pottery” diversity, as a good indicator of identity, the Cardial ware impressed decorations as well as non Cardial ware, incised, red slip with ochre, etc., we would find in assemblages associated to the first pioneer Neolithic period: some, Cardial ware in virtually all the assemblages; others, red slip ware only in Nerja. From this initial pottery “stock”, preferences in one or the other direction would mark regional identities. Regardless of this pioneer period, the fact is that from 5500/5400 BC, all Neolithic groups of the Iberian Mediterranean area have Cardial ware decorated pottery. Such pottery and the cultural period which they define are found in the basal levels of the stratigraphic sequences of caves like Can Sadurní, El Toll, El Parco or El Frare in Catalonia; L’Or and Les Cendres in Valencia region; or Carigüela in Andalusia. In the latter region, however, the most complete sequence is from an openair site at Los Castillejos, which also comprises Cardial ware in its early stages. Later (from the 16 Aura et al., 2013.
22  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figure 2. Excavation of Neolithic settlement of La Draga  Banyoles, Ge...
THE FIRST MEDITERRANEA NEOLITHIC FARMERS (VI-V MILLENNIA BC) late sixth millennium BC), a second period we call generically “epicardial” shows that the decoration of Cardium is gradually replaced by printing with jagged instruments like gradinas and combs, and incisions, ribbed and cords mainly with nail or finger marks. At some sites though the epicardial period seems to have developed earlier and absence of Cardial ware pottery levels raises questions of its origin. Such would be the case in those Andalusian settlements (e.g. the caves of Murciélagos de Zuheros or Los Mármoles) that by 5300 BC show the predominance of red slip pottery (red slip consisting of fine clay mixed with iron oxide) and incised line and awl impressions decoration, characteristics of what has traditionally been called the Culture of the Andalusian Caves. And raises the question if it is linked or not to Cardial ware. The same is seen in some sites of Catalonia and in others of the interior of the peninsula, these last related to the Neolithic expansion. The answers would suggest the possibility that the epicardial or some of it’s facies relate to a Neolithization of a Mesolithic substrata yet to be identified, to the development of a pioneer impressed facies (following what would happen, for Andalusia, according with the possible interpretations of the Nerja cave), or even the actual development of Cardial ware. After the epicardial stage, the chronological range of which varies according to the area, the general tendency was a reduction of decorations on vessels and a change to more open forms. In Catalonia from mid fifth millennium various “postcardial” facies can be detected as seen on the lower levels of the Font del Molinot cave. This facies or group extends specially in the central Catalan regions, the vessels have combed surfaces (an effect similar to the finish and decoration, produced by dragging a jagged object on the clay before firing) and abundant relief decorations with crest or slightly enhanced cords and triangular cross section, among which the so-called “whiskers”, formed by cords in an arch shape and pulling on the handles of the cup. To the north of Catalonia, lies the Montboló facies, whose eponymous site is located in the French eastern Pyrenees, which are characteristic undecorated vessels with well smoothed and polished surfaces, fitted with vertical tubular handles. From the end of the fifth millennium BC various facies develop of more limited geographical area, grouped under the term of Catalan Middle Neolithic, represented by the Pit Graves culture. It is a smooth pottery period, where the few decorations are singled out by carved lines (fine incisions on the cooked surface vessels) forming geometric patterns, with par- allels to the Chassey culture of southern France. In Valencia region, it’s own “postcardial” (from the second quarter of the fifth millennium BC), is also defined by combed pottery, with even more exclusivity than in the Molinot facies. Similarly, after 4400BC, pottery with carved decoration becomes the most representative, the precise typology of its keeled forms and their zigzag short linear motifs, evoke relations with contemporary cultures of the Italian peninsula and the Chassey French culture, as in Catalonia. In Andalusia, the “epicardial” generic (Middle Neolithic in the regional classification) covers much of the fifth millennium BC. From 4300/4200 BC begins the late Neolithic, a pottery period of little or no decoration and the beginning of the predominance of the open form vessel, aspects that characterize the last stages of the Neolithic in virtually all areas of the Iberian Mediterranean. Farmers and shepherds [Figure 3] The first Neolithic groups established in the coast of the Mediterranean peninsular are farmers and herders from generations past, and as such where enough information is available a producing economy is documented in settlements and caves. The cultivated species are those already known from the western Mediterranean; hulled wheats (Triticum dicoccum and T. monococcum), free-threshing or naked wheat (Triticum aestivum, T. compactum, T. durum, T. turgidum) and barley hulled and freethreshing (Hordeum vulgare). Legumes such as lentil (Lens culinaris), peas (Pisum sativum), broad beans (Vicia faba), grass pea (Lathyrus sp.), common vetch (Vicia sativa), or bitter vetch (Vicia ervilia). And, exceptionally found, poppy (Papaver somniferum) and flax (Linum cf. Usitatissimum).17 The presence of these species varies considerably between sites. In the Catalan settlement of La Draga the Triticum durum is the major taxon, while Triticum mococcum and hulled and freethreshing barley have a minor presence, along with some legumes and poppy. In the first level of the Neolithic cave of Can Sadurní, also in Catalonia, the most abundant cereal, interpreted as associated with funerary offerings, is the Triticum diccocum. In the Valencian caves of L’Or and Les Cendres naked wheat (Triticum aestivum / durum) and naked barley are predominant, while hulled barley and 17 Antolín and Buxó, 2012; Pérez-Jordà and Peña-Chocarro, 2013; Zapata et al., 2004. 23
THE FIRST MEDITERRANEA NEOLITHIC FARMERS  VI-V MILLENNIA BC   late sixth millennium BC , a second period we call generical...
24 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE wheat (Triticum monococcum and T. dicoccum) appear to play a significant role. In Andalusia, hulled and free-threshing barley, along with hulled wheat (Triticum dicoccum) have been the cereals identified at the Murciélagos de Zuheros cave, while in the settlement of Los Castillejos free-threshing wheat, hulled wheat (T. monococcum) and free-threshing barley are dominant. In addition to vegetables, in Los Castillejos the presence of poppy and flax is found. The cultivation of flax is proposed from the transition from sixth to fifth millennium BC, while the domestication and use of opium, as nourishment for their oil content or for its psychotropic properties, is already proposed as early as the sixth millennium BC, as in the case of La Draga or Murciélagos de Zuheros. A unique find, already in the fifth millennium, is the poppy capsules deposited inside baskets of esparto grass in the Andalusian burial cave of Murciélagos de Albuñol. It has also been found consumed among individuals buried in one of the Catalan mines, Can Tintorer, in the early centuries of the fourth millennium BC. The Neolithic crop system would seem to be based on the exploitation of small permanent plots in which different species of wheat and barley are planted together, perhaps to prevent the risk of crop failure, although some deposits appear to be of an early selection of species, as in La Draga and Can Sadurní. In Font del Ros, in northern Catalonia, in a set of 45 pits, the best represented species, Hordeum vulgare and Triticum diccocum, exhibit differential distribution, appearing only in one pit together.18 In Los Castillejos the evolution of size of grains of wheat and barley, as well as variation of isotopes C13 and N15, point to a decrease in grain size and yield during the Neolithic occupation of the settlement, either from causes related to the environment or by a decrease in soil fertility, which would result in increased difficulties for its inhabitants.19 In this Andalusian village, as in the Catalan La Draga, areas related to cereal roasting are identified, and in a general way, here and there, we find tanks and silos for storage of grains, all expressing the importance of agriculture, as well as flint sickles, digging stakes or querns, which can be interpreted a proof of the progressive influence of human action on the natural environment, a morphogenetic factor which actively intervenes in areas related to living places. When the Neolithic culture appears in the peninsular Mediterranean coastal regions, the 18 19 Pallarés, Bordas and Mora, 1997. Rovira, 2007; Aguilera et al., 2008. Holocene forest dynamics had reached its climax. In drier and warmer areas the holm oak was fully established, in wetter regions was the oak and in the mountain ranges coniferous. If we take the Valencia region, in the period between midsixth and fourth millennium BC pollen analysis at sites such as L’Or and Les Cendres, as well as natural areas such as peat lands of Torreblanca and Casablanca-Almenara or the marsh of Navarrés show little marked climatic fluctuations, more marked by regard the degree of moisture, resulting in a landscape of mixed Mediterranean forest with its thermophilic scrub and the predominance of pines, holms or gall-oak under the local conditions and times. These analyses suggest the existence of deforested tracts around the inhabited nuclei, as a result of cultivation and grazing. However, the anthracological analysis does not detect these vegetation changes during the early agricultural changes of these and other sites, which would suggest that open spaces for crops would remain stable. It will be well into the Neolithic, in relation to a larger demographic, when these processes of deforestation will be visible, to be followed by hillside erosion, sediment movement and the alluvial formation of valleys, concluding with the formation of deltas and coastal perimeter regularization, the latter in conjunction with the rise of sea level.20 Crop farming is supplemented by an equally important livestock and with it the need for pasture in the vicinity of the dwelling places. Also we find the same uniformity with all domesticated livestock in the western Mediterranean, with sheep (Ovis aries), goat (Capra hircus), cow (Bos taurus) and pig (Sus domesticus), in addition to the dog (Canis familiaris).21 Sheep are the main animals here and the percentage of their bone findings are considered representative of the pastoral component in the Neolithic economy, which often refers to groups of half herders and half farmers. With the procurement of meat, the importance of milk is added, as follows from the analysis performed on the pulp of some pottery vessels, particularly those with handle spout, formed by a pouring spout and a bridge that joins to the vessel wall, present since the early Neolithic phases in Valencia and even more in Andalusia. For advanced Neolithic times, some bone deformities and elevated age of cattle, would suggest their use for strength in agricultural work and moving loads. 20 21 Carrión García, 2012. Saña, 2013.
24  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  wheat  Triticum monococcum and T. dicoccum  appear to play a signi   c...
THE FIRST MEDITERRANEA NEOLITHIC FARMERS (VI-V MILLENNIA BC) Pastoral activities are attested in the Neolithic levels of a large number of cavities by the remains of ovicaprid droppings, which indicates the enclosure of this type of livestock. From north to south the evidence is repeated in the Catalan caves of La Guineu or Can Sadurní, in the Valencian caves of Les Bruixes, L’Or, Les Cendres, La Falguera or En Pardo, or the Andalusian cave of El Toro. In some caves we have evidence of their use as habitat, together with the open air settlements, during the second half of the sixth millennium BC, and as such we can place a change in functionality towards specializing in livestock to the end of the millennium, demonstrated by strong levels of corral caused by combustion of excrement. At these corral levels, anthracological analyses shows the presence of abundant plants that relate to the provision of food for sick and young animals, as with the presence of wild olive wood at Les Cendres or ash in La Falguera and L’Or.22 Important activities are also the collection of plants, hunting and fishing. The remains of wild animals exceed a quarter of those identified in caves like La Carigüela in Andalusia and L’Or in Valencia. The rabbit often provides the greatest number of remains, although their meat yield is significantly lower than that of other hunted species. The deer usually occupies a prominent place, accompanying the boar, aurochs, deer, mountain goat or horse, depending on the environment. As regards fishing, there are numerous caves and settlements located near the sea from early Neolithic times, such as Sant Pau del Camp or El Cavet, in Catalonia, El Barranquet or Les Cendres in Valencia, or Nerja and the caves of Humo complex, in Andalusia, whose territory would reach the present coastal boundary towards 6000 BP, after the maximum sea level of the Flandrian transgression. We also see coastal location for settlements that start at the beginning of the fifth millennium BC, as at Costamar or Tossal de les Basses in Valencia region. In addition to the noted presence of seashells among the elements of ornament, or as tools to decorate pottery or contain colouring, numerous evidence also indicates the use of molluscs and fish as food. As such, in the cave of Nerja, where seabird hunting gained importance along side fishing, and at Les Cendres remains of grouper, pagro, scup, sea bream and sea bass, among other fish have been found. And at both sites and Sant Pau del Camp an accumulation of limpets and sea snails, indicate the exploitation of rocky coastal environments. Other 22 Badal, 2002; Carrión Marco, 2005. Figure 3. Wooden sickle handles and elbow shaped tool for cutting, from the Neolithic settlement of La Draga (Banyoles, Gerona). Museu Arqueològic Comarcal de Banyoles. Photograph: A. Casanova. From the archive. coastal sites such as The Barranquet, Bolumini and Tossal de les Basses in Valencia, also exploit the nearby coastal lagoons to collect cockles. At Tossal de les Basses there are many circular depressions filled with stones, which may be interpreted to cook steamed shellfish.23 Potters, knappers and craftsmen [Figures 4 and 5] Pottery vessels are the most visible part of the Neolithic material culture, a new technology that is also shared with the entire western Mediterranean. The multiple functions of these vessels from simple containers to vessels related to the cult, or first culinary utensils that can be exposed to direct flame from home, resulting in a large variety of shapes, added to which a wide range of decora23 Marlasca, 2013; Rosser and Fuentes, 2007. 25
THE FIRST MEDITERRANEA NEOLITHIC FARMERS  VI-V MILLENNIA BC   Pastoral activities are attested in the Neolithic levels of ...
26 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE tions, especially in the early Neolithic stages.24 As we have seen, decorative techniques, for their easy identification and fast change over time, have traditionally been taken as the characteristic element of the evolutionary stages of the Neolithic as well as a marker of different “cultural” territories. From studies on pottery technology concerning the compositions of clay, modelling forms, ovens and cooking temperatures, etc., we can note that analyses made on clay vessels, especially Cardial and epicardial sets, suggest that the ground used usually comes from deposits close to settlements. It would, therefore suggest, a locally produced pottery, however based on the morphological and decorative patterns, technological in short, with a large intraand inter-regional background. If we focus on the morphology of the vessels, this shows a remarkable variability in the early Neolithic times, evidence that it is an already wellestablished craft at that time. This variability can be seen in the Cardial ware assemblages from the Valencian nucleus. So, next to a large production of hemispherical and globular bowls, the pottery sample of L’Or and La Sarsa, consist of flat bottomed tumblers, cups with handle-spout, pots of different morphologies -globular, with differential edges-, jars or bottles of various sizes -containers with the neck more or less marked-, storage containers -trunk-conical, cylindrical, ovoid and globular, of various sizes-, also bottles, pots, twin vessels, small barrels, etc.. Items to grip are equally varied, represented by handle tape -with or without stem-, annular, tuneliformes, other lobed or trilobal, etc. also mamelons and appendix like tabs, these sometimes perforated. Much of this formal repertoire appears in different areas of the Mediterranean peninsular, although there are always singularities, for example, the handle-spout vessels, only present in Valencia region and Andalusia. During the Neolithic period the initial variety of pottery is reduced, this is compensated by the emergence of new vascular shapes. From the middle of the fifth millennium BC burst vessels with marked inflections of the body or fairings, at first more or less closed forms, were then to give way to all sorts of open containers such as plates, dishes and pans, this type of dishware penetrated in the fourth millennium BC, all areas of the Mediterranean and will have a special significance in Andalusia. In the latter area, careened flat dishes and pots appear as special forms alongside other careened vessels of lesser dimensions, cylindrical supports and flat- tened globular vessels with necks. Meanwhile, in Catalonia, careened bowls will share crockery with bitronco-conical pots with convex bottoms, large ovoid jars and square mouthed cups, the latter indicating northern relations. Polished stone is the other Neolithic technological breakthrough, axes and adzes from metamorphic or igneous rocks are an expression of this from the start, also, although mostly exclusive to Andalusia and Valencia, bangles or bracelets from the same rock as well. The sources of supply of raw materials, in the case of axes and adzes, is assumed to be often regional, as for example the Pyrenean or prepyrenean corneal of northern Catalonia, local diabases for central Valencia, or sillimanitas of the Baetic ranges for certain areas in Andalusia. A small “workshop” manufacturing axes has been recognized within a dwelling structure in the Catalan settlement of Plansallosa, which suggests a “domestic” production based on the use of local corneal. Only the shale bracelets from the Valencian Cardial ware have an origin, which is from outside the region, indicating early medium or long-range relationships. Globally considered the production of polished stone, in the case of the Valencian area, the trend from mid-fifth millennium BC is to expand the range of materials, favouring those from far away (amphibolites, sillimanitas, eclogites, etc. from Baetic areas of southeast Iberia), as well as the variety of objects made, adding chisels of one or double bevel, to axes and adzes in the tools section.25 The knapped stone industry of the early Neolithic stages also relied on local sources. To the flint is added jasper as good quality material, it is heavily exploited in the plain of Barcelona by the proximity of the outcrops of the Montjuïc, and used to a lesser extent in the Valencia region, along with rock crystal. The knapping work is aimed at mainly obtaining blades and bladelets, by means of the envolving or semi-envolving debitage on unprepared cores, applying techniques of direct or indirect percussion and manual pressure, often with prior heat treatment, on the core. The latter technique, along with the envolving debitage, is unknown in Mesolithic contexts26 and is well attested in Andalusian sites such as Los Castillejos and Nerja, or Catalan sites such as Caserna de Sant Pau del Camp, here in relation to the knapping of jasper.27 The stock of 25 26 27 24 Bernabeu, Rojo and Molina, coord., 2011. Orozco, 2000. García Puchol and Juan-Cabanilles, 2012. Borrell and Molist, 2012; Sánchez, 2000; Martínez Fernández et al., 2010; Aura et al., 2013.
26  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  tions, especially in the early Neolithic stages.24 As we have seen, de...
THE FIRST MEDITERRANEA NEOLITHIC FARMERS (VI-V MILLENNIA BC) blades and bladelets, are intended essentially for cutting tools, without too many adjustments (some kind of truncation, simple fractures and backed edges), or for drills or borers and arrow heads of geometric shapes.28 Among the cutting tools stand out the flint blades or sickle elements, identified by their intense luster or “ sickle gloss” produced by use. The arrangement of gloss infers the general shape of the handle and sickle, and hence regional differences were identified.29 In the southern and eastern Iberian, the sickles are of curved handle with series of blades inserted in oblique manner, creating a serrated edge, which illustrate the sickle type found in the Andalusian cave of Murciélagos de Albuñol. In the Northeast, the most common form of insertion of flint is parallel to the handle, the sickles having a “collector” appendice elbow shaped at the end. These sickle handles, of wood, have been found in La Draga, as well as other types in which the sickle is armed with a single blade of flint placed obliquely in relation to the wooden stem; a handle of this last type has been recovered in the Valencia site of Costamar, but made from deer antler. This regional assortment of sickles is usually key in the interpretation of different cultural traditions, which unites it to some technotipological aspects of the geometric arrowheads. In the early Neolithic times, the common projectile type for all groups of the Iberian Mediterranean coast is the trapeze with abrupt retouch, so the regional or intergroup differences are identified by the association of other projectile types, as for example with the isosceles triangles with bifacial retouch found in Catalonia, rarely in the Valencia region and absent in Andalusia. In the later stages, epicardial sensu lato, the segments shapes are the most representative projectile points, above all in Catalonia, this geometrical type is also reported in Andalusia but only of the abrupt retouched type (in Catalonia and Valencia region, this variety of segments coexists with those of bifacial retouch, as yet not proven in Andalusia). The “geometric” uniformity throughout the Iberian Mediterranean area will return in some form to be achieved in the fourth millennium BC, again with trapeze as a generalized type of projectile tip, which will be gradually replaced by leaf shape projectile points. The industry of hard animal materials such as antler and bone, unparalleled in the previous Mesolithic world, is aimed at the making of tools and ornaments, as shown by the singularity of the core 28 29 Juan-Cabanilles, 2008. Ibáñez et al., 2008. Figure 4. Neolithic Flint Stone industry. Geometrical shaped arrowheads (trapezes and triangles), borers and flint blades from Cova de l’Or (Beniarrés, Alicante). Museu de Prehistòria de València. Photograph: From the Museu de Prehistòria de València. Valencian Cardial ware sites.30 Within the tools, hole punches, especially those made of metapodials of sheep or goat are wide ranging, and smoothing blades, chisels and scrapers. The latter are related to the potter’s work, along with drag tooth chisels with a notched end intended for pottery decoration. Other objects to take note of include spoons, trimmed from bones of large herbivores, as seen in the Valencian caves L’Or and La Sarsa, or pipes from the long bones of large birds, to make integral pieces of musical instruments of the Pan flute type.31 Rings have special relevance amongst items of ornament, of those that are known are 30 31 Pascual-Benito, 1998. Martí et al., 2001. 27
THE FIRST MEDITERRANEA NEOLITHIC FARMERS  VI-V MILLENNIA BC   blades and bladelets, are intended essentially for cutting t...
28 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figure 5. Neolithic Bone Industry. Spoons and tubes understood to be musical instruments from Cova de l’Or (Beniarrés, Alicante). Museu de Prehistòria de València. Photograph: From Museu de Prehistòria de València archive. made from a base of goat and sheep femur and deer antler with a series of incisions ready for segmentation. Beside the rings appear abundant beads and pendants from fish vertebrae, atrophied deer teeth and fangs of wild boars and carnivores etc. The repertoire of decoration spreads to other materials such as shells, especially marine (Columbella rustica, Conus mediterraneus, Lurialurida, Dentalium sp., Glycymeris sp., various cockles, etc.) and some freshwater (Theodoxus fluviatilis). Sometimes the work consists of a simple perforation of the shell, or in splitting the shell (cf. cylindrical beads on Dentalium); in others, the transformation is more intense, producing discoidal beads or ellipitcal or oval shaped pendants. Local workshops of discoidal beads of cockle shell are spread throughout the Iberian Mediterranean area. Meanwhile, the elliptical pendants can show narrowings or protuberance that resemble atrophied teeth of deer. This “type” of adornment, moreover, can be achieved in polished stone, and other morphologies (conical pendants, e.g.) including pottery. In stone, however, the most distinctive ornamental pieces are bangles or bracelets, as seen in Andalusia and Valencia. The quintessential Andalusian bracelet is the wide type manufactured in white marble, decorated or not with impregnated streaks of red ochre. This and other types of bracelets of marble, limestone, shale, etc., we know of workshops related to local consumption at the outdoor sites of Catorce Fanegas, La Molaina or Cabecicos Negros, or in the cave Los Mármoles; a “specialized” workshop, however, perhaps based on exchange would be Piedras Viñaeras, near the important cave of Murciélagos de Zuheros. The scale of consumption of bracelet production can be varied, although there is little doubt of the long distances that this consumption reached. In the case of Valencia, the representative bracelet is of narrow shale, as has already been pointed out the material is imported from afar, and possibly also the parts themselves in a finished or semi-finished state, given the lack of production facilities in situ. Some of these fragmented bracelets show repair perforations, made by flint drills moved by a bow device. In Andalusia, more particularly, in the early Neolithic phases stone bangles coexist with shell Pectunculus, which they later come to replace. In later phases limpet bangles reappear which can be seen in the rest of the Mediterranean areas. The bone industry certainly shares presence with that of wood, as revealed by the Catalan cardial ware site of La Draga. From here, conserved in an aquatic environment, comes a large sample of objects and utensils made of boxwood, yew or oak, such as bows and arrow shafts, digging sticks, sickles handles, axes and adzes, spoons, spatulas, needles, racks, etc., including containers and remains of basketery.32 No doubt the loss of variety in the bone industry seen during the Neolithic, especially in the area of tool making, is explained by the replacement of bone by materials of vegetable origin. Settlements and caves [Figures 6 to 15] The small groups of farmers that spread across the Mediterranean quickly occupy the Iberian Mediterranean coast in the second half of the sixth millennium BC. Very soon consolidating their settlements in different territories, while differences develop between them, as seen in the regional archaeological cultures and particularly pottery decorations. Knowledge of these communities has increased in recent years with the excavation of 32 Bosch, Chinchilla and Tarrús, 2006.
28  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figure 5. Neolithic Bone Industry. Spoons and tubes understood to be m...
THE FIRST MEDITERRANEA NEOLITHIC FARMERS (VI-V MILLENNIA BC) Figure 6. Neolithic vessel with impressed Cardial decoration from Cova de la Sarsa (Bocairent, Valencia). Museu de Prehistòria de València. Photograph: From the Museu de Prehistòria de València archive. Figure 7. Neolithic vessel with incised-impressed decoration and red slip surfaces from the Murciélagos cave (Zuheros, Córdoba). Museo Arqueológico de Córdoba. Photograph: Museo Arqueológico de Córdoba archive. settlements that show details of settlement life and the role played by caves and shelters, inhabited in the early stages and then later, pens, shelters or hunting grounds, cemeteries and shrines. of cardial and epicardial pottery ware, shows us how Neolithic groups settle in the territory.34 This settlement would be the central living place in the valley and the surrounding caves would fulfil various functions relating to hunting, flock keeping, food storage or as a necropolis. In one of these places, the Cova 120, in the interior of eleven pits were large pottery vessels, which could have contained cereals. Grain storage is now being a priority, as shown by the pits or silos of Font del Ros settlement in the further inland Prepirineo.35 The main information is provided by the Catalan settlement of La Draga, beside Lake Banyoles and partially beneath the water, during the last centuries of the sixth millennium BC.33 Excavations show logs with bevelled ends driven into the ground as pillars, planks and other wooden construction remains corresponding to the building of houses. These are large rectangular huts, formed by 3 or 4 rows of poles and walls of interlaced branches covered with clay and straw that held a double slope roof, possibly of wattle. The dendrochronological studies point to the existence of two rows, up to a total of 10 to 15 cabins, and estimate the settlement lasted a few centuries. Its inhabitants mostly cultivated free-threshing wheat, which was roasted and stored in large pottery jars, deposited in tiled oval enclosures. Its livestock shows an above all presence of cattle and pigs, along with sheep and goats, and few remains of dog. But also, La Draga has retained much of the useful organic materials that were part of everyday tools, made of wood such as boxwood, yew or oak, and basketry, to which we referred earlier. North of La Draga, in the valley of Llierca, the settlement of Plansallosa, which starts at the end of that sixth millennium shown by the presence In the Catalan central regions are the classic caves of Montserrat, El Frare or El Toll, and the settlement of Les Guixeres where various structures were excavated. The subsoil of Barcelona city, close to the coastline, provides most of the information. Different parts of El Raval district, represented by Sant Pau del Camp, reveal that a large Neolithic site occupied the plain of Barcelona, at the foot of the mountain of Montjuïc.36 The structures comprise floors of huts, post holes, combustion basins filled with stones, pits and silos. Its beginnings correspond to the early Neolithic cardial ware, as confirmed by the dating of a burial pit in the Vila de Madrid square (6440 ± 40 BP). The area continues to be occupied throughout the epicardial up to the mid-fifth millennium BC; it shows a space with numerous burials in pits, which is the oldest out door 34 35 33 Bosch, Chinchilla and Tarrús, coord., 2000. 36 Bosch et al., 1998. Pallarés, Bordas and Mora, 1997. VV.AA., 2008. 29
THE FIRST MEDITERRANEA NEOLITHIC FARMERS  VI-V MILLENNIA BC   Figure 6. Neolithic vessel with impressed Cardial decoration...
30 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE dowry consisting of two globular vessels with high neck and decorative incised lines flanked by impressions, one of which contained numerous discoidal beads and pendants made of shell and variscite. Figure 8. Neolithic vessel decorated with cords with fingerings from the Higuerón cave (Rincón de la Victoria, Málaga). Museo Arqueológico Nacional, Madrid. Photograph: Ministerio de Cultura, Educación y Deporte. cemetery that we know at the moment. The settlement continues to the postcardial phase, pottery types being Molinot and Montboló, it continues until the carenated vessels reminiscent of French Chassey and points to the culture of Pit Graves as documented by the Reina Amàlia street. To the west of Sant Pau, in the massif of Garraf, the Can Sadurní cave shares both living and burial functions from the cardial ware period. There a burial level is seen with large vessels containing cereals, dated at 6421 ± 34 BP, which were part of the offerings and grave goods accompanying the buried.37 As in other cavities, at Can Sadurní, about the middle of V millennium, following are levels that are characteristic of use as enclosure and others for burial. Thereafter we see multiple cave burials, sometimes sharing this use with other activities, such as seen at L’Avellaner where nineteen individuals, one of them dated to 5830 ± 100 BP, in Les Grioteres and were in El Pasteral,38 the three cavities in the northern part of Catalonia; or in the cave of Els Lladres, in the central regions, where several burials were found and a If we return to the coast, to the south, still within Catalonia, the presence of cardial ware settlements by the sea in El Cavet can be confirmed, with characteristic dug silos, as cited above, and already in Valencian lands at El Barranquet. A number of caves found in the precoastal mountains are known here containing cardial ware. Among them, in northern Valencia, the Cova Fosca, upstream of La Gasulla canyon with small caves of Levantine rock art. The southern central Valencian regions provide the most representative sites of the period, the caves of L’Or, La Sarsa and [En] Pardo, and the settlements of Mas d’Is and Benàmer, all in the central Serpis valley and its tributaries.39 Further inland is located the small cave La Falguera, while the cave of Les Cendres opens on a cliff above the sea. These regions are home to the most important assemblages of rock art that can be attributed to the Cardial Neolithic period, confirming its intense occupation. Mas d’Is, at the head of the Penàguila river, from which one seed of Hordeum vulgare dated to 6600 ± 50 BP, shows a small number of scattered structures, including two overlapping rectangular houses with apsidal ends and bounded by postholes, and also attributed to this first cardial period one of the ditches excavated in an area away from the houses. Meanwhile, Benàmer, at the confluence of the rivers Agres and Serpis, near L’Or and not far from La Sarsa, offers large combustion structures associated with cardial pottery, and now seems to be a small place that is related to L’Or. Then, in the first half of the fifth millennium BC, a large number of silos are dug and Benàmer seems to become a major agricultural settlement, while L’Or is mostly an area for pastoral activities. This model seems to be repeated in the nearby valley of the river Agres, where a number of surface finds relate to the cave of La Sarsa. In this small cave, it is noted a double burial in a crack, one of which has been dated to 6341 ± 30 BP, a vessel with cardial decoration as part of the grave goods. The findings of human remains are common in other caves, which have materials from the first Neolithic period, and seem to share the sepulchral use with other activities. By the mid-fifth millennium BC, the funerary 39 37 38 Blasco, Edo and Villalba, coord., 2011. Gibaja et al., 2012. Bernabeu and Molina, ed, 2009.; Bernabeu et al., 2003; García Puchol and Aura, coord., 2006; Soler, ed., 2012; Torregrosa, Jover and López, dir., 2011.
30  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  dowry consisting of two globular vessels with high neck and decorative...
THE FIRST MEDITERRANEA NEOLITHIC FARMERS (VI-V MILLENNIA BC) Figure 9. Marble bracelets with grooves from the Nerja cave (Nerja, Málaga). Photograph: J.L. Pascual. use of natural small caves of this territory is seen in Sant Martí, a cave whose characteristics and dimensions could only serve as occasional refuge and a place of burial, in which level is characterized by combed pottery, were buried at least five individuals, one providing a dating of 5740 ± 40 BP.40 The situation of La Sarsa clearly illustrates the Neolithic expansion into the interior, linking the valleys of Serpis and Vinalopó, where we find the settlement of Casa de Lara. Further south and inland, now outside of Valencia, the cave of El Niño in Albacete, on the river Mundo and the large cave of Barranco de los Grajos in Murcia, near the river Segura, also documents Cardial ware findings and indicates the role the rivers could have played in this expansion.41 For now, however, in the region of Murcia most known sites are related to the epicardial period such as the Hondo de Cagitán, the areas around Lorca, the cave of Los Tollos or the rock shelters of El Pozo. The idea of an initial introduction of Neolithic being linked to Cardial ware is nuanced in the case of Andalusia, as we have seen. However, we believe that the model of a chronological primacy of the cardial period, while the development of facies characterized by impressions / incisions and red 40 41 García Puchol, Aura and McClure, 2012; Borja García et al., 2012; Torregrosa and López, 2004. García Atiénzar, 2009. slip surfaces, is well suited to that shown by at the sites. Without prejudging at the moment the route of expansion, we see how the Cardial ware spread along the coast, from the open air settlement of Cabecicos Negros at the estuary of the river Antas in Almeria42 to the caves of Nerja, El Humo or El Higuerón, on the coast of Málaga, we also find cardial ware at the inland territory at the cave of El Toro.43 Also to note at the inland sierra Harana,44 where at the cave of La Carigüela shows abundant cardial ware in its first Neolithic level, also as seen in caves near as Las Ventanas, in the open air settlement of Las Majolicas, in the mountains of Alfacar, as well as in the first level of the settlement of Los Castillejos, in western Granada. It will be at a later time, in the last centuries of the sixth millennium BC, when the impressed/incised and red slip pottery facies is developed, previously known as Culture Caves with decorated pottery, which are widely distributed through the Andalusian territory. As such it is found in the sub Baetic mountain region, with the continued occupation of the previously mentioned caves of the Sierra Harana, also at the cave of Agua de Prado Negro, and in the southern and western territory around Alhama, the caves of La Mujer, El Agua or Sima Rica. In the mountains of Córdoba, we find the cave of 42 43 44 Cámalich et al., 2004. Martín, Camalich and González, ed., 2004. Carrasco, Pachón and Martínez, 2010. 31
THE FIRST MEDITERRANEA NEOLITHIC FARMERS  VI-V MILLENNIA BC   Figure 9. Marble bracelets with grooves from the Nerja cave ...
32 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figure 10. Baskets and sandals of esparto grass from the Murciélagos cave (Albuñol, Granada). Museo Arqueológico Nacional, Madrid. Photograph: Ministerio de Cultura, Educación y Deporte. Figure 11. Neolithic vessel with incised and impressed decoration from the Costamar settlement (Orpesa, Castellón). Photograph: E. Flors. Fundación Marina d’Or. La Murcielaguina, Los Mármoles and Murciélagos de Zuheros, of which the latter site has provided the most complete records. And in the coastal mountain ranges in the caves of El Capitán, Hoyo de la Mina, El Higuerón, El Tesoro or Los Botijos. Most of these caves contain human remains, which were also found in the strata with cardial ware in La Carigüela cave, and as such cave burials are widespread in Andalusia from the last centuries of the sixth millennium BC, with evidence of the existence of a funeral ritual which involves pottery vessels, frequently with a handle spout, and embellishments like stone bangles decorated with stretch marks. A significant number of these human remains have deboning cuts, especially cuts on skulls and long bones, which have been linked to rituals or practices cases of cannibalism. sites use, which would correspond to most of the materials of the cave; and a second time during the Copper Age, in which the place was used to deposit a collective burial, a golden diadem encircled one of the skeletons at the time of its discovery.45 An outstanding finding is at the cave of Murciélagos de Albuñol known since the nineteenth century. Pottery with incised and impressed decorations, a vessel with handle spout, bone and flint tools, polished stone axes, pecten and marble bracelets, and a number of wooden objects, such as a ladle with a perforated handle. Also cylindrical baskets with geometric designs, one of which contained Papaver somniferum seeds, flat baskets, bags, covers mats and sandals, all from esparto grass, of which there are four datings between 6086 ± 45 BP and 5400 ± 80 BP. These results invite us to consider the existence of a Neolithic phase in the Besides the caves, which have sometimes been dwelling places, enclosures or burial places, according to the time, in inland Andalusia early agricultural settlements were developing. In the area of the Peñas de los Gitanos, in the northern most part of the Baetic Cordilleras, the beginnings of the settlement Los Castillejos goes back to Neolithic cardial ware.46 There, a communal space relating to roasted cereals has been identified, with containers, benches and hearths, in addition to evidence of other activities, such as the identification of areas of flint pressure knapping after preheating. Occupation of the site will last for the next millennium, so that the stratigraphy shows how Cardial ware gradually disappears and the following levels correspond to the ancient occupations of Murciélagos de Zuheros or Nerja, characterized by marble bracelets with marks, red slip pottery with incised and grooved motifs, and vessels with handle-spouts. To this period, from the late sixth 45 46 Cacho et al., 1996. Molina, Cámara and López in Rojo, Garrido and García, eds., 2012.
32  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figure 10. Baskets and sandals of esparto grass from the Murci  lagos ...
THE FIRST MEDITERRANEA NEOLITHIC FARMERS (VI-V MILLENNIA BC) Figure 12. Neolithic settlement of Benàmer (Muro d’Alcoi, Alicante). Photograph: P. Torregrosa, F. Jover and E. López. to much of the fifth millennium BC, belong other settlements like La Molaina and Catorce Fanegas, or Loma de Alomartes already in later stages, three settlements in the lowlands of Granada. Small settlements have also been recorded in the vicinity of the cave of Murciélagos de Zuheros. And in the east, in the Almanzora valley, the settlement of Cerro Virtud and the corresponding level of Cabecicos Negros, that now is related to the manufacture of pendants, beads and bracelets from malacological and slate. In La Molaina, the presence of human bones could indicate burials in pits or silos, as found in Cerro Virtud, where a multiple burial pit containing human remains, have provided dating between 6030 ± 55 BP and 5765 ± 55 BP. In addition to the settlements already mentioned, noted among the settlements that begin life in the fifth millennium are Tossal de les Basses and Costamar,47 located in the southern and northern parts of the Valencian coast and the subject of recent excavations, and Barranc de Fabra, beside the sea at Tarragona. Tossal de les Basses, on the coast of the city of Alicante, begins at the epicardial period and shows different phases up to the regional carved pottery sequence towards the beginning of the fourth millennium BC. Presenting tracings of hut flooring, silos, a concentrated area where many 47 Rosser and Fuentes, 2007; Flors, coord., 2009. structures are for combustion, ditches that cross the settlement, interpreted as drainage ditches, and other pits that might relate to an irrigation system. Among structure tracings are, numerous pits used as burial in the central centuries of the fifth millennium BC, according to the dating of the human remains from four of them. As regards the settlement at Costamar, in the northern part of the coast of Castellón, beginnings corresponding to the epicardial period early in the fifth millennium BC. Figure 13. Interior of the Gavà Neolithic mines, variscite mine number 8 (Gavà, Barcelona). Photograph: M. García. From the Museu de Gavà archive. 33
THE FIRST MEDITERRANEA NEOLITHIC FARMERS  VI-V MILLENNIA BC   Figure 12. Neolithic settlement of Ben  mer  Muro d   Alcoi,...
34 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figura 15. “The Venus of Gavà”. Feminine representation on pottery, front and side views. Museu de Gavá. Photographs: J. Casanova. Museu de Gavà archive. Figure 14. Grave goods from the burial of Gavà, mine 83. Coral necklace, variscite necklace, pottery, axes, flint cores, flint blades and geometrics, obsidian blade, variscite fragments, and bone tools. Museu de Gavà. Image from 3 photographs: J. Casanova. Museu de Gavà archive. There are numerous frustum-conical shaped silos, beside circular bases made with stones and two ditches similar to those of Tossal de les Basses. Six of the pits were for burials, four of which correspond to the four of which are from the incise impressed epicardial pottery phase, emphasizing the burial of an adult individual who is adorned with several bracelets and a necklace made of shell and stained with ochre. The analysis of stable carbon and nitrogen isotopes, performed on four of the buried, shows the isotopic imprint of consumption of marine resources in the two individuals who are attributed to the latest Neolithic phase, while the two individuals from the older Neolithic phase do not have evidence of the consumption of marine protein in their diet. As regards the settlement of Barranc de Fabra, near the mouth of the Ebro and also chronologically from the early epicardial phase, it is to note the singularity that no structure traces such as ditches and silos are found, but identifies a wide stone wall which could enclose different huts with circular bases with stone footings and post holes, but as of now the excavated area is limited. So at the end of the fifth millennium BC agricultural settlements extend along the Mediterranean coast, a process which continues in the next millennium. Silos cover large areas, though the exact size of the settlement is unknown bearing in mind the brevity of its existence. In the Andalusian region of Almería, from the mid-fourth millennium BC one can associate to these settlements early funerary structures of simple shapes. In the valleys of Serpis and its tributaries (centre-south of Valencia), the growth in number and / or size of the settlements leads to some stretches of rivers terraces seeming to form a single site, which would extend for kilometres. This is the case of the settlement of Les Jovades, where two hundred structures have been excavated including silos, pits and concavities, absolute dating placing them from the mid-fourth millennium BC, and extends seamlessly to other sites such as Marges Alts, Almoroig and Niuet, where the segmented ditches appear to define successive boundaries of the settlement. The systematic occupation of the river valleys is repeated in the case of Albaida valley, where the settlement of Camí de Missena goes back to the epicardial phase; and in the valley of Vinalopó, with the example of the settlement of Torreta-El Monastil. But certainly where the full consolidation of the Neolithic settlement is especially evident is in the Pit Graves culture of Catalonia, whose development is considered parallel to the cist burials in the Solsona region, in the high plateaux of the Pyrenees and pre Pyrenees, and the beginnings of early cist burials, passage and pit burials in the Empordà area in the northeast of Catalonia. In the last centuries of the fifth millennium BC, these burials in pits dug in the ground and with
34  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figura 15.    The Venus of Gav     . Feminine representation on potter...
THE FIRST MEDITERRANEA NEOLITHIC FARMERS (VI-V MILLENNIA BC) Figure 16. Vessel with cardial impressed decoration from Cova de l’Or (Beniarrés, Alicante), with representation of a person in prayer. Museu Arqueològic d’Alcoi. Photograph: Museu Arqueològic d’Alcoi archive distinctive grave goods, which have parallels in the Chassey culture of southern France, begin to spread mainly through the Llobregat basin and its tributaries, the Cardoner and Anoia, and the Besòs basin. As its name suggests, the settlements are much less known than the necropolis of pit graves. Consisting of lowland settlements, situated close to the graves, that cultivate the fertile land and lie close to the water, some remains of huts are known, as at the necropolis Bòbila Madurell, or silos between the graves at the necropolis of Bòbila Padró. As regards the graves, as excavated at Bòbila Madurell and at Cami de Can Grau, they show an evolution from simple pits to those that are composed of an accessible structure and defined burial space, already in the fourth millennium BC.48 Inside the pits usually is buried a single individual, along with grave goods and offerings. Of special significance to note, the intense mining activity at the site of Can Tintorer, the exploitation of which begins in these last centuries of the fifth millennium BC.49 Among the seams of phosphate and silicate, the most 48 49 Martí Rosell, Pou and Carlús, 1997. Bosch Argilagós and Borrell, ed., 2009. Figure 17. View of the Pla de Petracos (Castell de Castells, Alicante) shelters with drawings in “Macroschematic” style. Photograph: MAVISI. Universidad de Alicante. 35
THE FIRST MEDITERRANEA NEOLITHIC FARMERS  VI-V MILLENNIA BC   Figure 16. Vessel with cardial impressed decoration from Cov...
36 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figure 18. “Macroschematic” style cave paintings with representation of a person in prayer from Abrigo V (shelter) from Pla de Petracos (Castell de Castells, Alicante). Photograph: MAVISI. Universidad de Alicante. Figure 19. “Macroschematic” style rock paintings with serpent form motifs in the Abrigo VII (shelter) from Pla de Petracos (Castell de Castells, Alicante). Photograph: MAVISI Universidad de Alicante. searched for mineral was variscite, used for making ornaments. The existence of beads and pendants of variscite in the process of manufacture, and also the drills used to make the holes, occasionally totally worn by use, would indicate, that besides the actual mining, the community that exploited the mines of Can Tintorer elaborated on site the variscite to turn it into an object of exchange, whose distribution we know permeated much of Catalonia, the Ebro valley and southern France. Which in turn coincides with the presence among the grave goods of the buried, some materials from external sources, such as the salt mines of Cardona, and from furthest away, green flint of southern France, jadeite from the Alps or, more exceptionally, obsidian from the island of Corsica. walking or shooting, and wounded animals, along beside other scenes of collecting honey, women dances or possible executions, all of which seems to refer to the various aspects of the daily lives of their creators. The paintings occupy walls of shallow coverings, as in Roca dels Moros de Cogul, in Els Gascons in Cretas, in the Val del Charco in Alcañiz, Els Cavalls of the Valltorta gorge in Tírig, La Vieja in Alpera, Cantos de la Visera in the Monte Arabí de Yecla or at Minateda in Hellín, rock shelters that extend through Catalonia, Aragon, Valencia, Murcia and Albacete, and are some of the pioneering and especially significant discoveries which were made in the early twentieth century, discoveries that have continued unceasingly until present times. For a significant part of the investigation, the evocation of the way of life of the hunter that emerges from the painted shelters in many of these scenes would indicate an initial Mesolithic chronology. On the other hand, however, the stone and pottery industries found near the paintings indicate that these rock shelters were frequented by groups of later chronology, which also coincides with some details of the figures such as wristbands, the possible presence of dogs accompanying hunters, or the fact that in some scenes there is a high number of both men and women indicating the size of the groups the painters belonged to; all of which are details that would place this art in Neolithic times.50 Neolithic rock art [Figures 16-25] In the Mediterranean area we find a large number of rock shelters with paintings, which are the work of Neolithic communities, that appear to contain images of their religious world or tell a singular episode of their existence. Intensive research developed over the last century on the impact caused by the beauty and dynamism of many of the painted panels, which led to the establishment of two groups, called Levantine and Schematic art, according to the main themes and motifs. The Levantine art, extending from the Aragonese pre Pyrenean foothills to the eastern Andalusian sierras, shows mostly naturalistic depictions of people and animals, among which there are many of men armed with bows and arrows, in positions of 50 On the history of research and the current state of the problems relating to the Levantine art: Sebastián, 1997; Hernández, 2009; Hernández and Segura, 2002; Sanchidrián, 2001; Utrilla, 2005; García Arranz, Collado and Nash, ed. , 2012; Domingo et al., 2007.
36  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figure 18.    Macroschematic    style cave paintings with representati...
THE FIRST MEDITERRANEA NEOLITHIC FARMERS (VI-V MILLENNIA BC) Figure 20. Rock paintings that show the superposition of deers in the “Levantine” style over “Macroschematic” style figures in the Abrigo I de la Sarga (Alcoi, Alicante). Photograph: Museu Arqueològic d’Alcoi archive. Figure 21. “Levantine” style cave paintings that show a scene of collecting and an archer in the Abrigo I (shelter) de la Sarga (Alcoi, Alicante). Photograph: Museu Arqueològic d’Alcoi archive. Meanwhile, in the category of Schematic art is included anthropomorphic and animal figures, and a variety of non-figurative motifs that evoke astral or highly symbolic images, cruciform, star shaped forms, eye shape or double triangular figures, all with the common denominator of simplicity. These paintings, which at the time of their discovery in the second half of the nineteenth century could be considered as signs of a prehistoric writing, have formed an ill-defined conglomerate that is spread over most of the peninsula. In the case of the Mediterranean coast rock shelters, it would be especially abundant in the southern part of Valencia, Murcia, Andalusia and Albacete. The paintings in the gorge of Carbon- era in Beniatjar and the Penya Escrita de Tàrbena in the Valencia region, Nerpio in Albacete, Cañaica del Calar in Murcia, and Los Letreros in Vélez Blanco in Andalusia, some caves with motifs of Paleolithic art at La Pileta in Benaoján and Nerja, the cave of Diosa Madre in Segura de la Sierra, several rock shelters in the Sierra Harana beside the previously mentioned Neolithic caves, or the frieze of the goats in the cave of Murciélagos de Zuheros, would be examples of this art style. The evolutionary sequence proposed jointly to both styles places the development of Schematic art after the decadence of the naturalist Levantine art and proposes a close link with the schematic paintings to the Copper Age societies, according to the decorations of vessels of the Los Millares culture and with the bitriangular or eyed idols unburied in funeral and living contexts of the Copper age in the southeast of the peninsula. An evolutionary proposal that often led to a fragmented reading of the painted panels, whose figures were distributed between these two artistic and chronological periods, Levantine and Schematic, from Mesolithic to Copper Age, on the sole basis of their formal naturalistic or schematic characteristics.51 The current situation suggests that a significant portion of these paintings that were attributed to both categories actually correspond to Neolithic times, although this is a question that remains open to debate. The explanatory line followed here places the meeting point between the rock paintings and Neolithic times in the evidence provided by the pottery decorations. Indeed, in the final decades of c.XX, in the Valencian southern regions, a new style of rock art was identified, christened Macroschematic, that differentiated itself from the Levantine and Schematic art, the main motifs are the anthropomorphic figures with arms raised and the indication of fingers and other human representations in the form of X and Y, serpentine forms that seem to end in hands and other motifs that we see in the rock paintings at Pla de Petracos. The presence of this same theme is seen in the cardial and impressed pottery from the caves of L’Or and La Sarsa, which would provide a precise chronology of the paintings and in this way can be considered as an expression of the religious world of the first farmers in the area. But we can not dwell on the details of the history of the investigation, it was also seen that the paintings represented at the Pla de Petracos also relate to the motifs infraponed on the Levantine style paintings in the rock shelters of La Sarga, attributed 51 For the state of the Schematic art, please consult the conference proceedings: Martínez García and Hernández, ed. and coord., 2006, 2013. 37
THE FIRST MEDITERRANEA NEOLITHIC FARMERS  VI-V MILLENNIA BC   Figure 20. Rock paintings that show the superposition of dee...
38 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figure 22. “Levantine” style rock paintings that show the gathering of honey in the Araña caves (Bicorp, Valencia). Photograph: MAVISI. Universidad de Alicante. till then to a style identified in the rock shelters of Cantos de la Visera and of La Araña de Bicorp, characterized by linear geometric motifs. The new reading that emerges from all this, is, that rock shelters such as La Sarga and La Araña show the succession between the Levantine art and the now called “Macroschematic” without prejudging the degree of relationship or chronological proximity that may exist between them. And, likewise, the attribution of the Macroschematic artistic style to Neolithic groups of cardial pottery opposes that one links the origins of Levantine art with Mesolithic groups. Therefore, it does not seem acceptable the interpretation which considers Levantine art as a palimpsest in which to collect together the testimonies of the last hunters, the first farmers and even the beginnings of the Metal Age. Pottery decorations that relate to the Neolithic rock art, namely, anthropomorphic motifs, star shaped forms or zigzags, have been recognized in other sites in these southern regions of Valencia, such as Falguera or Cendres, where several red painted fragments present zigzag motifs. And also in other areas, such as in a vessel found at the cave El Niño in Albacete. In Cova Fosca, north of the Valencian territory, some decorations considered to be Epicardial show incised zigzags while others seem to evoke anthropomorphic motifs, a vessel decorated with the eyes shaped motif at the settlement of Costamar can also be related to this pottery. Without repeating what is stated several times, the decorations of cardial and impressed ware from some Aragonese and Catalans sites, close to those found in the settlements of the Figure 23. “Levantine” style archer in rock paintings from Val del Charco del Agua Amarga (Alcañiz, Teruel). Photograph: Gil-Carles. From M. Almagro Basch CSIC and IVCR Generalitat Valenciana archive. southern region of Valencia, show motifs such as the bars separating series of horizontal zigzags. Finally, in the cave of Chaves in the Alto Aragón, are found painted boulders with anthropomorphic and star shaped motifs that belong to the first period of Neolithic Cardial ware. A distribution that seemingly spreads in reference to rock paintings, from its first identification in the Alicante regions to various rock shelters in the Júcar basin and others to the north.52 Cave and portable art from the Neolithic period is well documented in the region between Júcar river and the sierra de Aitana. Besides pottery decoration and painted panels, it also appears to be a close relationship between what was considered “macroschematic” and “schematic”, to highlight the difference between these two styles is not feasible in the field of pottery decoration, which also happens in the case of the rock paintings as can be seen in the rock shelter of Barranc de Carbonera in Beniatjar. In such a way therefore, the growing geography of these two manifestations tells us of the existence of a Neolithic art, movable and rock art, being the 52 The main movable parallels for Schematic art in Catalonia, Aragón and Valencia: Martí, 2006; Torregrosa and Galiana, 2001; Utrilla and Baldellou, 2002.
38  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figure 22.    Levantine    style rock paintings that show the gatherin...
THE FIRST MEDITERRANEA NEOLITHIC FARMERS (VI-V MILLENNIA BC) Figure 24. “Levantine”-style rock paintings that show a goat being hunted in the Cova Remigia (Ares del Maestrat, Castellón). Photograph: IVCR Generalitat Valenciana archive. creation of the first farming communities. The final question that all this raises is the relationship of Neolithic art with Levantine art. At this point the evidence provided by pottery is less precise and decorative motifs relating to Levantine art only comprise of two fragments, one impressed with the drawing of a goat, a deer and possibly a bull, and another Cardial ware fragment with human figures with triangular head and plume which seem to dance with arms raised and intertwined, both from L’ Or; or the fragment from La Sarsa in which a tree is shown. We do not have therefore decorations near what would be a Levantine scene that permits us to specify the chronological distance between the “Levantine” cave paintings and the “Macroschematics”, the only the evidence of its formal and conceptual differences, and the observation that the industries associated in many rock shelters with naturalistic painting advocate a delay in its initial chronological period until more advanced Neolithic times, with a prolonged and diverse development depending on the area. A relatively new proposal that continues to find opposition to its generalization for the geographic spread of Levantine art, with arguments which emphasize the regional differences and interpretation of its images as pictorial of a way of life for groups of Mesolithic hunters.53 The existence of rock art during the Neolithic period is equally true for Andalusia, here referring to rock shelters of Schematic art, for which we also have parallels between the pottery decorations that imply a review of the placing of them in the Copper Age. The initial period of these Schematic paintings would be placed in the last centuries of the sixth millennium, with a notable development through the fifth millennium. We should mention the fragments with anthropomorphous motif made with impressed technique from the cave of Agua de Prado Negro, full of red material as ochre, a goat print and also full of ochre in a pottery fragment from the cave of El Canjorro of Jaén, the vessel with eyes motif from Murciélagos de Zuheros, as with numerous zoomorphic and sun motifs found in the caves of various mountain ranges, incised and impressed, besides geometric motifs painted on esparto grass baskets from the cave of Murciélagos de Albuñol.54 Everything leads therefore to the existence of cave paintings being created by Neolithic groups, with clear differences between the different territo- Figure 25. “Schematic”-style rock paintings in the Abrigo de la Penya Escrita (Tàrbena, Alicante). Photograph: MAVISI. Universidad de Alicante. 53 54 Hernández and Martí, 2001. The main movable parallels for Schematic art in Andalusia: Carrasco, Navarrete and Pachón, 2006. 39
THE FIRST MEDITERRANEA NEOLITHIC FARMERS  VI-V MILLENNIA BC   Figure 24.    Levantine   -style rock paintings that show a ...
40 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figure 26. Main settlements and rock art sites mentioned in the text. Catalonia and Lower Aragon: 1. Cova de les Grioteres. 2. Cova 120. 3. Plansallosa. 4. Cova de l’Avellaner. 5. Cova del Pasteral. 6. La Draga. 7. Font del Ros. 8. Cova del Parco. 9. Cova del Toll. 10. Cova de la Guineu. 11. Cova del Frare. 12. Camí de Can Grau. 13. Bòbila Padró. 14. Cova dels Lladres. 15. Bòbila Madurell. 16. Coves de Montserrat. 17. Les Guixeres. 18. Cova de la Font del Molinot. 19. Sant Pau del Camp. 20. Can Tintorer. 21. Cova de Can Sadurní. 22. El Cavet. 23. Cogul (rock paintings). 24. Els Gascons (rock paintings). 25. Val del Charco (rock paintings). 26. Botiqueria dels Moros. 27. Barranc de Fabra. Valencia region, Albacete and Murcia: 28. Cova de les Bruixes. 29. Cova dels Cavalls (rock paintings). 30. Cova Fosca. 31. Costamar. 32. Cueva de la Cocina. 33. Cuevas de la Araña (rock paintings). 34. Cueva de la Vieja (rock paintings). 35. Camí de Missena. 36. El Barranquet and El Collao. 37. Cova de Bolumini. 38. Cova de l’Or. 39. Barranc de Beniatjar (rock paintings). 40. Cova d’en Pardo. 41. Benàmer and Niuet. 42. Les Jovades. 43. Mas d’Is. 44. Pla de Petracos (rock paintings). 45. Penya Escrita (rock paintings). 46. Cova de les Cendres. 47. Cova de la Sarsa. 48. Abric de la Falguera. 49. La Sarga (rock paintings). 50. Casa de Lara. 51. La Torreta-El Monastil. 52. Cova de Sant Martí. 53. Tossal de les Basses. 54. Cueva del Niño. 55. Minateda (rock paintings). 56. Abrigo del Pozo. 57. Hondo del Cagitán. 58. Barranco de los Grajos. 59. Abrigo de la Diosa Madre (rock paintings). 60. Nerpio (rock paintings). 61. Cañaica del Calar (rock paintings). 62. Los Letreros (rock paintings). 63. Lorca. 64. Cueva de los Tollos. Andalusia: 65. Cerro Virtud. 66. Cabecicos Negros. 67. Cueva de los Murciélagos de Zuheros. 68. Cueva de los Mármoles. 69. Cueva de la Carigüela y Cueva de las Ventanas. 70. Los Castillejos. 71. Majolicas. 72. La Molaina. 73. Cueva del Toro. 74. Cueva de la Mujer, Cueva del Agua y Sima Rica. 75. Cueva de los Murciélagos de Albuñol. 76. Cueva del Capitán. 77. Cueva de Nerja. 78. Cueva del Higuerón. 79. Complejo del Humo and Cueva del Hoyo de la Mina. 80. Cueva Bajondillo. 81. Cueva de los Botijos. ries. In the Valencian southern regions this first Neolithic artistic period seems to conclude in the transition to the V millennium, meanwhile as in the case of Andalucía rock shelters, Neolithic cave paintings would endure longer. Previous hypotheses about Schematic artistic manifestations that endured and spread widely, give way to the consideration of different creations, according to the chronology and
40  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figure 26. Main settlements and rock art sites mentioned in the text. ...
THE FIRST MEDITERRANEA NEOLITHIC FARMERS (VI-V MILLENNIA BC) geography of the compartmentalized Neolithic, not excluding the relations between the territories. The geographical distribution of motifs and decorative styles, different lexical and syntax, will be another indicator of the territory occupied by the various Neolithic societies and the process of consolidation. So, one last artistic episode manifested through Neolithic pottery decoration, corresponds to the carved motifs shown in some vessels from the Pit Graves culture in Catalonia and the corresponding period in the lands of Valencia. In the first case, to note, the so called Dama de Gavà, from the variscite mines of Can Tintorer, while in the Valencian case the carved decorations include only star shaped and branch shaped motifs and vertical and horizontal zigzag lines. 41
THE FIRST MEDITERRANEA NEOLITHIC FARMERS  VI-V MILLENNIA BC   geography of the compartmentalized Neolithic, not excluding ...
Manuel A. Rojo Guerra* The Neolithic in inland and Northern Iberia Precedents and the first evidence of Neolithic Development The Lands of the Interior and the North includes for the purposes of this study, the Middle and Upper Ebro Valley, the two Mesetas, Extremadura, and the Atlantic territories of Galicia, Asturias and The Basque country, comprising a vast area (353,662 km2) with a huge variety of topography, climate and landscape. It includes broad valleys traversed by the rivers of the Iberian Peninsula, remote mountain systems, peneplains and sedimentary plains high above sea level that are completely surrounded by mountain ranges that serve as a natural barrier to communication1. If we assume that the Neolithic period, in the words of A. Sherratt2 is characterised as “a period of the movement of animals and plants out of their natural habitat to new niches due to human intervention”, we have to admit that there must exist some environmental and demographic conditions that, in some way, interceded at a certain pace and penetration into this new way of life in a vast and disparate territory but – What do we know about the previous Late Mesolithic settlement (ca. 6,500 – 5,500 cal. BC) and its impact on the process of Neolithic development? What environmental data do we have in order to assess this impact in an era of newly forming relationships between man and nature? The current data for this period (ca. 6,500 – 5,500 cal. BC) is very distinct in comparison to the available records. While in some areas a significant number of sites are well known, for example shell middens of Muge and Sado in Portugal, or the shelters in the Upper and Central Ebro basin, in other areas the Mesolithic settlement is almost completely absent as is the case in both Mesetas or, knowledge is very new and for this reason difficult to interpret (Extremadura) or there * 1 2 Universidad de Valladolid, marojo@fyl.uva.es Much of the data collected in this study come from Rojo Guerra et al., 2012. This is a recent Handbook on the Neolithic Age in the Iberian Peninsula offering an extensive bibliography as well as all chronological references with their quotations from the text. The rest of the bibliography is more specific, letting recent work prevail where possible. Sherratt, 1999. exists a marked break between the point it first manifested itself and the first actual evidence of Neolithic development (Cantabria). This situation is no doubt the result of superficial and biased research, that was centred on other eras, rather than a true historic reality, as shown by the recent publication on the first open air Mesolithic settlement in the Ebro Valley, namely the settlement of Cabezo de la Cruz in La Muela, Zaragoza3. Either way, studies that we have on these communities have so far focused on the evolution of its stone industry (characterised in its final phase by the appearance of geometrically shaped projectile tips) and models of survival defining an economy of broad reach, planned exploitation and territorial diversification4. There is also conjecture over social organisation suggesting that these communities developed a certain socio-economic complexity likely to have been of great importance to Neolithic development in terms of hierarchical relationships, exchange of prestige goods (including social domestic worth and status), the organisation of communitybased labour, the development of territory and lifestyle, environmental pressures5 etc. From a theoretical point of view, these last Mesolithic communities probably had to relate and interact with the first Neolithic groups although a true reflection of these historical situations in the archaeological record is very difficult to define. However, at some sites these interconnections can be traced. We refer in particular to certain enclosures showing broad Mesolithic events in which during the later stages appear some Neolithic elements (mainly pottery but also domestic animals, sickles, etc). These contexts appear from the ca. 5,700-5,600 cal. BC, at the same time as the arrival to the Iberian Peninsula of those defined as the first Neolithic pioneers, a movement thought to continue until 5,400-5,300 cal. BC when the Neolithic period extends to almost all the Peninsula and the process of Neolithic development can generally be said to 3 4 5 Rodanés Vicente and Picazo Millán, 2013. Alday Ruíz, 2006; Utrilla Miranda and Montes Ramírez, 2009. García Martínez de Lagrán, 2008a
Manuel A. Rojo Guerra   The Neolithic in inland and Northern Iberia  Precedents and the    rst evidence of Neolithic Devel...
44 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE be complete. Interestingly, the sites that demonstrate these characteristics are spread along the Ebro Valley, a natural route of communication and densely populated in the Mesolithic, and where change was rapid and diversified: Abrigo de Ángel 1 (Stage 8bsup), Ángel 2 (Stage 2a1), Forcas 2 (Stages 5 and 6), Mendandia (Stages 3sup, 2 and 1), La Peña (Stage d-sup), Plano del Pulido (Stage cg), Pontet (Stage c-inf), Secans (Stage 2a), Zatoya (nivel 1+a2.2), to which must be added the recently excavated Valmayor 11enclosure in Mequinenza, Zaragoza. These contexts which we describe as Mesolithic with Neolithic elements, have centred much of recent historical debate on Neolithic development and some authors regard them as the first of a Neolithic context that appears in the Peninsula record6. In turn, Paleo-environmental data helps us to understand human impact on the landscape at these times of change. Despite the fact that a certain amount of deforestation took place in the North of the Peninsula during the Mesolithic, interpreted as wood clearance to make it easier to hunt certain ungulates in makeshift grassland, the reality is that the arboreal layer was diminishing precisely at the same time as economic output was deferred. Indeed, the combined evidence from the study of peat bogs and wetlands, tells us about the first signs of human activity in distinct regions of the Interior; between 5,6005,400 cal. BC in the Ebro Valley, between 5,4805,300 cal. BC in Cantabria, and during the first half of the 5th millennium cal. BC in the mountains of Northern Galicia. In all cases, the apparent decline in tree cover is accompanied by an increase in worthless shrubs and a rudimentary taxonomy, interpreted as the first indications in high areas of a pastoral economy, particularly in the absence of cereal pollen usually associated with this type of deforestation. However, direct evidence of agriculture and livestock is available at dates that rival in antiquity those presented in the previous chapter, dates that would confirm in our view, that the arrival of the Neolithic at least along the major prehistoric routes of communication (rivers, valleys), is an almost instantaneous occurrence or one that took place over a time interval of no more than 200 years. Therefore it is impossible to provide sequencing following the methods of absolute dating available today. The following examples serve to confirm this fact: The first dates for sheep are taken from sites at Peña Larga (5,700-5,560 cal. BC) and Chaves (5,570-5,470 cal. BC) and for cereal at Paleta (5,671-5,483 cal. BC), the cave of the Mirador (5,467-5,212 cal. BC) and Revilla (5,4665,209 cal. BC). On the other hand, we should point 6 Alday Ruíz, 2005. out that the first evidence of domestication (animal and plant) indicate stable economies in many cases, specialised and fully adapted to the distinct environments into which human groups chose to divide themselves. The most significant cases in this regard are in the early Neolithic deposits in the Ambrona Valley, Soria. The clear dominance of dressed wheat (einkorn and spelt) in the deposits at La Lámpara and La Revilla, is explained by the specific continental conditions and the insufficient preparation of soil which required the use of very specific species resistant to this unfavourable medium, such as Triticum Monococum and Dicoccum. On the other hand, and of a general nature, it also confirms the presence of all groups of domestic species in these early stages at the most important sites in the Interior; undressed wheat and the preferential use of sheep at Chaves, Peña Larga, La Vaquera and El Mirador, dressed wheat and the preferential exploitation of cattle at Los Cascajos; dressed wheat and the preferential exploitation of sheep at La Revilla and La Lámpara where the earliest evidence of flax (Linum Usitatisimun) cultivation and a seed from the opium poppy (Papaver Somniferum/P.Setigerum) of possible Mediterranean origin has also been documented. Others that form part of the range of species cultivated at nearly all these sites are some legumes and dressed and undressed barley (Hordeum Vulgare o Nudum). Proposal for the sequencing and types of site The interpretation of archaeological evidence in the Peninsula record, allows us to establish the following proposal on the introduction and consolidation of economic strategies implied by the Neolithic Age. Mesolithic with Neolithic elements (5,700/5,600 – 5,400/5,300 cal BC) (Fig. 1) Overall, in reference to a number of similarly characterised sites spread out along the Ebro: rock covered enclosures, large stratigraphic sequences; continuity between Mesolithic and Neolithic stages, the progressive incorporation of Neolithic elements in a sequence that includes a transition phase lacking domestication, but with pottery or traditional stone working considered to be Neolithic. The most representative sites are Mendandia, Forcas 2 (levels 5 and 6), Valmayor 11 (level 2). Outside of this geological sphere we can include in this group the Verdelpino enclosure (Cuenca) although given its uncertain history in terms of research offers up doubts about its real significance. Special mention should be given to level 3 sup. of Mendandia, which dates between the end of the 7th and the beginning of the 6th millenni-
44  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  be complete. Interestingly, the sites that demonstrate these character...
THE NEOLITHIC IN INLAND AND NORTHERN IBERIA Figure 1. Map of Neolithic development. A) Neolithic pioneers: Álava: 3) Peña Larga, level 4 (bottom): 5715-5561; Huesca: 8) Chaves, level Ib: 5614-5478, 5482-5375. B) Neolithic elements in Mesolithic context: Condado de Treviño: 1) Mendandia, level 3sup: 6235-6019, 6239-5916, 6207-5983; level 2: 5621-5371; Álava: 2) Kanpanoste Goikoa, level 2 (?); Navarra: 4) La Peña, levels d and dsup; 5) Zatoya, level 1+a2.2; 6) Aizpea, 3: 5476-5221, 7) Padre Areso, level 3b; Huesca: 9) Forcas 2, level 5: 5726-5575; Stage 6: 5721-5569; Zaragoza: 10) Valmayor 11, Phase 2: 5609-5478; 11) Plano del Pulido, level cg; 12) El Pontet, level c-inf; Teruel: 13) Els Secans, level 2a; 14) Ángel 1 and 2: Ángel 1, level 8b sup; Ángel 2, level 2a1; Cuenca: 15) Verdelpino, level 4. um cal. BC that represent a pioneering breakthrough of domestication and consequently of the Neolithic between dates which at the moment are difficult to interpret in the light of current material evidence. In short, as stated by Alday7 himself, we can say that for the moment this site is an anomaly. These enclosures are located in areas of territorial control, close to water sources, occupied between Spring and Autumn and with direct access to various ecosystems (woods, rocky areas, grasslands etc) as is evident from the variety of fauna noted in records. 7 Alday Ruíz, 2011a. In some cases they become linked to form site networks created in order to both control and exploit the territory. Such is the case of a group of sites in Alava and the region of Treviño where up to six “stations” (Atxoste, Fuentehoz, Kampanoste, Kampanoste Goikoa, La Peña, Socuevas), in the words of Alday Ruiz, conform to a network organised to exploit the territory8. Generally, they can be characterised as encampments logistically specialised for such tasks as hunting although studies in traceability also recognises 8 Alday Ruíz, 2011b. 45
THE NEOLITHIC IN INLAND AND NORTHERN IBERIA  Figure 1. Map of Neolithic development. A  Neolithic pioneers    lava  3  Pe ...
46 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE that work of a domestic nature took place, such as the curing of skins, food smoking and flint shaping. Wildlife is absolutely predominant in the archaeological record as is the activity of gathering, however, at more recent stages there is evidence of planting and animal domestication; at level 3b Atxoste there has allegedly been found a relatively small amount of domestic animal remains compared to the vast majority of strewn about wildlife remains; in the Forcas 2 enclosure, 2 or 3 archaeological sheep remains have been identified out of a total of 800 archaeological remains and lastly, interesting due to its implications on the Neolithic process of development, is the presence of a T3 haplotype from a piece of “auroch” molar at level 3 Mendandia sup. This haplotype is characteristic of Middle Eastern populations and associated, from the scarce DNA samples of animals studied, with domestication, in short, representing an anomaly at the site. Also identified in several of these sites is some evidence of plant domestication based on the discovery of ruderal species (that is, plants which accompany crops or grow in waste ground), mills, polished axes and some flint blades with a gloss of cereal. Neolithic pioneers (5,700/5,600 - 5,400/5,300 cal. BC) (Fig. 1) These merit the classification of level 4 of Peña Larga (5,720-5,560 cal. BC on sheep and goats) in Rioja Alavesa and levels 1a and 1b in the cave at Chaves (5,780-5,580 cal. BC on carbon and 5,5705,470 cal. BC on sheep and goats) in Aragon. In this context we present the earliest dates for singular events of short duration concerning domestic species that share almost identical characteristics: marking new activity due to the existence of a broad sedimentary interruption between the previous activity and the Neolithic with evidence of an economy of production established due to the species of animals and plants found in the archaeological record. The site of La Paleta on the Southern Meseta may possibly be included in this section due to the dating of “cereals” between 5,671-5,483 cal. BC, although from characteristics we will describe later, we are not in agreement with this. an authentic village. Recent excavations made until 2007 (the year of its fateful destruction), identified the cave’s complex interior spatial distribution, with distinct spaces, living space with plentiful fire-pits, some possibly used for meat smoking and roasting acorns and a storage area with trays and large pots. The first inhabitants of Chaves lived a fully Neolithic way of life; domestic species (mainly sheep, to a lesser extent cattle and swine) make up nearly 70% of the recovered animal record, whilst on the margins, agriculture is attested to by some evidence of carpology due to the presence of cereal pollen in the interior of the cave suggesting the existence of fields within a radius of not more than 2km. Meanwhile, Peña Larga10 has a peculiar and somewhat different character. Here, we are dealing with a enclosure of small dimensions where the livestock percentage is somewhat less as hunting was more important. However, the archaeological images documented at the lower levels illustrates an intensification of the exploitation of livestock, the enclosure having served as an animal pen sporadically from the start. Neolithic consolidation (from 5,400-5,300 cal BC) (Fig. 2) The data we now have allows us to confirm that at this time the Neolithic period had virtually spread throughout the entire Peninsula territory, although absolute dates for singular events of short duration concerning domestic species divide this phase in two: a) The end of the 6th millennium Cal. BC: Occupation of most of the Valley of the Ebro, both Mesetas and with some reservation (for lack of domestic dating) Extremadura. The most important sites are: Los Cascajos, El Mirador, La Revilla, La Lámpara, La Paleta y La Vaquera. b) 5th millennium Cal. BC: Neolithic expansion to the entire Peninsula including the regions of Cantabria and Galicia. The most important sites, in addition to the above, although some without absolute dates for singular events of short duration: El Mirón and Pico Ramos in Cantabria, Kobaederra in Guipúzcoa, Monte dos Remedios and O Regueiriño in Galicia y Canaleja 2 and Los Barruecos in Extremadura. We can point out some general characteristics in the sites belonging to this stage: activity of various ecosystems, archaeological sites as much in caves as outdoors, the practical absence of sites in enclosures, sites of a new stamp alongside large Neolithic stratigraphy, an escalation Undoubtedly, the cave at Chaves9 can be considered as the site most paradigmatic of this phase although it is a site that has been destroyed by the insensitivity and carelessness of its owners. We can say that this site was a huge cave with more than 3,200 m2 of living space with a water course running at its foot. It was therefore an ideal place to establish 9 Baldellou Martínez, 2011. 10 Fernández Eraso, 1997 and 2011.
46  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  that work of a domestic nature took place, such as the curing of skins...
THE NEOLITHIC IN INLAND AND NORTHERN IBERIA Figure 2. Map of the Early Neolithic Period: 6th and 5th Millenia cal. BC. Sites: Galicia: 1) Monte dos Remedios; 2) O Regueiriño; Asturias: 3) Los Canes; Cantabria: 4) La Calverra-Peña Oviedo; 5) El Mirón; 6) Los Gitanos; Vizcaya: 7) Pico Ramos; 8) Arenaza; 9) Kobaederra; 10) Lumentxa; Guipúzcoa: 11) Herriko Barra; 12) Marizulo I; Palencia: 13) La Velilla; Burgos: 14) Molino de Arriba; 15) El Mirador; 16) El Portalón de Cueva Mayor; Álava: 17) La Renke Norte; 18) Atxoste; 19) Los Husos I; 20) Los Husos 2; 21) Peña Larga; La Rioja: 22) Lóbrega; Navarra: 23) Abauntz; 24) Paternanbidea; 25) Los Cascajos; Zaragoza: 26) Paco Pons; 27) Gato 2; 28) Riols 1; 29) Valmayor 11; 30) Costalena; 31) El Pontet; Huesca: 32) Espluga de la Puyascada; 33) Els Trocs; 34) Pacencia; 35) Huerto Raso; 36) Chaves; 37) Forcas 2; 38) Moro de Olvena; Segovia: 39) La Nogaleda; 40) La Vaquera; Soria: 41) Abrigo de La Dehesa; 42) La Revilla del Campo; 43) La Lámpara; Teruel: 44) Las Torrazas; 45) Botiquería dels Moros; Madrid: 46) La Higuera; 47) La Ventana; 48) Arenero de Los Vascos; 49) Casa Montero; 50) Arenero de Valdivia; 51) La Deseada; 52) Cueva del Aire; 53) El Congosto; 54) H-05; Cáceres: 55) Los Barruecos; Toledo: 56) La Paleta; 57) Azután; 58) El Castillejo; Cuenca: 59) Verdelpino; Ciudad Real: 60) Villamayor. of the economics of production and evidence of functional specialisation and intensification (mining, compost type structures). This stage presents us with two types of site: a) Open Air Sites Sites without a vertical stratigraphy and broad surface area, characterised by the presence of negative structures in the form of pits and holes for dif- ferent functions11. A type of domestic settlement that persists until the Bronze Age is known as a “pit site”. These are very diverse structures in terms of their measurement, size and function. Some have no doubt served as storage silos, with large, thick sided vessels for basic cooking (eg. La Paleta or La Lámpara), in others are silos of specific form with a 11 Rojo Guerra et al., 2008. 47
THE NEOLITHIC IN INLAND AND NORTHERN IBERIA  Figure 2. Map of the Early Neolithic Period  6th and 5th Millenia cal. BC. Si...
48 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE 1 2 2 4 5 Figure 3. Different aspects of the site at Los Cascajos, Los Arcos, Navarra: 1) Hut No. 6; (2) Ditch 2; (3) 196 Funerary structure and its grave goods; 4) Various decorated vessels; (5) Remains recovered in structure 475. (With thanks to Jesus Sesma Sesma and Jesús García Gazólaz.)
48  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  1  2  2  4  5 Figure 3. Different aspects of the site at Los Cascajos,...
THE NEOLITHIC IN INLAND AND NORTHERN IBERIA bulging base and narrow mouth such as in pit 1 at La Lámpara or in Villamayor de Calatrava, which once having lost its basic function was used as a tomb. Finally, in other cases, graves are made up of individual burial tombs as in Los Cascajos or Paternanbidea, amongst others. The presence of room structures is not very usual, except at the enclave of Los Cascajos (Fig.3) where up to 8 huts have been identified each with an almost circular floor of a diameter of 6 to 8 metres and marked out by postholes. Close to 3.5 hectares of this site has been excavated and around half a thousand negative structures corresponding to pits, ditches, fire-pits, waste dumps, pens and tombs etc. have been found. Everything seems to have been the result of following a certain plan and spatial management in which we can see perfectly individualised areas for residential use, storage, livestock and a necropolis12. Other sites are known to have clear living space; one around the change from the 6th to the 5th millennium cal. BC; Riols 1 in the Lower Ebro13; another at the end of the 5th millennium cal. BC. La Velilla on the sedimentary lands of the Northern Meseta14. They are similar in that they have a tendency to be oval and bounded by postholes although in the case of Rios 1, the entire inside of each hut appears paved with flat stones ready to be used as a main home. It is worth highlighting the presence in two sites (Los Cascajos y La Revilla) of two separate open areas that are marked out as spaces for a certain use or ritual. In the case of Los Cascajos, parts have been excavated of an enormous ditch in 5 which has a diameter, as determined by electromagnetic surveys, of about 2km. We could possibly be facing an area marked out for primitive land use delineated from the surrounding landscape. In La Revilla, an oval enclosure has been excavated (Fig.4) of more modest dimensions bounded by a double ditch with the remains of wooden posts with stone footings. There function could have been simply to demarcate a single space within the habitat that covers an area considerably larger than that taken up by the ditches and was possibly dedicated to ceremonial activities15. We cannot rule out that it might also have served to enclose and define the perimeter of an earlier occupied habitat in the manner of certain American Indian villages that we know of through observing XVI century illustrations. Either way, these structures inaugurate a tradition that will set 12 13 14 15 García Gazólaz et al., 2011. Royo Guillén and Gómez Lecumberri, 1992. Delibes de Castro y Zapatero Magdaleno, 1996. Rojo Guerra et al., 2008. Figure 4. Reconstruction of the enclosure with double palisade at the site of La Revilla, Ambrona, Soria. Drawing: Luis Pascual Repiso. the standard for settlements throughout the Chalcolithic period and the Bronze Age, and that is, the moated enclosure. Examples of open-air settlements are scattered throughout the geography but with greater densities in both Mesetas (La Deseada, La Revilla, La Lámpara, La Velilla) and also there are numerous examples along the Ebro Valley, the most prominent being Riols 1, Los Cascajos, Paternambidea, etc. b) Sites in Caves As is logical, these sites appear in regions with suitable geological conditions such as those throughout the Pyrenees and the Pyrenean foreland of Navarra and Aragon, the Basque country and the forested foothills that surround both Mesetas where one can find the interesting archaeological stations of La Vaquera(14) in Segovia, El Mirador and Cueva Mayor in Burgos, or Las Cuevas del Aire, La Higuera and La Ventana in the mountains around Madrid. The seasonality of most of these cave sites has been regularly argued and special emphasis has been placed on this interpretation due to the characteristics on record, in the case of Els Trocs because of its high altitude above sea-level suggesting an authentic seasonal migration from lands further South near the Ebro. However, in the example of the cave at La Vaquera16 it is thought more in terms of short distance migration (semi-nomadic) from the valley at the foot of the mountains of the Central System. Also, given the special climatic conditions in the Atapuerca highlands around Burgos it has been argued that 16 Estremera Portela, 2003. 49
THE NEOLITHIC IN INLAND AND NORTHERN IBERIA  bulging base and narrow mouth such as in pit 1 at La L  mpara or in Villamayo...
50 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE there was a semi-sedentary style of shepherding during the Neolithic at El Mirador17. Either way, the majority of Neolithic settlements in caves have a long stratigraphy that spans the development of practically the entire sequence from of the 6th until the end of the 5th millennium BC. In all cases, the material record, including palaecological data, tells us of groups that established agriculturallivestock economies and if this is true it is certain that, perhaps because of the condition of preservation on record, they favoured the latter. examples would be Los Husos 1 and 2 in La Rioja Alavesa, and El Mirador in Atapuerca, to which we can add Peña Larga in terms of some of the aspects commented on earlier. These sites, especially the first, could have served as enclosures for flocks of sheep and goats (to a lesser extent cattle) that could be used, according to recent interpretations of the evidence at El Mirador, for both meat and small-scale milk production and this can be seen, by analysis of the age of death, as archaeo-zoological evidence. Common features shared by sites in the open air and sites in caves are the choice of strategic locations perfectly adapted to suit livestock and agriculture and the monitoring of a certain amount of growing economic activity and specialized production. With regard to the first point, it should be noted that virtually all Neolithic sites are located in exceptional environments able to bring under control large areas for the exploitation of agriculture and the rearing of livestock. Recently, Garía Martínez de Lagrán18 stressed certain characteristics that seem to recur in open air habitats that could explain the rapid process of Neolithic development of the territory, from the displacement of an inefficient, straightforward people towards defined biotopes through a mechanism known as leap-frogging or infiltration into the territory. For this reason these first sites share in a special way: occupation of wooded areas, close proximity to lakes, watersheds and areas with abundant water courses and flat areas at the base of gently sloping terrain with good open views of the areas of landuse. Finally, they are situated along natural routes of communication or strategic crossings the importance of which is shown by the proximity of historic routes of migration leading to a large majority of these Neolithic settlements. A singular site that from carbon samples dates from the end of the 6th millennium cal. BC. is the Casa Montero flint mine20 in Madrid. We consider it unique because we have gained knowledge of a very specific non-subsistent type of activity that is therefore already specialised from the first instances of Neolithic development. This fact shows us without doubt the level of development and social organisation of these first Neolithic communities capable of allocating people and time to activities not of a subsistent nature but which we imagine were highly productive. Casa Montero was a flint mine that was exploited principally through vertical wells. From the Neolithic era, 3,824 wells have been documented from 42,383m2 of excavation work in an area that covered 8 hectares according to superficial surveys of the site. According to ongoing research it seems that the mines were used to select and transform the flint nodules to obtain a final product essentially of a blade format. Evidence of an entire chain of operations has been revealed at the site, with the exception of the final product which makes us think that the flint was distributed and commercialised rapidly through the various networks of exchange both near and far, the established scale of which is the subject of current research. In relation to growing economic activity and specialised production, we should refer to two particular types of site; caves for animal enclosure and the manufacture and supply of flint at the Casa Montero mine (Vicálvaro, Madrid). The Neolithic package As in the case of the outlying areas of the Peninsula and as we have seen in the previous chapter, in this geographical area, particularly throughout the 5th millennium cal. BC, we find a series of cave sites whose characteristic sedimentology is based on a succession of ash strata with abundant spheralites that have been interpreted as manure compost or as evidence of sheep pens19. The most significant 17 18 19 Vergés et al., 2008. García Martínez de Lagrán, 2008b. Fernández Eraso 2008; Polo Díaz and Fernández Eraso, 2010 In essence, the Neolithic Age represents a way of life and a form of relationship with nature. From this perspective we cannot be typologists who might define the Neolithic Age from certain archaeological material or a particular technical perspective. Human groups are Neolithic because they had a certain way of life and interaction with nature based on an economy of deferred output and that which comes with it from the point of view of social relations, the symbolic world, settlement patterns and, in part, material culture which adapted progressively to the needs of the new conditions. 20 Consuegra Rodríguez et al., 2004.
50  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  there was a semi-sedentary style of shepherding during the Neolithic a...
THE NEOLITHIC IN INLAND AND NORTHERN IBERIA For this reason we believe that at the beginning of the Neolithic development process, (5,500-5,700 cal. BC) there existed a duality of states; on the one hand, the very early Neolithic whose pioneers settled in the best locations that offered up the total package of a new way of life based on the cultivation of crops, the rearing of livestock and to a certain extent brought about a discriminating material culture that also paid particular attention to the production of pottery which will be discussed later in more detail. These first Neolithic populations initiated contact with Mesolithic communities in those places in which these opportunities were relatively plentiful. primitive and autonomous manufacture of pottery at this site as is sometimes suggested for the Verdelpino enclosure in Cuenca. It is clear however that, if one looks at the material culture one observes certain differences or evolutionary processes that are fair to point out: In turn, the stone industry in this context is basically characterised by size of flint, the abundance of natural resources and microliths among which importance is beginning to be attached to dentiform types that have a bevelled finish on both sides. Not infrequently, the toothed/double bevelled combination is considered as a faithful indicator of the process of Neolithic development throughout the Interior and very specifically in the Ebro valley. However, there is no lack of both toothed and double bevelled in the Mesolithic context as for example level 4 of Botiquería or Horizon 1 of Valmayor 11. From this we can say that the double bevel as the toothed or especially the toothed to the double bevel, should be considered not as evidence of Neolithic development per se, but as a progressive adaptation of a local substrate to new needs and can be interpreted as the final stage of the technical evolution of the Mesolithic age of microlith as already proposed by Arias Cabal22. If we accept this idea, its presence within a Neolithic context could be considered as a contribution to the groups of hunter-gatherers during the process of Neolithic development (for example of exchange with the appearance of pioneers, in settings like Chaves or Peña Larga) and that remain throughout the Early Neolithic, the presence of which is manifest in many Neolithic settings from 5,400/5,300. In the absence of actual Neolithic life forms, the Mesolithic setting with a Neolithic element is defined by the presence of a very few remnants of pottery. Only in 3 settings (Mendandia 3 sup and 2, and Atxoste), are there sufficient amounts to be able to deduce some considerations that can be inferred for the rest of this type of setting - in the Ebro Valley and for some settlements in the Interior such as the La Dehesa enclosure in the Ambrona Valley, Soria. In a recent work García Martínez de Lagrán21 and others have defined this type of pottery work as characterised by simple form with a unique decorative arrangement under the lip created using a single technique (Fig.5). It would at the time be the earliest pottery known in the Iberian Peninsula, alongside that in context to the Neolithic pioneers, to the extent that it is very difficult to know if the dates for Stage 3sup of Mendandia (end of the 7th millennium cal. BC) correspond to authentic contact with Neolithic communities. Neither would it result in an aberration, in this case, to conjecture and to propose In terms of material wealth, pottery can be highlighted. In effect, interpretations revolve around classic cardial designs these contexts (although it is certainly true that the cardial designs from Peña Larga have little to do with those at Chaves in terms of technique and composition). It is equally true This situation would necessarily create an interaction between these human groups, particularly evident in Mesolithic settlements, for the exchange of information and material products, in particular due to the economic strategies and standardisation of their material cultures. We present therefore the above mentioned duality of cultural states as that of Mesolithic groups who received through exchange significant Neolithic elements of a cultural and material nature, together with Neolithic groups whose pioneers settled in the best locations and who would develop a way of life totally dependent on the exploitation of the natural environment, receiving at the same time elements and influences from the Mesolithic groups they interacted with. 21 García Martínez de Lagrán et al., 2011. The first Neolithic groups, here referred to as pioneers, were to a greater or lesser extent, already in possession of the total package. That is pottery, polished stone, farmed vegetables (mainly cereals) and livestock, preferably sheep, although to a lesser extent, other species such as cattle, goats and swine. The stone industry was pretty standardised and particularly dominated by flint blades and variously reworked blades depending on the sites. They were also of differing geometric dimensions (in addition to toothed, double bevelled, trapezoid and triangular) and some for drilling/boring were very common in the context of the end of the 6th century cal. BC. Polished utensils and milling tools were also becoming common. 22 Arias Cabal, 2007: 58. 51
THE NEOLITHIC IN INLAND AND NORTHERN IBERIA  For this reason we believe that at the beginning of the Neolithic development...
52 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE 1 2 3 Figure 5. Style 1: 1 and 2, Mendandia; 3, Valmayor 11.
52  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  1  2  3  Figure 5. Style 1  1 and 2, Mendandia  3, Valmayor 11.
THE NEOLITHIC IN INLAND AND NORTHERN IBERIA that they co-existed, and rivalled in antiquity, with impressed/enscribed-ribbed pieces that will define what García Lagrán and others have described as style 2 (Fig.6). This duality of decorative traditions, only present in the regions of Aragon and Catalonia and at one site in the Interior (La Paleta), at a time so early, can be interpreted in different ways or alternatively if the current record allows us, none. Namely, it could represent an area of contact between different currents of Neolithic development, to a single group that decorated using two styles or equally a confluence of autonomous groups… Ultimately, what seems to be clear is that the Neolithic process of development in the Peninsula requires some form of the phenomenon of colonisation that already existed at this time to explain the appearance of such complex styles of pottery, and as such the Early Neolithic arrived to Iberia already developed in all these facets. From the last quarter of the 6th millennium cal. BC, we can say that the Neolithic is fully established in a large part of the interior of the Peninsula and from then on its presence increases in the Bay of Biscay and Galicia. Human groups already Neolithic in nature occupied different ecosystems adapted to suit the needs of production, developed certain specialisations such as mining as mentioned above in Casa Montero, practised seasonal migration in mountainous areas and were exploiting the plains of Extremadura and the Southern Sub-Meseta. At the same time we witness a spatial diversification in regions where there are many open air enclaves and occupied caves that will eventually be transformed into enclosures as happened in the Levant. In terms of stone materials, flint blades and variously reworked blades are still in common use. Through archaeological trace analysis we know that many of these were used as sickles with longitudinal and transverse handles23. Their use for making holes also increased: for skin piercing, necklace beads, or to drilling pottery pieces with semi-processed wool as an ornamental element. Those that were geometrical, particularly trapezoids and triangular shapes, were used as points for projectiles. But undoubtedly, out of the total Neolithic package, it is pottery production at this time that arouses the most interest, for two reasons: Firstly, for the huge variety and decorative complexity of form at the end of the 6th millennium cal. BC and also in some areas, the first quarter of the fifth. Secondly, because precisely around the middle of the fifth millennium traditional decoration dis- appeared completely for reasons we are about to comment on, and that are generally regarded to signify the beginning of the phase known as the Mid-Neolithic. From 5,500-5,400 cal. BC, the above mentioned Style 2(Fig.6) would extend to new areas. It is characterised by the overwhelming predominance of print technique that goes along with grooved/corrugated inscription. There is an increase in the shapes of decorated vessels. Jugs and bottles gain in importance whilst there is also an increase in ornamental work. Style 2 perfectly corresponds to that which follows it known as epicardial that is very widely spread and coexists with the franco-iberian cardial, the pure Levantine and Catalan cardial and the first pottery from the interior of the Iberian Peninsula. From this perspective and taking into account the implications the epicardial concept carries with it, we consider it necessary to generically rule out this term as it does not do justice to the archaeological reality that it defines. The print technique and the creation of a grooved/corrugated inscription has been proven including anterior to the cardial and the reality is that they are part of the same historical process and to keep a term that segregates them when they are identical phenomenon we do not consider justified. Within Style 2 due to interest that different works have aroused we find a peculiar decoration known as “boquique”. It is a special technique with a number of identifiable variants which consist of a succession of impressions made by a sharp object on the clay before drying. Its wide geographic distribution and its chronology are not significantly different to the cardial and as it may be earlier this technique plays an important role as a marker for the beginning of the Neolithic Age24. From the first third of the 5th millennium cal. BC in the Ebro Valley and in Northern areas, and from the middle of the 5th millennium in Central areas we have to recognise that archaeological information about the Neolithic Age drops considerably at the same time as decoration is eliminated from pottery but not form. Now handles are added together with applied decorations, conical shapes and a shaped lip. We would point out exceptions to this dynamic in the central regions of the Peninsula and the Cantabrian coast where habitable structures under tumuli are starting to be recognised such as in La Velilla on la Northern Meseta, La Calvera-Peña Oviedo, in Cantabria and Azután or El Castillejo on the Southern Meseta25. 24 23 Gibaja, 2008. 25 Alday Ruíz and Moral del Hoyo, 2011. Bueno Ramírez et al., 2005. 53
THE NEOLITHIC IN INLAND AND NORTHERN IBERIA  that they co-existed, and rivalled in antiquity, with impressed enscribed-rib...
54 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE 1 2 3 4 5 7 6 Figure 6. Style 2: 1, La Revilla; 2, La Vaquera; 3, La Revilla; 4, La Vaquera; 5, Atxoste; 6, La Lámpara; 7, Molino de Arriba.
54  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  1  2  3  4  5  7 6  Figure 6. Style 2  1, La Revilla  2, La Vaquera  3...
THE NEOLITHIC IN INLAND AND NORTHERN IBERIA to find human remains scattered more or less throughout the stratigraphy. This is the case of the skull of an adult male found in the La Vaquera cave in Segovia27 among various remains of 7 individuals in the cave at Chaves, others at La Nogaleda in Segovia and a very interesting set in the recently excavated cave at Els Trocs in Huesca. From the study made of the skull at La Vaquera and the evidence from Trocs, we are inclined to think that at the beginning of the Neolithic period a series of rites were practised in the interior of both caves that had a human body either already deceased or sacrificed as the protagonist of the occasion. It has also been suggested that such remains could have served as an authentic relic that was circulated between different groups or sites. The Ritual and Symbolic World It is complicated to enter the symbolic world of some human groups that are gaining a foothold in a territory, developing survival strategies, changing old habits and creating new niches where to impose their established way of life. In the previous chapter we have already referred to the relationship between the early stages of the Neolithic Age and the overall schematic and the Levantine schematic, so were not going to get involved in this here. It is simply convenient to comment on the part of our territory (Albacete, Cuenca, Guadalajara, Toledo, South of Zaragoza, Huesca) that is affected by these same currents to the extent that in certain places (Doña Clotilde, Remosillo, Varfaluy), some semi-naturalistic images have been considered as a local version of the Petracos style due to sinuous motifs or simple characters with their fingers wide open26. What seems clear is that, in the Interior, the symbolic world of the Neolithic Age is particularly associated with the simple representation of reality and the universal mindset. Associated to many Neolithic enclosures we can recognise anthropomorphs of different types, zoomorphs, rods and dots, idols with eyes, soliforms and grids. All these motifs, or at least some, are perfectly incorporated in an interesting set of painted rock faces in the lower level of the cave at Chaves. b) Standard graves. Fundamentally found in open-air settlements although in one or two cases they have been found in caves; at level 1a at Chaves and at Marizulo. In practically all cases they follow the same burial norms: individual internment in graves in which the individuals are left in a doubled up position. Examples are increasingly numerous in the Ebro Valley most famously: Greater accuracy can be established for the funerary world as the archaeological evidence is found in settlements and/or in settings that contain sufficient features to be definitively ascribed to a productive economic phase. Along these lines, the first Neolithic funeral evidence (second half of the 6th and early 5th millennia cal. BC) is not very abundant in our area of study and of course has little to do with the dawn of monumentality that characterises the Megalithic Age from the 4th millennium cal. BC. – The internment of a male in a grave at the cave at Chaves: Abundant remains of ochre are preserved throughout the tomb but particularly in the skull and according to Utrillo and others28 were left in a “crude pit” where he even found a small piece of cloth/bandage remains that has been impossible to preserve. The grave goods were not abundant limited to a ring of bone that the individual held in his right hand. A curious aspect of this tomb was the accumulation of 296 small, white pebbles (less than 8cm) that formed a small mound over the grave. However, it is fair to say thanks to the huge blossoming of archaeology and its’ management in our country, through which have been excavated a huge number of settlements, and from the development of major research projects that the geography of the Peninsula is filled with new evidence and so we can draw a genuinely homogenous picture of these early times. Two ways of treating a human corpse can be identified. – The exceptional set of graves at Los Cascajos (Los Arcos, Navarra). These form part of a genuine necropolis; a restricted area for burials within an impressive Neolithic settlement in the open air29. From this time about 30 graves have been excavated. All of them are small pits dug into the unspoilt territory. The remains are primary in all cases and they are placed in doubled-up positions with a clear predominance of adult males. The grave goods are not a) The presence of scattered bone remains in a domestic setting mixed together with other archaeological evidence, without which they could be considered to belong to any funerary stage. In some caves it is more common 27 28 26 Utrilla Miranda y Calvo, 2000. 29 Delibes de Castro et al., 1999. Utrilla Miranda et al., 2008: 134. García Gazólaz and Sesma Sesma, 2008. 55
THE NEOLITHIC IN INLAND AND NORTHERN IBERIA  to    nd human remains scattered more or less throughout the stratigraphy. Th...
56 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE very rich and when present usually consist of smooth ceramic bowls, flints, some element to do with milling, axes and ornaments made of shell or bone. Worthy of a mention is the presence in this restricted burial area, of certain structures also in the grave, of remains that are evidence of a ritual but are not of human origin; such as the remains of fauna or of various materials representative of agricultural activities, two dogs and other objects (Fig. 3.3). – The Neolithic necropolis at Paternanbidea30 where the only examples found up to now, have been double burials; two of them simultaneous and two cumulative. In the latter case there would have been facing open structures where, after prior preparation of the space, the newly deceased would be placed in the new tomb. In a total of four graves up to 11 individuals have been recovered both male and female young adults. As opposed to that in the tombs at Chaves and Cascajos here the grave goods are rich particularly in adornments such as pendants, necklaces made of shells, bone or green stone, pottery, geometric microliths, flints and pieces of rock crystal. In the interior on both Mesetas we increasingly see more examples that when reproduced show similar patterns of behaviour31, namely; individual burials in a doubled-up position placed in graves located in habitats in the open air. Examples are not plentiful; Arenero de Valdivia and Congosto in Madrid, Alto de Rodilla and Molino de Arriba in Burgos, Villamayor de Calatrava in Toledo and the grave of La Lámpara in Ambrona in Soria. This last is perhaps the most significant of them all. It is the burial of an adult female that was deposited in what may be a silo turned into a tomb for it is wide and has a rounded base and is narrower at the neck and mouth. The deceased is deposited in the bottom of the hole accompanied by rich grave goods such as a beautiful bottle with an inscribed-imprinted decoration (Fig 7a), and a flint with traces that show it served as a cereal sickle. Right in the narrow part of the grave and to help seal the gaps between flat slabs of limestone, are 354 ceramic fragments corresponding to different vessels including a section of a large bowl and a small bottle with an impressed comb decoration. All this is accompanied by various elements of stone and bone that would have been most certainly deposited during a complex funeral ceremony (Fig 7B). Well into the 5th millennium, a phenomenon occurs similar to that detected with respect to settle30 31 García Gazólaz, 2008. Rubio de Miguel, 1990. ments; the practical absence of burial remains. In this area we only know one other tomb burial site close to Burgos unveiled at the 5th Neolithic Peninsula Congress held in Lisbon and still unpublished (El Hoyo) and several tombs in another grave at Los Cascajos that dates from the second half of the 5th millennium cal. BC. Towards the end of the 5th millennium cal. BC and parallel to the emergence in the periphery of the so-called proto-megaliths in Portugal and in the North East of the Peninsula the group at Tavertet in the Catalan Pyrenees can be considered despite their individual character as an early manifestation of the monuments that characterised the age of the Megalith. Here we observe particularly in the Interior, an intensification of the evidence of habitats under mounds as previously commented on. We are situated at the gates that lead to important changes in the funerary field at a Peninsula level and this is the setting for the emergence of a complex phenomenon and a great diffusion: The Megalithism. The emergence of funerary monumentality: The Age of the Megalithism. Spatial distribution Megaliths as discussed in this section represent above all a funerary expression that arises between the end of the 5th millennium cal. BC and the beginning of the 4th. Much has been written about the megalithic phenomenon, its ideology, culture, rituals, space etc. However, we wish to give a more descriptive connotation adding to the traditional megalithic funerary display a uniformity that is embodied in its monumental character. In all cases the variety of manifestations that we will later look at are an emerging mass, anthropic, that imposes itself on a space and that sometimes may delimit or mark a territory, but which always crystalizes a thought and a need to perpetuate a memory. This funerary monumentality as has been defined extends throughout the Interior and Northern lands with varying density and adopting various architectural forms. Practically all the Peninsula Interior, with the exception of some areas in the central sector and the eastern edge of the Southern Meseta, possess some kinds of monumental construction while it is fair to acknowledge that there is a decrease in density towards the central Ebro Basin and the sectors of the central Interior. This has often been linked to greater anthropic pressure exerted by agricultural cultivation which would have caused the destruction of much of the evidence.
56  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  very rich and when present usually consist of smooth ceramic bowls,   ...
THE NEOLITHIC IN INLAND AND NORTHERN IBERIA Figure 7. Floor and section of an early Neolithic burial site, La Lámpara (Ambrona, Soria) and reconstruction of the funeral ceremony (drawing: Luis Pascual Repiso) 57
THE NEOLITHIC IN INLAND AND NORTHERN IBERIA  Figure 7. Floor and section of an early Neolithic burial site, La L  mpara  A...
58 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE In Galicia32, The Cantabrian Coast and the Western Pyrenees33, monuments, although they occur in different topographies, often occupy higher areas such as La Sierra de Barbanza in A Coruña, Morrazo in Pontevedra, Sierra Plana de la Borbolla in Asturias, and numerous groups in Las Sierras de Urbasa, Aralar in Navarra and the mountainous area of Viescas as well as in settings such as Guarrinza and Somontano in the Aragonese Pyrenees. All the areas noted have very high densities of monuments that are sparser as we head into the Highlands of both Mesetas. In the central sector of the Pyrenees, we also note significant concentrations in the forested foothills that surround Las Penillanuras, Zamorano-Salmantinas, La Lora in Burgos and the foothills of the Iberian System in the same province34 as well as in the neighbouring province of Soria. A very important concentration is situated in the Sierra de Cameros (close to VigueraNalda in la Rioja) which links to the very important Riojano-Alavez concentration to the South of the Sierra de Cantabria. However, to the South, in the Central System the number of sites is much smaller with just a few examples in the provinces of Avila, Segovia and Madrid. The flat areas of the Northern Meseta offer up examples in all provinces but in dispersed form and never in high concentrations. We have already alluded to the vacuum found in the Eastern subsection of the Southern part of the Central System, while in the Western sector there is a well-stocked group of monuments in the Tajo Central basin that are increasing with the appetite for research emanating from the University of Alcalá de Henares. Extremadura, for its part, has important centres in the region of Alcantara and La Sierra de San Pedro, and, in general, in the areas close to the border with Portugal aside from important monuments (some 100 in number) in the province of Badajoz35. Aside from the distribution of monuments by Peninsula geography it is interesting to highlight the sites they occupy in the local topography. In this sense, it is convenient to point out certain patterns 32 33 34 35 General references on this aspect can be found in: Criado Boado, 1989; Criado Boado and Vaquero Lastres, 1993; Criado Boado and Villoch Vázquez, 1998 and López Sáez et al., 2010. The landscape aspects of these sectors can be found in: Blas Cortina, 1997 b; Carlos Izquierdo, 1998; Rupérez Andrés, 1987; Arias Cabal et al, 2005.; Teira Mayolini, 1994. Bibliographic references on these aspects: Delibes de Castro and Santonja Gómez, 1986; Rojo Guerra, 1990 and 1994. Work on aspects of Southern Submeseta and Extremadura: Bueno Ramírez and Balbin-Behrmann, 2000; López Romero and Walid Sbeinati 2005; Galán Domingo and Martín Bravo, 1991-1992. that can be observed in the majority. They generally sit on small platforms or reliefs that are elevated above the immediate landscape and that increase the sense of monumentality, on not very high hills in low mountain ranges, in natural mountain passes and at the bottoms of valleys or at the foot of mountains where there is a lot of territorial control. It has sometimes been said that megaliths were built to be seen, hence the general trend as to their setting at points that stand out, with ample visibility and frequently in areas of transit. The monument and its funerary architecture (Fig. 8) From a practical and not symbolic point of view, a Megalith is a tomb, a collective cemetery diachronically used to house the deceased of a community for a relatively long period of time. To accomplish this a Megalith requires a space in which to house the funeral remains, that is of a varied and polymorphic architecture that through analysis and description can be observed as consisting of two parts: The Barrow and the main burial site of an appropriate megalithic nature. The tumulus consists of a mound of earth and stones which surround the main burial site and has a double function: From its great size it turns a burial site into a monument by exceeding the height and bulk and bearing of the structure it covers. Secondly, in the majority of cases, it is architectural in that it resists the downward forces of the colossal stone structure. The actual burial site is the final resting place of the deceased and possesses a varied typology, although its origin in the majority of cases is simply an open hollow space, bounded by a structure made of large stones. Architectural considerations given over to this space vary but are a form of synthesis according to the characteristics of each and from which we can establish the following typology36. Non-megalithic tombs (Fig. 8A): These are tombs that share monumental character (volume growth) but which do not possess a colossal stone architecture to house the deceased. Instead, they are simply small pits protected or covered by stones or protected by stone walls or even wooden structures. They tend to be small monuments which rarely exceed 10 metres in diameter and are known almost virtually in all the areas studied. We can cite La Madorra da Granxa 36 Additional references on megalithic architecture in different work areas: Blas Cortina, 1987; Vivanco, 1981; Bueno Ramírez, 1988 y 1994, Fábregas Valcarce and Vilaseco Vázquez, 2003; Rodriguez Casal, 1979 and 1983; López Plaza, 1982; Delibes de Castro, 2010.
58  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  In Galicia32, The Cantabrian Coast and the Western Pyrenees33, monumen...
THE NEOLITHIC IN INLAND AND NORTHERN IBERIA (Lugo, Galicia), Monte Areo XII in Asturias and Trikauaitzi II in Guipúzcoa. They are also present in the interior where well known examples are: El Rebolledo in Burgos, La Tarayuela in Soria, El Castillejo in Toledo or Dehesa de Rio Fortes in Avila. Simple dolmens (Fig.8B): We consider simple dolmens to be those monuments that have a closed orthostatic chamber under the mound. The varieties are enormous, from chambers that have a tendency to be square in the Northwest, the Cantabrian coast and the Western Pyrenees, to those with a tendency to be upright but polygonal also represented in Galica and in Extremadura, and some with a tendency to be circular such as in Fuente Pecina 2 in La Lora in Burgos and some Zamoran monuments such as the San Adrián Dolmen in Granucillo. Access to these simple chambers is often through a portico which is nothing more than an opening at one end blocked by one or two stone slabs that are smaller than the rest. This is the case for the Dolmen at La Capilla de Santa Cruz in Cangas de Onís, for example. Passage graves (Fig.8c): These include a variety of open megalithic structures, that is to say, they have a structure tailor made for access. Depending on the area they too may be differentiated between short passage graves in which the passageway does not directly connect the funeral chamber to the periphery of the grave, and long passage graves where the passageway on the periphery of the mound connects directly with the chamber. Among the first type we can include those passage monuments in which the chamber but for a slight widening is practically a continuation of the passage (a type relatively abundant in Galicia). However, almost all have a chamber that is well differentiated with a small access passage of a lesser height than the chamber. The best examples of this type can be found in the group of dolmen in Valencia at Alcántara. Long passage graves, on the other hand, are the most spectacular monuments as they are much larger (for example the tomb at Torrejón in Salamanca that is 90 metres in diameter) although less in number. These are concentrated in Western Asturias, areas around Álava, Navarra and La Rioja. Possibly due to the colossal nature of their bearing, it was for a long time believed that these were the only manner of burial of a monumental nature that existed in the Interior. This thinking has been completely discounted due to advances in research and the discovery of a large number of small mounds of varying architectural structure. However, they are the reason why research efforts have been dedicated to La Penillanura in Salamanca, La Lora in Burgos and the core sites in Toledo. In Galicia and Extremadura the entrance to a passage around the perimeter of the monument of- ten contains an atrium or open space in a “U” or “V” shape that could have served as a ritual space where celebrations preceding the final laying to rest of the deceased would take place. There are some other notable characteristics for these types of monument such as those seen in the area of Rioja Alavesa and that is the partitioning of the passage with slabs (La Cascaja in La Rioja or La Chabola de la Hechicera in Álava) or the closing of the chamber with a stone slab at the Tremedial grave, Cáceres. Another feature worthy of note at some of the largest passage graves, as at the core site at El Tajo and in Extremadura is the presence of raised stone blocks at the entrance or in the middle of the chamber in the style of stelae such as the excellent examples of Lagunita 3 in Santiago de Alcantara or at Azután and Navalcán in Toledo. Special types: we include in this particular denomination, some not very abundant, specific types in certain areas which by their spectacular nature and rarity are worthy of consideration in this view as general as it is concise. We refer to certain covered galleries such as at La Mina de Farangortea in Navarra that has a perforated slab as a gateway to the chamber. No less interesting or spectacular is the hipogeo of Longar also in Navarra (Fig.8D). It is a chamber with an excavated floor with masonry walls, covered by a single, enormous stone slab. Entrance to the burial site is through a perforated stone located at one end of the passageway by way of a V-shaped atrium. In the sedimentary terrain of the El Duero basin, two tombs, given the name of Redondiles (Los Zumacales in Valladolid and La Velilla (Fig. 9) in Palencia), show a main burial site of a horizontal orthostatic nature (not upright) that de-lineate a perfectly circular space. In the second of these monuments covering both the peripheral area and also within the interior of this huge ossuary, debris of clay and straw makes us think that the original structure was flat and covered by this material. Finally, a peculiar type of tomb that strikes a chord are those called limekiln graves37. They would have a false dome structure made of flat pieces of limestone, thought from the beginning to have been used for sealing the tomb by fire. Current evidence for this is the huge crust of quicklime (Fig.8E) that seals off the area of collective burial. This crust can only have been formed by an intentional fire, conceived and intended to convert limestone to quicklime in order to seal the burial chamber for eternity. Monuments that have been sealed in this peculiar way are found in the sedimentary terrain in the central basin of the Duero (El Miradero, Valladolid), on the border and to the East 37 Rojo Guerra et al., 2005. 59
THE NEOLITHIC IN INLAND AND NORTHERN IBERIA   Lugo, Galicia , Monte Areo XII in Asturias and Trikauaitzi II in Guip  zcoa....
60 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE A B C D E Figure 8. The most characteristic Megalithic typologies in the Iberian Peninsula: A) La Tarayuela (Ambrona, Soria), NonMegalithic Tomb, B) La Pedra de la Arca (Malpica de Bergantiños, La Coruña), Simple Dolmen C) El Terinuelo (Aldeavieja de Tormes, Salamanca), Corridor Tomb D) Hypogeum from Longar (Viana, Navarre), Hypogeum, E) La Peña de la Abuela (Ambrona, Soria), Tumba-calero. References: A and C) The Author, B) Cebrián del Moral, F.; Yanez, J.; Leston, M.; Vidal, F. y Carrera, F. (2011): The Dombate Dolmen. Archaeology, Restoration and Architecture. Provincial Council of La Coruña: p. 19, D) Author Jesus Sesma, E) Memory tombs, p. 8 Fig. 8
60  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  A  B  C  D  E  Figure 8. The most characteristic Megalithic typologies...
THE NEOLITHIC IN INLAND AND NORTHERN IBERIA of the same basin (the monuments of La Peña de la Abuela y La Sima 1 in the Ambrona Valley, Soria), and there are also examples in the Sierra de Cameros (La Rioja) and El Portillo de los Ladrones that could be of this type. The material culture (Fig.10) One interesting aspect is that to a certain extent, there is some uniformity of material culture throughout this monumental era so that one can compose a kit that is strictly speaking genuinely megalithic. It is made up of pottery of largely even finish, geometric microliths, flint blades, polished axes and various ornamental objects38. However, this homogeneity is disparate in both the overall proportion and relative presence of each type in each region of the Interior and so we can make our analysis by category. Pottery: As noted in the above, pottery is one of the essential elements of the Neolithic pack and one of the keys for interpreting the Neolithic Age. We already know of the trend from the second quarter of the 5th millennium cal. BC of the disappearance of decorative forms in favour of the maintenance of simplicity of form. This trend continues in the pottery that we find in the Megalithic period. An exception to this is in the Northwest where there is a certain abundance of globular forms and simple profiles with some examples showing simple and shallowly inscribed motifs, however the rest of the pottery found is a testament to simplicity as decoration is completely absent. From the few examples subject to radiometric analysis made in Cantabria and Galicia we can deduce that they have been made using local clays heated on rare occasions in temperatures up to 800 degrees Celsius39. The age of dolmen building covers a long time period but during their use or subsequent re-use in its later phase can be found a great variety of decoration as happened in Galicia, of pottery inscribed in a measured way or “tipo penha”, that is chalcolithic pottery decorated with comb imprints and painted in the style from Salamanca and, in all the sector that has been analysed, a pottery that is typically bell-shaped. The Stone Industry: stone objects present in dolmens include the following: carved stone, some highly reworked and others that are round and functional, often used for milling or grinding. Within the carved stone industry we find a few types that con38 39 References on different areas can be found in: Cerrillo Cuenca, 2005; González Cordero, 1993; Fábregas Valcarce, 1990 and 1991; Apellániz, 1973; Pérez Arrondo and López de Calle Cámara, 1986. Prieto Martínez et al., 2005 Figure 9. Redondil La Velilla, Osorno, Palencia and bone spatulas. On the right, female outline. Image: Museum of Palencia. 61
THE NEOLITHIC IN INLAND AND NORTHERN IBERIA  of the same basin  the monuments of La Pe  a de la Abuela y La Sima 1 in the ...
62 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE stantly recur: simple and reworked blades are present without exception in practically all megalithic grave goods found in the area of study and in some cases, as in Lora in Burgos, they exceed more than 50% of all the stone pieces found in the graves. They generally do not leave hints or traces as to their use (except in the strange case of a group of five blades intermittently reworked and present on the extreme edge of El Taraluela, Ambrona) which are considered solely as ceremonial pieces, a remarkable discovery due to their having been made in situ, as is the case of a group of blades discovered at the core site at Fuente Pecina 240 or another group of blades that were assembled and that appeared together in a specific sector of the tholos at La Sima 2. With regard to their size, conclusions can be made as to their technical ordering and chronology41. We can say that, in general, they are small. In none of the examples do they measure more than 20cm although in some monuments there are blades that fit with this category such at Sima 2 where examples measure up to 16cm, the two graves at Teriñuelo, Castraz and Aldeavieja, or the castle of Castro Enriquez, all of them in Salamanca, which exceed 15 cm and of course, the magnificent examples in the mound of the Dehesa de Rio Fortes, Monte Areo 16 and Dombate. Geometric Microliths: These are equally common in all Megalithic centres of activity and are associated with the use of scrapers, chisels and blades in Galicia and on the Cantabrian coast and have served to define a horizon for the archaic use of monuments. This horizon is also verified by the presence of micro-boring techniques in the collection of tombs in the Ambrona Valley and in Rioja-Alavesa which testify to the epi-palaeolithic origin42 for these types of tools that, although in unequal numbers, have been discovered in three typical forms: segments or half-moons, triangles and trapezoids. In Galicia there is a particular predominance of variations of the trapezoid form of up to 65% of the total sample, followed by triangular forms then segments. Different techno-typological sequences for these types of tools in connection with their polishing and shape have been developed using the following guidelines: despite a considerable percentage of the segmented type of microlith (particularly in the earliest megalithic horizon at Penillanura, Salamanca defined by the grave of Guijo 1 at Villarmayor or in the megalithic group of La Lora in Burgos), more prominence is placed on triangles and trapezoids 40 41 42 Delibes de Castro et al., 2003: 80. Pelegrín and Morgado Rodríguez, 2007; Cava Almuzara, 1984. Alegre Frandovinez, 2005 with concave cutting edges some of which are considered as a type of cooking implement43. Evolving through time in the Interior alongside more monumental architectural forms, we see more triangular forms and particularly trapezoids roughly reworked with straight cutting edges as the predominant forms, equal to those found at the Azután dolmen, Toledo. Arrowheads: although in function microliths could serve well as the point of a projectile44, we refer in this section to chips or small blades made through reworking the surfaces, generally dual-edged and fully covering their base substrate with simple flakes or more elaborate pieces such as embedded tips or triangular, convex, straight or concave stemmed fins passing through the base of an implement. Due to the techniques used for their manufacture, these types of pieces have been considered part of the Chalcolithic transition, although without doubt they were already present in the final third of the 4th millennium, as attested by those present at the Alavés settlement of San Juan ante Portam Latinam45. Examples feature in graves considered to be from the final phase of monumental expression, such as las Arnillas, el Moreco, la Nava Alta and some of the most spectacular passage tombs in Salamanca. Numerous examples are also known in Extremadura, particularly made of slate, although also of flint and quartz. Those with a flat base, including microliths are considered to belong to the first phase of use, whilst those with a concave base or those with fins and stems above a flat or concave base are more recent46. (1991:155). Other Stone products: with some frequency but in smaller quantities, we find some of the above types, especially blades and microliths that are associated with scrapers, chisels and blades that in Galicia and on the Cantabrian coast have been used as an argument to define the first megalithic horizon. In some areas, notably Extremadura and to a lesser extent on both Mesetas, discs and pebbles made from limestone, slate or schist have been recovered that have been shaped by hammering and can be classified as microliths. Within the polished stone industry we also include a set of pieces that, according to their typology, were used as axes, gouges, hoe blades, knives, chisels, etc. In all cases they are pieces used repeatedly that end up as grave goods in megalithic graves where, on occasion, they are abundant as in El Miradero, 43 44 45 46 Delibes de Castro and Rojo Guerra, 2002. Gibaja and Palomo, 2004; Gibaja, 2008. Armendariz Gutiérrez, 2007. Fabregas Valcarce, 1991: 155.
62  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  stantly recur  simple and reworked blades are present without exceptio...
THE NEOLITHIC IN INLAND AND NORTHERN IBERIA Figure 10. Archaeological materials characteristic of Megalithic funerary offerings in Iberian Peninsula: A) Blades of flint from La Sima tunulus (Miño de Medinaceli, Soria), B) Polished stone axe from La Sima tumulus, C) Polished stone adze from La Tarayuela tumulus (Ambrona, Soria), D) Bone stamps from La Tarayuela tumulus, E) Charred bone espátula with idols from La Peña de La Abuela (Ambrona, Soria), F) Geometric microlites of flint, La Peña de La Abuela, G) Necklace beads of type Dentalium. La Peña de La Abuela, H) Necklace beads of green stone from La Peña de La Abuela. Photos Alejandro Plaza, Numantino Museum. 63
THE NEOLITHIC IN INLAND AND NORTHERN IBERIA  Figure 10. Archaeological materials characteristic of Megalithic funerary off...
64 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE tremadura. Striking cases such as the 54 fragments in Plasencia or the case of the Lagunita 3 tumuli where objects related to offerings were left outside the monument. Rarer and centred in Galicia, the Cantabrian coast, and the Southern Central System, particularly in Extremadura, we find the presence of small stone idols reminiscent of human form that are usually found at the entrance or in the atrium of a monument. Some have linear decorative motifs, as in the examples at Azután, Trincones, Paniciegas, Parxubeira, or the interesting group at Dombate. At times they are identified as pebble “betilos” or pebble idols. Figure 11. Lime-kiln tomb and Tholos from La Sima, Miño de Medina, Soria. la Tarayuela or la Peña de la Abuela (more than ten examples). In Extramadura and Galicia most are made from minerals such as gabbro or slate, and of serpentinite in Lora, Burgos etc. In rare cases they are made from allochthonous raw materials from the area where they are found (hornfels and sillimanites from El Miradero and hornfels, sillimanites and serpentinite in the tombs in the Ambrona Valley, whose source of supply is within a radius of 150km.). In Galicia it is interesting to highlight a peculiar horizon of pieces containing bi-conical perforations which are known as “Rechaba” and which are associated to similar examples that have appeared in the tumulus at La Dehesa de Rio Fortes, Avila47, at La Capilla de Santa Cruz, Asturias, at the Balenkaleku Dolmen in Navarra and on the Cantabrian coast. This peculiar type relate more to a phenomenon of contact and exchange in the bosom of hierarchical societies and are therefore from the end of the Neolithic Age or already in the Chalcolithic. In this section “Other Stone Products”, we also include some curious and unusual products such as some functional objects that have lost their primitive use but have been used as grave goods in tumuli. This is the case for pieces used for milling and grinding that appeared throughout the megalithic period in Galicia, The Basque Country, on both Mesetas and in Ex47 Estremera Portela and Fabián García, 2002 C.- Stone adornments: in this category we include objects of a clearly personal nature, particularly pendants and necklaces that are present at all megalithic centres. Necklaces are made from different materials, but those made from thousands of small disc shaped beads of slate that formed part of even more complex necklaces stand out. These have been inferred from the discovery of various pieces in the Interior from beads made from dentalium in the grave at Fuentepecina 2, Burgos. Throughout Galica and the Cantabrian coast there are frequent accounts of beads made from jet (Dombate, Larrarte, The Villaescusa Cist) and from green stone (Parxubeira o Aizkomendi amongst others). A special mention has to be made of a type of beaded necklace made from beads that could have come from Northern Europe. We refer to Amber present in Galicia and The Basque Country in particular at the monument at Larrarte, Guipúzcoa. Beaded necklaces made from lignite, bone, green stone and shells of distinct typology, are found by the hundreds in graves on both Mesetas and in Extramadura. The dentalium remains common at La Lora, Burgos, the centre of the Duero basin and the Ambrona Valley stand out. To these we must add a glycimeris shell bracelet found in the passage grave at Cubillejo de Lara, Burgos and various beads made from unimportant material in the area of La Velilla, Palencia. Bone beads are common in Dolmens in the Western Pyrenees, Rioja Alavesa and on the Northern Meseta where we also find multi-segmented bone beads. Finally, we have to mention the discovery of a necklace made up of hundreds of unbaked clay beads at the El Miradero monument, Valladolid. Within this category of adornments we also include some curious and spectacular objects considered to be symbolic. We refer to bone spatulas. These are made from sheep tibia and have two well defined parts: a handle and a blade. The handle is proximal epiphyseal and part of the diaphysis so characterised because they are frequently decorated with inscribed lines in the simplest examples and in the most extravagant with decorations in relief, lacework pat-
64  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  tremadura. Striking cases such as the 54 fragments in Plasencia or the...
THE NEOLITHIC IN INLAND AND NORTHERN IBERIA terns and also genuine outlines of the feminine form (head and breasts) such as the magnificent example from La Velilla that is shown as Figure 9. The blade for its part makes up the rest of the diaphysis and the distal epiphysis and is cut to size and sharpened at its end. Leftover remains of ochre so often present provide unequivocal evidence of ritual burial as this red powder was sprinkled over the deceased. These have been documented for the first time at the Kurtzebide tumulus and the grave at San Martín in Rioja Alavesa and later appearing abundant in the graves in the sedimentary terrain of the Duero basin (El Miradero, Los Zumacales, La Velilla)48. Today we know of examples in many of the megalithic graves of Lora in Burgos, in all the monuments excavated on the South Eastern edge of Soria province (Ambrona Valley), in the main sites close to Sigüenza including the area it shares with the Central System, whilst also recognising the most southerly example, the El Castillejo tumulus in Toledo. The Ossuary and Ritual The fact that in some of the areas analysed (Penillanuras, Zamorano- salmantinas, Galicia, a large part of Extremadura) there is acid soil means that organic material has due to PH values been absorbed into the soil structure, and as such a great deal of the most important information about megalithic tombs has been stolen from us. Complete information can therefore only be provided from monuments excavated in the earth from more alkaline soils. In this sense, the bibliography associated to rituals and funerary management is concentrated in three sectors of the Northern plateau (La Lora, Burgos, the terrain of the central basin and the Ambrona Valley basin), the monuments at El Portillo de las Cortes, El Castillejo and Azután, in the Southern Meseta, a good number of excavated settlements to the South of the Cantabrian mountains in Rioja-Alavesa and the Eastern sector of the Cantabrian coast. It is traditionally accepted that a megalith is a tomb for the purpose of burial (human burial) diachronic in nature that houses remains that, over the lifetime of the monument, have suffered removal or replacement in a more or less continuous manner including using the tomb for the burial of more recent corpses. For this reason it is commonly accepted that the use of the term “burial” should be replaced by the term deposited or left, since strictly speaking the dead have not been buried and covered with earth, but left in an empty space. Under these circumstances continual visits to the site were common 48 Delibes de Castro et al., 2012. in order to remove skeletal remains in which all soft tissue had decayed, including the ligaments holding the skeleton together. This defines our approach in general upon finding skeletal remains in an ossuary within a megalithic settlement (Fig. 12). Classification of ossuary as primary burial sites is therefore based on the fact that all parts of the body, without exception and including a minimal amount of the smallest bones should be present. These circumstances apply as much to the majority of ossuary as they do in Las Arnillas, la Velilla, la Tarayuela or la Sima 2, Larrarte, south Igaratza, Los Llanos, Peña Guerra…etc. Within these graves it is common to see some vestigial connections between joints such as phalanges. Finally, another fact that corroborates this classification is the presence of all parts of the postcranial skeleton in logical proportions. On the other hand, the diachronic use of many of these graves is evident and well reflected by the interior aspect and contents of many tombs. We refer to the fact that it is common to find that the interior and piles of bones, generally long bones or skulls have been reorganised to suggest the need to create new spaces for new depositions. To this we should add that large bone collections have been repeatedly found around the perimeter of monuments, next to the slabs of megalithic structures. Such is the case of the collection of long bones (femurs) stacked next to the slabs at the chamber of San Quirce or the pile of skulls under cover in the passage at Las Arnillas without the discovery of the post cranial skeletons to which they correspond. The continual deposition of corpses in open graves, with each new burial, caused the displacement of previously deposited bones. To this must be added that in certain graves (La Velilla, El Miradero and La Peña de la Abuela) for various reasons, completely anatomically connected skeletons exist in the upper levels of the ossuary (therefore the final depositions) which is evidence that at the time of closure by fire, such as in the case of El Miradero or La Peña de la Abuela, the skeletons showed differing amounts of soft tissue loss suggesting that the closure of the tomb occurred soon after deposition of the final corpse or corpses49. In the case of La Peña de La Abuela a large accumulation of larvae were found around bone remains in a large and continuous line that conforms to the area where flesh would have been. The absence of this evidence in the rest of the chamber tells us that the tomb was closed shortly after the deposition of this last corpse which had not at that time lost its soft flesh. 49 Stika, 2005: 295 and Fig. 20. 65
THE NEOLITHIC IN INLAND AND NORTHERN IBERIA  terns and also genuine outlines of the feminine form  head and breasts  such ...
66 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE In the Castillejo tumulus in Toledo50 one can appreciate, certainly from the optimistic interpretation of the records, that the original remains were always placed in the same position, the traditional foetal position that can also be inferred for the graves at Azután. On occasion51 it has been argued that the deposition of corpses in the tomb happened simultaneously. This might be the case at Los Morcales in Barbadillo de Mercado as the original tomb was of a perishable nature, a wooden house bounded by trunks sunk into the ground, in the interior of which were three corpses occupying a space at the end opposite to the tomb entrance. They sit awkwardly on their left side and despite their calcination maintain perfect anatomical connection. Despite being close to each other, each occupies a differentiated space which makes us discern that their deposition was simultaneous and singular. Another consideration for believing that their deposition was of a simultaneous nature is the distribution of grave goods, located in close vicinity to the deceased and not in the rest of the sepulchral space, although not in connection with any specific individual. In addition, to reassembling what we know in large part of the stone industry, it gives us leave to consider stone manufacture in situ as appropriate for each occasion: the tomb, house for the dead, sealed by fire and later going through a process of restoration of the monument in order to carry out the function for which it was originally conceived, by turning it into a territorial landmark within the landscape and culture of the valleys. This circumstance is reaffirmed by marking the monument with a sandstone stela-menhir that has a visibly pointed end that was still in the centre of the tomb at the beginning of archaeological investigation. Another clear example of simultaneous burial is the tomb at San Juan ante Portam Latínam, of hundreds of individuals connected anatomically, in which some had arrowheads stuck into their bones. Although strictly speaking it is not a megalithic grave but an enclosure under rock dated from the end of the 4th millennium cal. BC chronologically alongside some of the most spectacular megalithic monuments52. Another interesting aspect is the use of fire as an active and essential part of sealing the tomb, a process repeated, albeit showing different characteristics, in: El Miradero, La Peña de la Abuela, La Sima I, Los Morcales, La Tarayuela, El Rebolledo and El Portillo 50 51 52 Bueno Ramírez et al., 2010: 174. Rojo Guerra, et al., 2002: 24 y ss.; Delibes de Castro, 2010: 24. Vegas Aramburu et al. (Dirs.), 2007. Figure 12. Collective ossuary. Reinoso, Monasterio de Rodilla, Burgos (F. Cebrian del Moral). de los Ladrones. The first three monuments are part of what is termed “lime-kiln tombs”. In origin we are dealing with a few stone huts set in a row with each topped by a false dome, that is to say, a true tholos. In all cases they are constructed in limestone, as from the beginning they were conceived in order to be burned, and so by a process of pyrolysis turn the limestone into quicklime, and so seal the dead for eternity. Later the tomb is restored as a monument through the construction of a stone tumuli and the placement of an stela-menhir at its centre, so transforming the monument into a territorial landmark that would transcend time. Arousing constant interest is the use of ochre or a similar type of substance with a reddish pigmentation within the megalithic funeral ritual. In the Interior of the Peninsula there are good examples of this from the analysis of iron oxide nodules taken from the sites at Los Zumacales, El Miradero, some dolmens at La Lora Burgos, The Ambrona Valley, Soria, Chan de Armada in Pontevedra and Peña War 1 and 2 in La Rioja etc. Similarly, the analysis of red pigment that appears on various bone spatulas at La Peña de la Abuela and other settlements in the sedimentary basin of the Interior leads us to consider the possibility that these objects served to sprinkle ochre in funerary ceremonies, particularly at La Velilla, Palencia where the entire ossuary is of an intense reddish color. Analysis of this substance showed the presence of cinnabar, pulverized in mortars, decanted and washed to bring out its vermillion color as at La Velilla grave in Palencia53. 53 Martín Gil, J. et al., 1995; Delibes de Castro, 2000.
66  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  In the Castillejo tumulus in Toledo50 one can appreciate, certainly fr...
THE NEOLITHIC IN INLAND AND NORTHERN IBERIA Two circumstances combined to make this a rather exceptional find. Mercury sulphide is completely alien to the lithology of the area which means that it had to be imported from at least 150km away as this is where the nearest veins are located (the district of Riaño to the North of León). An important amount has been documented (tens of kilos). This gives rise to the possibility that this substance was introduced intentionally into the tomb with the aim of preserving the bone remains by preventing degradation by destructive microorganisms. Such practices are also used on mummies in certain pre-Columbian communities “embijadas de Colorado” where there are significant signs of treatment using mercury sulfide. Art and Symbolism Megalithic art that, during the eighties decade54 seemed to be exclusively focused on the Northwest of the Peninsular is now presented as a generalized phenomenon although there are distinct regional densities. While in Galicia, the western sector of the Cantabrian coast, the Southern Submeseta and Extremadura megaliths are lavishly decorated with paintings or inscribed motifs applied in general to the chambers and passages. On the Northern Meseta, in Rioja-Alavesa and the Western Pyrenees, there are also isolated examples. In the first mentioned area, we should say that painting is the most common technique used to cover orthostats in chambers and passages (Dombate, Forno dos Mouros 5 in La Coruna, Coto dos Mouros in Pontevedra and Santa Cruz Dolmen in Asturias)55, although it is often combined with engravings. The most common forms are triangular or zig-zag, sinuous and reticulated etc. Spaces are often painted in red preferentially appearing as divided into quarters by black lines. Color is applied directly to the rock or onto a substance that acts as a surface primer usually a mineral (kaolin) dissolved in water or some form of animal fat as is evident at the Dombate grave (Fig. 13). In the Interior we find that artistic forms are merely symbolic tokens such as anthropomorphous paintings in the Moreco dolmen at Lora, Burgos or with zoomorphic motifs, suns and tree shapes in the passage of the Cubillejo de Lara grave, Burgos. Quite different is the situation of the Southern Meseta where almost all the dolmens excavated in the province of Toledo show signs of paintings, engravings or sculpture such that decoration, in the words of Bueno and others56 “can be thought of as a basic component of the megaliths on the Southern Meseta”. A team of researchers from the University of Alcalá de Henares have led a working group that took up the study of Iberian megalithic art using the excavation of the Azután and Navalcán dolmens in Toledo as the main focus of their activities. Their bibliographical references are a must, as are the publications published in recent years57. Some of their analyses and proposals are as follows: Decoration in dolmens may act as secret territorial markers or as views of daily life, the same as for schematic art situated in the open air at the most strategic locations for survival. Some are tied into the universal mindset of these populations serving to acknowledge property and probably the safety of movement in the territory and the megalith builders were a part of this routine life. Their proposed interpretation of the megalithic is an anthropomorphic one. The partitioning of supports in symmetrical bands (horizontal and vertical), in which acute angular forms (zig-zags, chevrons) dominate, draws us to similar structures above supported columns. So, for example, plaques from Alentejo and anthropomorphic images were, characteristically, representations of the people they represented and have close transpositions to the supports of the Azután and Navalcán dolmens for example. Equally, the anthropomorphic intention manifests itself in a stelae form trend towards many orthostatic sculptures as for example at Azután. In addition to the symmetric bands mentioned, some other artistic themes have circular motifs (bowls) very common in Azután, Navalcán, etc., with a variation similar to much less common petroglyph circular motifs with only one recognized example in orthostat 8 at Azután. Both the menhir on the South side of the structure at Azután and the statue at Navalcán, show bowls. In the first case in association to a line that is interpreted as a belt, unlike in the second case which is completely covered in bowls. Other geometric themes (trapezoidal, oblong or rectangular shapes) are also present at Azután and are related or occur in parallel to those found in Brittany. The study and interpretation of these graphics is required in order to completely reconstruct mega56 54 55 Shee Twohig, 1981. Bello Diéguez 1994.; Carrera Ramírez 2006. 57 Bueno Ramírez et al., 2005: 174. Bueno Ramírez and Balbin-Behrmann, 1992, 1994, 1997, 2000 y 2003. 67
THE NEOLITHIC IN INLAND AND NORTHERN IBERIA  Two circumstances combined to make this a rather exceptional    nd. Mercury s...
68 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE lithic monuments. In the words of Bueno and others58: “Every one of the supports at Azután is an stela-menhir in its basic configuration, as shown by the geometric drawings that cover them and those on decorated plates. They probably represent human figures that protected the ancestral remains persevering with the notion of relationships between human form and human sculptured remains reflected closely in the concept of figures for protection in conventional religions.” Many of the orthostats at the Navalcán dolmen are stela-menhir reused to re-vindicate a long symbolic tradition. At the same time, they show a strong connection to examples found in the Algarve, suggesting significant interaction between Interior and coastal proponents. The location of stelae and anthropomorphic menhirs in the entrance of chambers at sites such as Navalcán or Guadalperal, re-inforces the idea of human figures as protectors of ancestral remains. Tomb access. Age and Sex Reference to the range of people who had access to tombs is based on the analysis of certain projects59 that provide data on age, sex and the number of individuals buried in various megalithic tombs, and so we can observe the following pattern: Individually, children are rarely present but their presence is more striking where noted and on many occasions are referred to in the category “Children 2”, from 5 to 12 years old. Elderly individuals above the age of 40 are also rare and we estimate this to be because this age represented the life-expectancy or a little over the life expectancy that could be hoped for in populations. The most represented range is undoubtedly that of adults between the ages of 25 and 40. There is a moderate representation of youths (between 12 and 25 years old) considered normal within the standards of behavior of populations. By gender, there is a clear predominance of male individuals compared to female, which could represent a cultural trait since, in graves in which a directly proportional spread of the “living” community are found, there is a relatively unvaried ratio of around 1:1. However at the monument of La Sima 2 the figures are reversed in favor of the female (3 males and 9 females). Therefore and with the odd exception men received preferential burial rights that 58 59 Bueno Ramírez et al., 2010: 180. Velasco Vázquez, 2005; Nicklisch et al., 2005. Figure 13. Megalithic art in the Dombate dolmen (Cabana, La Coruña). References: Cebrian del Moral, F.; Yanez, J.; Leston, M.; Vidal, F. y Carrera, F. (2011): Dombate Dolmen. Archaeology, Restoration and Architecture. Provincial Council of La Coruña: p. 235, 237, 238. show non parity between the sexes among all those who came to bury their dead. In this way, the ossuary would be the result of an unequivocal expression of intentional funerary practices which favored one sex over the other. In general terms, we find the typical characteristics of demographic structure in pre-industrial populations, where the majority of the population died before reaching adult age or a little after reaching adulthood. While it is true that collective opinion agrees that in ossuary there is a complete chaos of bones that generally have no anatomical connections including repeated grave goods in no order or association with any individual, it is no less true that under certain circumstances and in certain areas of the Interior, evidence is to the contrary. Such is the case of the lime-kiln tomb at El Miradero, Valladolid where under a thick crust of lime the remains of a score of individuals showing perfect anatomical connections is found. One of them60, number 7, was an adult male with a great deal of objects. Standing out are the 11 bone spatula idols that adorned his head (a third of all those found in the tomb) and with these flint blades, geometric microliths, an adze, more than 4 thousand stone discs, 4 dentalium and a barrel of stones that probably formed part of a necklace. We are therefore facing incipient symbols of inequality and of breaking tensions in a traditionally 60 Guerra Doce et al., 2009.
68  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  lithic monuments. In the words of Bueno and others58     Every one of ...
THE NEOLITHIC IN INLAND AND NORTHERN IBERIA egalitarian society, possibly divisive at whose core tensions are already being created that preclude more complex social relationships. But if these data are interesting they are much more so for the fact that at La Peña de la Abuela and Sima 2 authentic spatial segregation within the main burial site has been found61. Indeed, La Peña de la Abuela suggests a clear asymmetry in the burial space. With reference to the hypothetical tomb entrance, to the left various stone structures have been documented that were designated for specific individual burials in particular, two cists and up to six flat stone slabs. This sector has been called the “noble area” along the right hand side and central space, free from structures and where successive depositions were left in the typical pattern of collective ossuary. In the “noble area” the individually interred are perfectly set between two types of structures: cists and flat slabs. Under some of these slabs the charred remains of genuine matting have been found made of bulrushes and wicker that served as shrouds in which the corpses were wrapped. 61 Rojo Guerra et al., 2005. Something of a similar nature occurs in the tholos at Sima 2. One of the most striking peculiarities is the presence of two twin cists in the interior of the tholos placed very close to the entrance and attached to the left hand wall of the structure. We believe that the form and the structure of this tomb resembles that at La Peña de la Abuela (made in both cases out of sandstone), and also share similar meaning in the cultural and ritualistic field - as symbolic settings for ideological discourse that came about in the context of social change evident from the second half of the 4th millennium to the first half of the 3rd millennium BC. Less clear evidence of certain spatial divisions, as has also been suggested in the dolmen at El Prado de las Cruces in Avila, come from the presence in the chamber of worked blocks or, as in the tomb at El Castillejo, from the construction of an arrangement of rocks which “coincide in the distinct structural bipartition of the interior spaces - also documented in the necropolis of artificial caves in the Valle de las Higueras”62. 62 Bueno Ramírez et al., 2005: 174. 69
THE NEOLITHIC IN INLAND AND NORTHERN IBERIA  egalitarian society, possibly divisive at whose core tensions are already bei...
Joan Bernabeu Aubán* and Teresa Orozco Köhler Mediterranean Iberia in the 4TH and 3RD Millennia The period covering the third and fourth millennia cal B.C. in the prehistory of the Mediterranean Peninsula is not an easy one to define within this broad geographical context. If we take into account that the Neolithic economy, based on domestic resources, developed in the mid-sixth millennium B.C., various kinds of transformation should have left their mark on the archaeological record over the course of a long cycle of nearly two millennia. The traditional view is that socioeconomic trends developed towards the end of the Neolithic cycle that propelled the transition towards increasing social complexity that culminated in the crystallisation of hierarchies in the course of the second millennium. Evaluating the changes that occurred in the timeframe considered poses certain difficulties, in view of the uneven extent and quality of the archaeological record. A geographical survey reveals that there was no clear demarcation between cultural areas (Fig. 1), and highlights a key idea that helps us to evaluate this stage: increased interaction and contact, on various scales. In the following pages we present some general sections below –settlement, material culture, funerary world and symbolism– covering the most notable elements, in which we take recent studies and approaches into account. Pattern of settlement, habitat and subsistence The development of open air settlements in river valleys, and the use of cavities as places of habitat is attested from the early Neolithic in the Mediterranean region. In the north of this area, the so-called “Sepulcros de Fosa” (“pit burial”) culture, or Middle Neolithic, can be dated to the fifth millennium. It is defined as a period of consolidation and expansion of pastoral communities, based on open settlements on the plains (Bòbila Madurell would be an example), the abandonment of caves and rock shelters, and a characteristic funerary record (pit burials). Determining when this phase ended is not easy. The beginning of a new stage –the Late Neolithic– can be dated to around the middle of the fourth millennium, on the basis of a material repertoire influenced by developments originating in the south of France1. Traditional interpretations of the pattern of settlement explained the “invisibility” of the late Neolithic and Chalcolithic archaeological record in terms of the abandonment of large settlements, and the intensive occupation of mountain areas. Current data shows that there is no clear break in the pattern of settlement: the fact is that some Middle Neolithic sites continued to be occupied throughout the fourth and third millennia. At the same time new open air sites appeared: Camp del Rector2, La Prunera3, Ca L’Estrada4, Espina5and Serra del Mas Bonet6are some of those that have come to light as a result of emergency or preventive action. The structural elements that appear in the sites consist mainly of negative structures of different morphologies, sizes and functions: ditches, fire structures, pits, silos, post-holes; it is a broad repertoire that coincides with the length of the Mediterranean coast of the Peninsula, and which in recent years has incorporated new examples in the south, configuring the characteristics of this stage, which is more widespread than that supposed not long ago. Authentic palimpsests that are difficult to interpret appear, and the horizontal dispersion of structures and/or the existence of various periods of occupation sometimes makes it difficult to determine the sequence of construction, use and abandonment. In many cases the wide dispersal of remains and structures makes it difficult to estimate the area occupied by settlements, which means they cannot be evaluated and compared. Architectural evidence is scarce, so it is the fire structures and the dispersal or concentration of material remains that allow areas of habitat and activity to be defined. Recent interventions have 1 2 3 4 5 * Universidad de Valencia, jbauban@uv.es 6 Martín, 2003. Font, 2005. Alcalde et al., 2005. Fortó et al., 2006. Piera et al., 2009. Rosillo et al., 2012.
Joan Bernabeu Aub  n  and Teresa Orozco K  hler  Mediterranean Iberia in the 4TH and 3RD Millennia  The period covering th...
72 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figure 1. Location of sites mentioned in the text: 1.- Serra del Mas Bonet; 2.- La Prunera; 3.- Costa de Can Martorell; 4.Ca L’Estrada; 5.- Regueres de Seró; 6.- Espina; 7.- Camp del Rector; 8.- Carrer París; 9.- Riereta; 10.- Reina Amalia; 11.Cova de Can Sadurní; 12.- Costamar; 13.- La Vital; 14.- Ereta del Pedregal; 15.- Colata; 16.- Arenal de la Costa; 17.- Cova d’En Pardo; 18.- Niuet; 19.- Les Jovades; 20.- Cova de la Pastora; 21.- Illeta dels Banyets; 22.- Tossal de les Basses; 23.- La Torreta; 24.- El Prado; 25.- Camino del Molino; 26.- Molinos de Papel; 27.- Casa Noguera; 28.- Cueva Sagrada. revealed the exceptional nature of certain remains, such as the large rectangular fire structures that have been discovered at Ca l’Estrada and Can Piteu, whose dimensions, morphology, and contents have clear parallels with those found in southeast France, and which were most probably used for cooking food7. Settlements are not located solely in inland valleys, but also in coastal areas, which were occupied throughout the fourth and third millennia B.C., as some urban excavations have shown in Barcelona: the structures and materials found at the sites of Riereta8 and Reina Amalia9indicate that they were 7 8 9 Fortó et al., 2008. Carlús y González, 2008. Bordas y Salazar, 2006. occupied throughout the Late Neolithic, when it is thought the ecological environment was highly favourable, with nearby freshwater lakes and forestry resources available on the nearby mountain of Montjuïc. The existence of settlements in coastal areas is well attested throughout the region, as the sites to the south, such as those at Costamar10, La Vital11, and Illeta dels Banyets12, amongst others, indicate. In the south the extensive archaeological record has been known for some time; it reveals a pattern of settlement that is repeated with slight variations: 10 11 12 Flors, 2010. Pérez et al., 2011. Soler, 2006.
72  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figure 1. Location of sites mentioned in the text  1.- Serra del Mas B...
MEDITERRANEA IBERIA IN THE 4TH AND 3RD MILLENNIA alongside the coastal sites already mentioned, from the mid-fourth millennium cal B.C. onwards, communities occupied large settlements situated in lowlying areas or valley floors, next to water courses or near endorheic areas. The shared characteristics of all these sites were access to water and the proximity of land suitable for livestock production. They are the so-called “silo settlements”, whose existence is already documented in previous stages, and which became more common in the course of the fourth and third millennium cal B.C., when they were occupied and new areas were exploited. In them, the structures excavated (silos, pits, ditches) are amongst the best known and visible elements of the archaeological record: Colata13, Niuet14, Jovades15 or La Torreta16are some examples (Fig. 2). This pattern of settlement extends southwards to the Segura river basin and the high plateau of Yecla-Jumilla, the site ofEl Prado17. It is in the late third millennium, with the development of the Bell Beaker horizon, that we find variations in the pattern of settlement at a regional level. In the south, a model evolved that combined the appearance of hilltop enclaves with extensive visibility over basins and valleys, which were presumably used for controlling the surrounding area, with open settlements on the plains below, which in some cases were a continuation of earlier occupations, or were abandoned. As in other parts of the Peninsula, the existence of pits within enclosures that define an area in the landscape existed from the end of the Neolithic until the Bell Beaker horizon18, although we are still a long way from understanding their meaning and function (Fig. 3). Although only a few have yet been excavated in the Valencian region (Niuet, La Torreta, Arenal de la Costa, amongst others), a structure of this kind in Ca L’Estrada19 deserves to be mentioned, where the stretch excavated follows a winding route. This settlement pattern not only reflects an increase in the population, but also the consolidation of a system of farming that evolved out of bringing new land into use and changing the role of livestock. In the Mediterranean world we see confirmation of a varied repertoire of structures used mainly for storage, which tells us about the productive practices of these communities that, compared with previous horizons, demonstrate an increase of agricultural pro13 14 15 16 17 18 19 Gómez et al., 2004. Bernabeu et al., 1994. Bernabeu, 1993. Jover, 2010. Jover et al., 2012. Bernabeu et al., 2012. Fortó et al., 2006. duction, sustained over time. The carpological data in the regions to the south indicate that from the mid-fourth millennium cal B.C. a reduction in the varieties of cereals cultivated can be detected, and these were now mainly common wheat (Triticum aestivum/durum), common barley (Hordeum vulgare var. nudum) andlegumes. This reduction was a result not only of environmental conditioning factors, but also of the change towards an extensive agricultural mode: earlier practices (the cultivation of different species)were abandoned, and work was invested in cultivating two or three species of cereals; this must have been compensated by higher yields, which allowed the accumulation of surpluses20. The cultivation of vegetable species such as flax (Linum usitatissimum) for non-subsistence purposes is attested at this time: it has been found –already processed– in some funerary contexts. It is difficult to quantify agricultural production, but the differences in the storage capacity of silos and their position within a settlement, and also the unequal storage capacity of different settlements that can be observed, are a response to the conservation of surplus production. The management of this surplus reflects the social dynamic of these communities: unequal distribution of the structures with the largest capacity both within settlements and amongst hamlets, which can be interpreted as intra- and intergroup differences. As in other areas of the Iberian Peninsula, there is an intensification of pastoral activity, which is quite clear from the mid-fourth millennium cal B.C. onwards. This intensification was not associated with a particular species, but we see a complementary and diversified use of the principal domestic species (sheep, goats, cattle, suidae), sometimes in order to obtain secondary products. The variety of species exhumed does not help to establish a general idea of either the livestock population or hunting activities. Bone pathologies, resulting from their use as draught animals, are now well documented in the remains of cattle21. Our knowledge of the architecture of dwellings is very limited, and we have a collection of heterogeneous data. In general we can say that most of the construction materials (wood, branches, cane, held together with mud) and the loss of aerial architectural elements (walls and roofs)show that investment in the construction and maintenance of living space was limited. In many cases the archaeological record of huts is defined by post-holes or fire structures, which mark out approximately elliptical, but generally incomplete, areas or floor plans. 20 21 Pérez y Carrión, 2011. Pérez Ripoll, 1999. 73
MEDITERRANEA IBERIA IN THE 4TH AND 3RD MILLENNIA  alongside the coastal sites already mentioned, from the mid-fourth mille...
74 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figure 2. Most of the open-air settlements have a wide dispersal of features and remains, forming an authentic palimpsest. Plan of Les Jovades (Cocentaina, Alicante) (after Bernabeu et al., 2006)
74  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figure 2. Most of the open-air settlements have a wide dispersal of fe...
MEDITERRANEA IBERIA IN THE 4TH AND 3RD MILLENNIA 2 3 1 Figure 3. Ditches and ditched enclosures appear in some open-air settlements. Their dimensions are very varied: 1) La Vital (Gandía, Valencia), 2) C/ La Pau (Muro de Alcoy, Alicante, 3) Tros de la Bassa (Planes, Alicante). (Photo authors). Occasionally stone foundations are identified in the construction of living areas in this stage. One of the settlements traditionally known for its stone architecture is Ereta del Pedregal, which has rectilinear walls with stone foundations that mark the boundaries of large spaces, although it is impossible to determine the floor plan of the structures exactly22. The use of masonry can be seen in Illeta dels Banyets, where there is a hut with an oval floor plan built on a foundation of earth and stones; recent excavations at El Prado have also brought to light the incomplete floor plan of three roughly oval-shaped huts with masonry foundations23. The data are insufficiently complete to allow significant differences to be recognised, either at the settlement level or amongst villages, in the case of dwellings. Specialised crafts: exceptional artefacts, prestige artefacts It is difficult to establish anoverall synthesis ofall the characteristics of the material repertoire, since different crafts tell us not only about communities’ technological development, but also about their contacts and interactions. 22 23 Juan-Cabanilles, 1994. Jover et al., 2012. In the stone chipping industry the features that define this stage are the development of laminar production, particularly large supports, and flat retouches, which were used to make arrowheads and daggers (Fig. 4). These items are usually made from high-quality flint. Large flint blades are one of the most typical elements of this period and their singular character is defined both by the high degree of specialisation required in order to obtain them, for which reinforced pressure knapping or using a lever has recently been identified, and by their frequent presence in funerary contexts as part of the grave goods, which gives them certain ritual or symbolic connotations24; however, it has been shown that many of these tools were used for activities such as working skins, butchering animals, cutting some kind of mineral material, and the use of large flakes for reaping and processing cereals has also been documented25. In the Mediterranean world, the appearance of large blades is a clearly indication of the circulation of these products. We should not lose sight of the fact that at the present time other lithic implements, such as polished tools, in addition to providing evidence that new types were developed for new activities, allow regional and pe24 25 García y Juan-Cabanilles, 2009. Gibaja et al., 2010. 75
MEDITERRANEA IBERIA IN THE 4TH AND 3RD MILLENNIA  2  3  1  Figure 3. Ditches and ditched enclosures appear in some open-ai...
76 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figure 4. Large format laminar supports area characteristic element of the ensembles of the IV & III Millennium B.C. Cova de la Pastora (Alcoy, Alicante). (Photo O. García). ninsular interactions to be traced by identifying the raw material26. If we look at the pottery repertoire we can see this stage as a mosaic that reveals relations between the north of the region and southeast France, if we take Verazian pottery into account, while in the far south it suggests relations with Andalucia, taking into consideration such diverse items as painted pottery, gypsum vessels and other evidence. Between these two extremes, a world developed in which plain pottery with open shapes predominated. Towards the end of the period, with the appearance of Bell Beaker ceramics of an international style, we can track a unifying element. Recent studies of petroarchaeological characterisation carried out on Bell Beaker pottery both in Catalonia27 and in the Valencian region28emphasise the complexity of the phenomenon by showing that it was also made locally. A change in the repertoire of items of adornment can also be seen. Interest in variscite fell sharply and broadly paralleled the decline in the working of the Gavà mines. Personal adornments now tended to be made from other kinds of material: shells, bone, ivory, amber, jet, steatite and metal (gold and copper). In fact, metal has always played an important role in defining this period, the advent of metallurgy long being equated with the birth and growth of social inequality. It used to be thought that the lack of metal resources in the area and the technological complexity of working metal ores was the 26 27 28 Orozco, 2000. Clop, 2007. Molina y Clop, 2011. reason why this activity was of little importance in this geographical area, where it was only associated with obtaining certain pieces of metal through trade networks. Gold is only present in the northeast of the Peninsula, where it makes an occasional appearance from the end of the fourth millennium cal B.C. Gold beads of various types, produced using various manufacturing processes, found in late Neolithic contexts, are interpreted as the result of interactions between this geographical area and the south of France29. The data on copper metallurgy suggest that in this area it originated in the south of France, not only because mining had been going on for longer in France, but also because of the typological parallels and cultural interactions (Véraza, Treïlles, Ferrières and Fontbuisse) reflected in the material culture. The first metallurgical production in Catalonia dates to the earlier stages of the Bell Beaker cycle (2800-2350 cal B.C.) and “classic” pieces appear: awls, points and flat axes, amongst other objects. The idea of the technological complexity necessary to produce these objects has been resolved: simple materials that allowed this material to be processed have been recovered, such as pottery kilns or ceramic nozzles, amongst other things. With regard to the impact of these activities on these societies, it is considered that the community as a whole would have taken part in mining and processing the ore obtained from small open-cast mines on seams found in the territory, whilst the rest of the metallurgical process would be restricted to a specific group of people.30. 29 30 Soriano et al., 2012. Soriano, 2013.
76  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figure 4. Large format laminar supports area characteristic element of...
MEDITERRANEA IBERIA IN THE 4TH AND 3RD MILLENNIA The data recently obtained in the Valencian region give us a fuller picture of the early days of metallurgy, providing evidence of other possibilities. At La Vital, as well as various copper objects, raw metal and other remains of metallurgical activities were found in a context that preceded the appearance of the first Bell Beaker ware. The interpretation of the finds made at this site is that the raw copper obtained at the places of production (nodules and granules) was traded, and it was worked in the settlement; in this case, an analysis of the lead isotopes suggests that it came from other parts of the Peninsula, and in particular from the area around Almizaraque31. Although both models suggest small scale activity –a domestic industry that left little in the way of remains and was perhaps pursued only sporadically– we cannot ignore the fact that metallurgy is an element of social differentiation, particularly in the consumption of the pieces produced (Fig. 5). Another craft that is rarely visible in the archaeological register is the production of cloth. The manufacture of both linen and – possibly – wool is reflected in items such as loom heddles, recovered at La Torreta or El Prado. In this case it is not the technological complexity of production that makes these finds so striking, but the fact that they are made in exceptional contexts, forming part of particularly significant grave goods, as described in the next section. These are just some of the examples that show the importance and notable increase of trade between groups at this time. An increase in social distance is also seen in the funerary record, increasing the perception of the consolidation of certain elites. The funerary world If there is one characteristic that, broadly speaking, defines the funerary record of the fourth and third millennium cal B.C., it is multiple inhumation, a concept that allows for a very varied repertoire of funerary practices, as we shall see below. The use of natural caves, megalithic tombs or holes, amongst other kinds of burials, and the development of various rituals, makes them difficult to describe as a group. In the peninsular northeast, one of the features that characterised the Middle Neolithic was the proliferation of pit burials, forming veritable necropolis. At this time the construction of the first megalithic funerary structures began. The rite of inhumation (individual or double) practised is one of the main Figure 5. Flat copperaxe, recovered in a burialpit of La Vital settlement (Gandía, Valencia). (Photo authors). elements that distinguish this period from the Late Neolithic-Chalcolithic. The construction of megaliths in the Catalan region reached its height at the end of the fourth millennium cal B.C., with the appearance of the so-called developed passage graves, or Catalan galleries, and, during the first half of the third millennium, with the construction of simple dolmens and megalithic cists32. The floor plan and dimensions of these funerary structures are very varied and no clear evolution from one type of burial to another can be clearly recognised. In any case, all the varieties are intended to receive successive inhumations, whether in a primary or secondary rite. Hypogea or artificial caves, are, perhaps, the type of burial that has received most attention in recent years. Like megalithic tombs, they reached their height in the course of the third millennium cal B.C. and disappeared at the beginning of the Bronze Age; the presence of Bell Beaker pottery in hypogea in the Catalan region is considered a constant33. The types 32 31 Rovira y Montero, 2011. 33 Tarrús, 2003. Tarrús, 2003. 77
MEDITERRANEA IBERIA IN THE 4TH AND 3RD MILLENNIA  The data recently obtained in the Valencian region give us a fuller pict...
78 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE and dimensions of these structures varies depending on the geographical area and also on the nature of the rock into which they were cut (granite, sandstone, decomposed granite or “sauló”, clay). These holes reached by a passage or pit are, in general, small and simple constructions34. In Catalonia they have been located along the coast and the area immediately behind it. The best known hypogea are those that have been excavated recently: at Costa de can Martorell the inhumation of some 200 individuals, most of whom were adults, took place over a short space of time35. The paucity of grave goods deposited in this burial is striking: they consist almost exclusively of arrowheads displaying impact fractures, which suggests an episode of violence. In contrast, the excavation of the hypogeum atCarrer París de Cerdanyola36 reveals more abundant and varied grave goods beside the dead; arrowheads, plain and Bell Beaker pottery, evidence of a change in the ritual. The funerary use of natural caves is well known in the Catalan region, and is already documented from the beginning of the Neolithic. As an example of the use of cavities for this purpose we would mention level 9 of the Can Sadurní sequence, where there are some 300 primary and successive inhumations, with grave goods that include arrowheads, ivory buttons, pottery –some of it Bell Beaker ware– throughout the late Neolithic-Chalcolithic. The datings obtained from this site situate this long period between the end of the fourth and the first half of the third millennium cal B.C.37The presence of fire structures in this level suggests they were used for ritual or purification purposes. As in other parts of the Peninsula, the use of fire in burials is well attested in the Mediterranean, and sometimes partially affects the human remains. Another geographical area in which the funerary record is well known is the central area of the Mediterranean. Here too, although to a lesser extent, the use of caves as a place of burials at the beginning of the Neolithic has been established38. The use of caves for colective burials together with the absence of megalithic architecture are considered characteristics of the fourth and third millennium in the Valencian region. The traditional view was that this ritual could be found throughout the Bell Beaker horizon, when inhumations began to appear in pits or silos within settlements, representing some kind of prelude to the Bronze Age. Recent work sheds light on a more complex panorama. 34 35 36 37 38 Petit y Pedro, 2005. Mercadal, 2003. Francés et al., 2004. Martínez y Edo, 2011. Bernabeu et al., 2001. In addition to the use of cavities for burials, recent work indicates that burials within the habitat were also practised from earliest times to the end of the Neolithic period. This simple form of burial is present from the fifth millennium B.C., perhaps reusing structures excavated for some other purpose, as can be seen at some sites: Costamar, Tossal de les Basses39 and La Vital. Inhumations in silos or pits in places of habitation coexist with the period of development and use of caves for multiple burials. Differences can be seen not only in the type of burial, but also in the ritual of deposition. In this case –burials in excavated structures– the ritual identified varies: most are primary or secondary individual inhumations; sometimes inhumations appear virtually complete, in othercases they consist of partial remains. Neither is it possible to establish a clear pattern in the composition of the materials deposited to accompany the dead (Fig. 6). In the same territory settlements can be found with burials containing grave goods of some importance (for example, La Vital), while in others (Arenal de la Costa) deposits are negligible40. Apart from these two extremes, the funerary record displays greater complexity: on one hand scattered human remains, in no particular place and with no grave goods, frequently appear in settlements41; on the other, the ritual deposit of domestic animals in structures within settlements (silos, pits), alone or accompanying an inhumation, is increasingly common (Fig. 7). Without looking more in greater depth at the meaning of the activities or rituals that led to these deposits, we can see that they are becoming increasingly evident in the funerary record of the Iberian Peninsula in the course of the third and fourth millennium. In the Valencian region, recent excavations of burial cavities, such as Cova d’En Pardo42, and the reevaluation of multiple burials excavated in the midtwentieth century are providing new insights not only with regard to chronology or burial rituals, but also to our knowledge of the osteopathologies and palaeodiet of these populations. The initial results obtained underline the value of these lines of research: in Cova de la Pastora –a collective burial well known since its discovery in the 1940s because of the special type of the cranial trepanning practised– a minimum of 59 individuals have been identified, of which the majority date to the late Neolithic. Osteological analysis has highlighted the incidence of pathologies related with oral health (caries, missing teeth, peri39 40 41 42 Rosser, 2010. García et al., 2013. Bernabeu, 2010. Soler, 2012.
78  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  and dimensions of these structures varies depending on the geographica...
MEDITERRANEA IBERIA IN THE 4TH AND 3RD MILLENNIA Figure 6. In addition to ceramics, funerary objects usually have a varied repertoire of ornaments, made of bone, flint, amber, brown coal, among other raw materials. Items recovered from the Late Neolithic/Chalcolithic burials of Cova de la Pastora (Alcoy, Alicante). (Photo O. García et al.). odontitis) and clear nutritional deficiencies (cribra orbitalia, porotichyperostosis); an analysis of stable isotopes carried out on the same population sample provides evidence of a terrestrial diet with high levels of animal protein, with no indication of marine resources43, results that in principle agree with those obtained for other contemporary European populations, on which work is still being done. In the far south, the funerary world was structured around burials in caves and rock shelters or in megalithic structures, without significant differences being detected in the contents of these two types of burial. Burial in megalithic tombs is linked to the Andalusian region and to the development of the Los Millares culture, as certain elements of the material culture show, such as gypsum and stone vases, and painted ceramics amongst other things. And al43 McClure et al., 2011. though they are not found outside the western parts of Murcia, their coexistence in space with cavities used for burial should be emphasised. Although a large proportion of the burial deposits in the Murcian region were excavated many years ago, the remarkable nature of some grave goods makes them worthy of mention. The nature of the soil (gypsiferous loams) has allowed the exceptional conservation of organic objects in this area, making it possible to recover remarkable pieces in some sites, of which Cueva Sagrada is one of the best examples. At least three inhumations have been recordedin this cavity, accompanied by mats, twine and espadrilles made from esparto grass (Stipa tenacisima L.), remains of leather, wooden bowls, flowers and fragments of a linen tunic, with evidence of having been dyed, deposited folded, next to a skull44. The dating obtained 44 Ayala 1987. 79
MEDITERRANEA IBERIA IN THE 4TH AND 3RD MILLENNIA  Figure 6. In addition to ceramics, funerary objects usually have a varie...
80 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE heads and other items made of flint, very few metal objects (17 awls, a point and a copper tanged dagger). In addition to the multiple inhumations, there are also funerary deposits within the habitat area, using storage structures (silos), as documented in the settlements of Casa Noguera and Molinos de Papel47. Current work will certainly not only increase current data but will also open up new research perspectives on the funerary world. The expression of ideas: the symbolic and ideological repertoire On the Mediterranean seaboard we find a diversity of symbolic expressions and elements of material culture that enable us to discover not only the extent of contacts and interactions, which help to define the limits of various territories, but also an insight into the ideological world of the communities that inhabited the area. Figure 7. Complete bovid placed in a pit, near a women burial at La Vital (Gandía, Valencia). This kind of ritual deposits are becoming better known in Mediterranean Iberia during IV and IIIrd Millennia BC. (Photo authors). puts these finds in the last quarter of the third millennium cal B.C.45. Current research also shows a wide variety of rituals in the Chalcolithic funerary record of this area. Amongst recent interventions we would mention the exceptional character of Camino del Molino, a cavity in which a multiple burial was found, containing at least 1300 individuals with ages extending to all segments of the population, with few objects deposited as grave goods, and accompanied by 50 canines46. It is an immense record whose study will enable some of the lesser-known aspects of a multiple burial, such as the minimum number of individuals, to be defined, and the association of much of the material culture, phases of use and the process of deposition of deposits and subsequent manipulations to be understood, providing a very detailed picture of ritual aspects. The initial datings indicate that Camino del Molino was used over a period of some 350-400 years in the first half of the third millennium cal B.C. In view of the number of inhumations, the scarcity of grave goods recovered in this deposit is striking: a few polished axes, arrow- The recent appearance in the northeast of singular elements of megalithic art should be emphasised: stelae and menhir-statues, some with anthropomorphic features. These manifestations are an expression of European sculpturein the late Neolithic-Chalcolithic, and have been found in burial contexts and the principal megalithic centres and also in places of habitat48. The assemblage of anthropomorphic stelae of Regueres de Seró, the stelae of Serra de Mas d’En Bonet, and the menhir-statues of Ca l’Estrada and Pla de les Pruneres –the latter with schematic anthropomorphic features– indicate a panorama of increasing complexity and, although they are clearly symbols with their own particular character, they share features with other nearby figurative groups49. At Serra de Mas d’En Bonet the fragmentary remains of six stelae were discovered in habitation structures. Their peculiarity lies in their morphology –trapezoidal– and the presence of two appendices or horns carved at one end. The possibility that they served some practical purpose has been discounted, and they have been interpreted as images of bulls50. Current research in this region is focusing on establishing the connection between open air settlements and megalithic tombs, and also the role played by carved rocks and menhirs as territorial markers. In the south, one of the examples that is being examined in order to analyse not only contacts, but also symbolic manifestations, are eye motifs, which 47 48 45 46 Eiroa, 2006. Lomba et al., 2009. 49 50 Álvarez y de Andrés, 2009. Tarrús, 2011. Moya et al., 2010. Rosillo et al., 2010.
80  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  heads and other items made of    int, very few metal objects  17 awls,...
MEDITERRANEA IBERIA IN THE 4TH AND 3RD MILLENNIA are expressed in very different ways. This symbol appears on various kinds of movable elements (bone, ivory, wood, limestone, slate, pottery, etc.), and on figures painted in caves and/or carved on megalithic monuments, showing a similar design: eyes and facial tattoos, which are interpreted as representing the same concept or ideogram (Fig. 8). Their distribution links a vast territory that covers much of the Iberian Peninsula throughout the third and fourth millennia: from the southwest (Portugal) to the Mediterranean and central region, and also testifies to the movement and exchange of objects, the circulation of information through contacts, made possible by local and distant communities sharing a common iconographic repertoire. This underlines how important it is to extend our knowledge of the various networks that operated on different scales, through which ideology also circulated and penetrated different territories, and evaluate their scope in the processes of cultural change. Exchange networks and contacts can be traced on different scales and levels. People and objects, sometimes everyday tools, in other cases exceptional crafted items, and very possibly a more extensive repertoire of goods that have left no trace in the archaeological record would have travelled along them. In the northeast of the Peninsula there is evidence of relations with the south of France, but also southwards, as the circulation of polished tools indicates; in the same way, interactions can be traced between the Valencian region and the southeast, right from the beginning of the Neolithic51. This long period of time would have seen the creation of interpersonal links, the definition and establishment of identities and the construction of alliances, but also the establishment and maintenance of inequalities, as reflected in the consumption of prestige goods of restricted use. The fluidity of these relations is a reflection of the variety of objects, technologies, knowledge and peoples that formed these networks. Increasing our knowledge and understanding of them with give us a broader view of these communities. 51 Orozco, 2000. Figure 8. Chalcolithic eye idol. Ereta del Pedregal (Navarrés, Valencia). (Photo: courtesy of Museu de Prehistòria de València). 81
MEDITERRANEA IBERIA IN THE 4TH AND 3RD MILLENNIA  are expressed in very different ways. This symbol appears on various kin...
Francisco Nocete* Southern Iberia in the 4TH and 3RD Millennia Cal. BC Introduction The period between the 4th and 3rd Millenniums BC/BCE in the Iberian Peninsula defines a historic unit, a longue durée, that is crucial and essential to any understanding of the ensuing historical development of the Iberian Peninsula and Western Europe and to any reflection on its present and future. This by virtue of the emergence of the first so-called complex economic and political societies and, with this, one of the greatest ruptures in the history of humanity (…) and the start of a historic process that would lead to the forms and contents of modern society: the origin of the State. The period would also give rise to the main contradictions still abounding today, in a process that would set gender, class and territories in confrontation and set society itself against nature and one that evidently requires both explanation and transformation. This longue durée laid and subsequently strengthened the foundations of the agrarian economy and saw the emergence of the first large concentrations of stable populations, together with the first specialised craft and mining sectors, the large-scale circulation of raw materials and goods, the monumentalization of space (tombs and cities) and the first regional centres of political power. It was also the scene of the first environmental impacts and “disasters” caused by society (deforestation, pollution), the beginning of the unequal development of territories, communities and people, the appearance of social forms and relations based on inequality and exploitation as well as the first explicit means of violence, destruction and coercion (weapons, strongholds). However, the fact that the development and magnitude of these changes were not uniform over time or space and did not affect all societies to the same extent, though none of these would remain untouched, this analysis, rather than providing a purely descriptive narration of this diversity, shall then give precedence to those cases that reveal the first symptoms of this transformation, as these are the only means of explaining the potential causes of their appearance, * Universidad de Huelva, nocete@uhu.es the circumstances where these did not occur, the relation between both situations and the processes that led to the shaping and subsequent incorporation of all other societies. One of these, perhaps the first in Western Europe, and hence a case in point, is to be found in the Southern Iberian Peninsula. However, the archetypal nature of the Southern Peninsular goes beyond the identification of the first and more complex forms of social organization in 4th – 3rd Millennium BC/BCE Western Europe. Here, the variety of ecosystems (coasts, marshes, flood plains, valleys, mountains, etc.) allows an evaluation of the environmental impact; the existence of one of the major sources of agrarian resources (the Guadalquivir Valley) and Western Europe’s most important ore resource (the Iberian Pyrite Belt) all allow examination of the extent of farming and mining escalation and their interaction in the process; and its location at the crossroads of the Atlantic and Mediterranean and between Europe and Africa allow an analysis of the form and extent of external factors. However, over and above all these factors, the archetypal nature of the area lies in the quantity and quality of empirical documentation and models of interpretation that have been produced as a result of a profound transformation of its archaeology over the last 30 years. The last two decades of the 20th century and the start of the 21st century have marked the beginning of this transformation, overcoming the history of cultures tradition with new schools of thought (Functionalism, Historical Materialism, etc..), new substantive theories (cross cultural, pristine states, initial class society, core-periphery relations, etc.) and, above all, new modes of empirical assessment (extensive evacuations, territorial analysis) which have allowed the incorporation of the records of the Guadalquivir Valley and the south-western Iberian Pyrite Belt within a debate traditionally maintained in the Southeast and Los Millares, and the ensuing recognition of a far more complex system.1 However, the most recent years of the 21st century, with Spain and research in general in full recession, have proved particularly crucial. 1 Chapman, 2008; Nocete, 2001.
Francisco Nocete   Southern Iberia in the 4TH and 3RD Millennia Cal. BC  Introduction The period between the 4th and 3rd M...
84 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figure 1. Location of central settlements of the main territorial nesting systems, 3300-2500 AC/ANE in the South of the Iberian Peninsula documented by extensive excavations and systematic analysis. Iberian Piryite Belt Area: 1, Cabezo Juré; Bajo Guadalquivir: 2, Valencina and 3, Carmona; Alto Guadalquivir: 4, Alcores and Albalate, 5, Úbeda; Southeast: 6, Los Millares. In spite of falling between “the rock” of the “cutbacks” and “the hard place” of certain lobbies (both inside and out of government) who, on confusing History with personal histories and Heritage with their own, have changed public debate in to some sort of cultural speculation that allows the destruction of archaeological records when this comes into conflict with urban speculation and where emphasis is only given to the conservation, restoration (historical false) and reinterpretation (from the symbolic speeches made of early 20th century archaeology: “vintage symbolism”) of its most monumental elements (artistic or astronomical megalithomania) to create staged and complacent speeches of past glories targeted at institutional promotion or tourist business (…), investigation, focused on interdisciplinary archaeological studies, has generated a volume (quantity and quality) of empirical documentation that has allowed the resizing of both technological scales and the evaluation of its environmental and social effects and above all, the interpretative scales, to establish verifiable age/space/interaction correlations. The establishment of highly variable radiocarbon dating in the main types of 3rd – 4th millennium BC/ BCE settlements and territories in the South Iberian Peninsula2 has allowed a more precise evaluation of the historical process. In terms of diachrony, by identifying the emergence and development of the first complex social systems in alluvial valleys, and with respect to synchrony, by putting an end to the evolutionist tradition that organized the complexity of 2 Cámara et al., 2012; Molina et al ., 2004; Nocete et al., 2010, 2011. sites by age and one that, instead, acknowledges the unequal development of societies. At the same time, and in correlation with the analysis of raw materials, this has allowed the redimensioning of time and space scales with respect to the movement of goods and intersocial interaction, on identifying direct relationships between settlements and recognizing the existence of regional, supra-regional and transcontinental connections. This has similarly made it possible to identify direct relationships between social models that illustrate varied forms of development and show the presence of hierarchical relationships and the technical and territorial dependence or division of labour. An archaeological periodization may then be proposed, prioritizing the processes of change of the more dynamic societies of the South, occupying the alluvial valleys, and the effects generated by the same with respect to other groups developing around them, and one that attempts to summarize the social periods of the historical process making up the “longue durée” of the 4th to 3rd Millenniums BC/ BCE in the Southern Iberian Peninsula. 3800-3200 BC/BCE. The origin of the earliest forms of political organization As from the 6th Millennium BC/BCE there are signs of uneven development between those societies living in the caves to the south and those occupying outside settlements in areas with known and constant resources or in ecotones with diverse resources such as the marshes of the Atlantic coast. This in view of the growing social complexity of this latter society as implied by the start of concentrations of population or the erection of the first menhirs, that would define these as tribal societies organized through totemic lineages. However, the fragile nature of these systems shown by the lack of continuity of the population concentrations over time and a limited capacity to produce durable and storable surpluses meant that this uneven development would not be fully materialized until the start of the 4th Millennium BC/BCE and once the foundations for an agrarian economy had been set in place and once these societies had embarked on the systemic conquest of the alluvial valleys. While the current state of research does not allow us to conclude whether the changes in the social structure (relationships and contradictions of the first lineage-based societies) led to the conquest of the alluvial valleys (population growth, predictable and sustainable surpluses), or whether the conquest of the alluvial valleys led to social transformation, it is certain that, by 3800 BC/BCE, the equal develop-
84  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figure 1. Location of central settlements of the main territorial nest...
SOUTHERN IBERIA IN THE 4TH AND 3RD MILLENNIA CAL. BC Figure 2. Fortifications of the Los Millares settlement (Photo M.A. Blanco), Cabezo Juré, Alcores and La Junta (Phot. Grupo MIDAS III Milenio). ment of societies had ended and a new process had started leading to the first political structures. Running from West to East, pollen analysis taken from sample columns at Villa Real de Santo Antonio in Portugal, Mari López in Huelva, Laguna Medina in Cádiz, Siles and Pontones in Jaén, Baza and Laguna de Río Seco in Granada, San Rafael and Sierra de Gador in Almería3 show that, following the mesophillic Holocene Optimum (7500-5000 BP), there was with a gradual xerophilic adaptation of the landscape that would progressively extend throughout the fluvial valleys until reaching the lands towards the interior by the start of the 3rd Millennium BC/ BCE. Here, the presence of plantago and rumex, the increase in ruderal species and the reduction in pine with the progression of cerealia, show that the climate was not the determining factor in the change of the vegetation and that this was instead the result of social factors and ever more extensive and intensive farming as reflected by the increased phytoplankton and erosion rates in the estuaries. The coincidence between these processes and the increasing intensity and direction of occupation throughout the alluvial valleys lends further weight to this possibility, as does the colonizing process itself which was started and was particularly intense at the main basin: the Baetic Depression. Archaeological records of the4 point to their links with agricultural economies, in conjunction with a fully consolidated management of plants and animals. However, the confirmation of this process has been provided by the systematic study of pollen, carpological, archaeozoological and chronological records of the uninterrupted sequence of settlement at Úbeda (Jaén) 5 as from the second quarter of the 4th Millennium BC/ BCE that point to the correlation between the constant presence and growth of the settlement with the increased level of agricultural activity and deforestation throughout the 4th, 3rd, 2nd and 1st Millenniums BC/BCE. As opposed to this, another long and parallel sequence, as found at the settlement of Montefrio 4 3 Carrión, 2012; Fletcher et al., 2007. 5 Nocete, 2001. Nocete et al., 2010. 85
SOUTHERN IBERIA IN THE 4TH AND 3RD MILLENNIA CAL. BC  Figure 2. Forti   cations of the Los Millares settlement  Photo M.A....
86 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE (Granada)6 shows the other face of unequal development: small semi-troglodyte farming communities in the Baetic Mountains, with a limited influence on their surroundings and where the technological and social changes witnessed throughout the 4th and 3rd Millenniums BC/BCE in the alluvial valleys had a limited and late impact, if any at all. However, the process that started in the large alluvial process gave way to other processes: • First, a tendency towards population growth and concentration in stable and long-lasting settlements, and with it the availability and movement of a workforce towards non-agricultural production sectors. • Second, a tendency to strengthen the position of the community with respect to outsiders through proprietorial and territorial deterrents, as by the burial of animals and ancestors (within/near the settlements) and the building of defensive trenches, in the face of external conflict. • Third, a tendency towards the development of biological and local lineages differentiated in the forms and distribution of room and burial areas, as well as in the progressive replacement of individual burial by collective ossuaries of the group, fact that will lead to increased competition and internal conflict. • Fourth, a tendency to concentrate farming on predictable, durable and storable products, such as barley, and the management of domesticated animals (pigs, sheep, goats, cattle and horses) that in addition to providing regular supplies of meat could also provide associated products such as dairy produce and wool, etc., while also serving as draft animals and adding further stability, growth and organisational complexity. • Fifth, the increased circulation of raw materials and/or manufactured products from the mountains bordering the alluvial valleys, to offset the lack of materials required for farming tools (mills, hoes, scythes etc.), craft instruments (drills, chisels, etc.) and the tools required for the manifestation of social relationships (ornaments, large sculptures and idiomorphic representations), which promotes integration between communities and territories. The ensuing development and interrelation during the 4th Millennium BC/BCE would influence 6 Molina et al., 2004. the evolution of the forms, ways and limits of social relationships. On the one hand these led to the appearance of the first political forms in the valleys and where increased farming and the formation of independent settlements led to competition for control over the territory, the labour force and the external networks of raw materials and products. On the other, a gradual transformation of the surrounding societies, especially those located at the source of raw materials and/or circulating products, led to the technical and territorial division of labour and new production methods and relations. Finally, the emergence towards 3200 BC/BCE of plurilocal political systems, based on the hierarchy between settlements, and where the differences between communities and lineages would become increasingly larger as a result and cause of the provision of the main source of production, the human work force, a monopoly over the movement of raw materials and the derived artisan economies, and the means of coercion (ideological propagation) and destruction (defence and repression). 3200 – 2500 BC/BCE. The first hierarchal territorial systems The chronological sequences of pollen columns in the South of the Iberian Peninsula show an exponential acceleration of the social impact on the environment as from 3200 BC/BCE. The extension towards the interfluvial territories of west Andalusia (Sierra de Gador or Baza high plateau) and the Southeast (Iberian Pyrite Belt) and increased presence in the valleys led to an increased rate of erosion and the formation of coastal spits and bars in the drainage basins. However this process involved more factors than a simple increase in agricultural land. To one extent the pollen, carpological, archaeozoological and pyrolitic analysis of storage vessels found at the valley settlements show the development of more diversified, efficient and intensive systems of farming, with the presence of vitis, olea, poaceae, quercus, evidence of cereals and legumes which suggest complex production systems (such as crop rotation), the colonization of new lands, the use of bovids as draught animals or the increase in secondary products such as malt, essential oils, dairy products and textiles. In addition to which, the appearance of hierarchical territorial systems around large settlements (> 10 ha) provided with complex defence systems and, in certain cases, cemeteries arranged around monumental tombs, such as those at Millares (Alme-
86  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE   Granada 6 shows the other face of unequal development  small semi-tro...
SOUTHERN IBERIA IN THE 4TH AND 3RD MILLENNIA CAL. BC Figure 3. Necropolis of Los Millares (Photo M. A. Blanco); chamber and corridor in the passage grave of la Pastora, Valencina (Photo MA White) and original mound of tomb 1 of Soto (Phot. Group MIDAS III Millennium). 87
SOUTHERN IBERIA IN THE 4TH AND 3RD MILLENNIA CAL. BC  Figure 3. Necropolis of Los Millares  Photo M. A. Blanco   chamber a...
88 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE competitive tribal system and approaching more tributary and classist relations of a incipient form of state9. Figure 4. Metallurgical furnace of Cabezo Juré (Phot. Grupo MIDAS III Milenio). ria) in the southeast7 or Valencina (Seville), Carmona (Seville) and Albalate-Alcores (Jaén) in the Guadalquivir Valley,8 show that the economic intensification was related to a profound transformation in the form and scale of social organization. The varying sizes and approaches to the fortifications of these settlements, arranged as territorial networks, their central position on the best lands and in enclaves that could be better defended and watched over and the appearance of settlements that were specialized in territorial control suggest a qualitative change with respect to the preceding model. Over and above the defiance of the community with respect to the outside world, the internal distribution of surpluses and workforce point to unequal development and conflict in the valleys and the use of disuasory (not purely symbolic) and effective forms of supralocal politics based on hierarchy and external control (with respect to other communities) of the territory and the workforce itself. However, the unequal access of the residents of the settlements, organized by intersocial networks, to the means of defence (walls), the first large, visible and monumental burial constructions and the consumption and storage (cisterns, storehouses) of food and craft products, and particularly those produced outside the settlement (clams, sea fish, ivory, etc.), suggest that this unequal development, conflict and hierarchical structuring within the society was also the cause of territorial hierarchization. This then going beyond the dynamics of a simple and 7 8 Molina y Cámara, 2005. Nocete, 2001. However, one of the contradictions of these hierarchical systems and, namely, the constant demand for products from the outside, would lead to its greatest transformation, as a result of the new social forms and relations created due to this demand. Those societies set in the outer lying areas of the valleys and where these products originated would see the emergence of communities specialized in mining (mines/quarries) and production processes. In the valley societies, the appearance of new craft sectors and new social relations associated with their organization and administration and which would further consolidate these differences (internal and external) by further extending the control, over and among individuals and settlements in accordance with their capacity to create farming surplus and control the circulation networks. In addition to these factors, the emergence of forms of interaction based on the technical and territorial division of work and the development, at a peripheral position to the valleys and at the gateways to the sea, as the main route of communication, of the major settlements of each system (Millares on the Mediterranean and Valencina on the Atlantic), by converting these into ports gateway for the entry and departure of products and raw materials. This process, which is documented by the mining of stone from the flint formations of the Baetic Systems and in the chert and tuffite of the Southwestern Pyrite Belt,10 reached it maximum complexity and social impact with the development of metallurgy. Metallurgy led to the emergence of a production system whose very maintenance (farming and forestry surplus, etc.) and technical complexity (mining, pyrotechnics, etc.) would in itself hasten the development of the productive forces. The multiplying effect would be noted in other production areas such as those related to stone working, bone-ivory working, pottery or textile work, on providing these with more efficient tools. However, its main contribution and one that would convert this into the main strategic sector and the benchmark of social complexity would be that developed in the political sphere, on creating more complex and dependent social relations and one serving as a motor for further inequality in and among settlements and creating products as symbols of status such as copper weapons or gold ornaments. 9 10 Molina et al., 2004; Molina y Cámara, 2005; Nocete 2001. Martínez et al., 2012; Nocete, 2004.
88  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  competitive tribal system and approaching more tributary and classist ...
SOUTHERN IBERIA IN THE 4TH AND 3RD MILLENNIA CAL. BC This all meant that, in spite of more intensive production by the end of the 4th Millennium BC/BCE in the outer lying mining areas to the alluvial valleys, such as the Southwest Pyrite Belt, by the start of the 3rd Millennium BC/BCE this would end up being controlled through the political action of those receiving these products. This is demonstrated by the progressive transfer of raw materials and the development of metallurgic activity in all the large settlements in the Southeast and the Guadalquivir Valley and show that the scale of supplies and the intensity and technical complexity of production would depend on the capacity to create surplus, the relevance of the settlement’s leaders, and their positioning in the territorial hierarchy, rather than on the distance of these sources of supply.11 In the Guadalquivir Valley, the main centres of highly hierarchical organized territories such as Carmona were the forerunners of this activity and introduced supply systems from various different sources together with efficient technology in the form of furnaces, tuyères and crucibles and specialized production areas. To the contrary, other cases such as Úbeda, set in less hierarchical territories, would start this activity much later and organize supplies through one specific source and use simple production techniques (without furnaces, tuyères or crucibles) and domestic-scaled production areas. Finally, the settlements set at the bottom rung of this territorial hierarchy would have no access to these raw materials and would only develop activities, related to the maintenance and recycling of artefacts. This then led to the unequal development of the Southeast and Southwest of the Iberian Peninsula, on converting the area incorporating the main mining district of Western Europe (the Iberian Pyrite Belt), the main alluvial valley to the south (Baetic Depression) and the main interior waterways (Guadalquivir River) and shipping route (Atlantic Ocean) into an area of greater innovation, intensity and complexity in terms of metal production and, with this, that of social relations. In the Iberian Pyrite Belt the mineral resources were controlled and managed in a more complex, specialized and intense manner that in any of the other mining districts in the south of the Iberian Peninsula and in Western Europe in general. This complexity and specialization was brought about by a technical and territorial division of labour organized from a fortified network of settlements aimed at controlling the movement of resources, such as La Junta (0.25 ha), and factories, such as Cabezo Juré (2 ha),12 organized to transform massive mineralization (copper) and alluvial deposits (gold) by extraction technology consisting of furnaces, tuyères, crucibles and temperatures in excess of 1200ºC and the manufacture of artefacts in complex chain operations (mechanical and heat treatment).13 This intensity is shown by the rapid and almost complete deforestation of the area as recorded by pollen columns and, even more so, by the regional levels and scales of pollution registered in molluscs and sediment throughout the drainage basins.14 The lack of similar indicators in the eastern area of Andalusia up to the start of the 2nd millennium BC/BCE confirm both the degree of specialization and intensity as well as the unequal development of both territories. The largest settlement (>300 ha) in the south of the Iberian Peninsula was formed at the mouth of the Guadalquivir following its conversion into the main port gateway of entry for raw materials of supraregional origin (tuffite, chert, oolitic silicified limestone, cinnabar, marble, fossil ivory, copper, gold, amber, etc.) and transnational origin (ostrich eggs, African and Asian elephant ivory, etc.), and in a centre of intensive and specialized transformation of these raw materials into products. Metallurgy was the most important of all these production sectors, by scale, complexity, intensity, specialization and its affect on all other production areas and this activity has been recorded in most of the settlements, ranging from purely domestic production to entire districts providing specialized production and equipped with their own technical-spatial work areas and a technology (furnaces, tuyères, crucibles) similar to those identified at the factories in the Pyrite Belt mining district. However, the systems of supply of raw materials and the production from these artisanal districts point to more complex and intensive procedures, 15 including the production of gold metal.16 Isotopic analysis of the minerals reveal multiple storage, on a regional scale, that affected all the sources of supply within a radius of 100 km and with a residual waste far higher than that recorded anywhere else in Europe.17 The result of all this industry was seen in all manner of products ranging from domestic artefacts (needles, punches, knives) and tools for other economic sectors (hooks, chisels, saws) to the manufacture of products of social standing, such as weapons (spears, large axes) and gold ornaments. This similarly led to a capacity to attract other highly specialized craft sectors that were provided with the necessary 13 14 15 11 12 Nocete et al., 2011. Nocete, 2006; Nocete et al., 2011. 16 17 Bayona, 2008; Sáez et al., 2003. Delgado et al., 2012; Leblanc et al., 2002; Nocete et al., 2005b. Bayona, 2008; Inacio et al., 2011; Nocete et al., 2008. Nocete et al., 2014. Bougarit, 2007. 89
SOUTHERN IBERIA IN THE 4TH AND 3RD MILLENNIA CAL. BC  This all meant that, in spite of more intensive production by the en...
90 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figure 5. Tuyère (14 cm) from a metallurgical context of Cabezo Juré (Photo F.J. Nocete). Figure 6. Crucible (16 cm) from a metallurgical context of Cabezo Juré (Photo F.J. Nocete). tools, as is the case of workshops dedicated to the transformation of Asian elephant ivory.18 and ivory products manufactured in the artisanal district19 found exclusively in central tombs also points to the presence of an institutionalized economic and social system aimed at reproducing and perpetuating social differences as both the products and the craft sectors producing the same were assigned to this function monopolized by the social minority. A residential context set at the centre of the settlement and removed from the artisanal districts similarly suggests that this system was based on a form of exploitation in which a social group, that did not participate in any part of the production (a non-producer) had access to gold production for the purposes of accentuating and perpetuating social differences as well as that of copper (three axes with a weight of over 4 kg) that would serve as a demonstration of force and violence.20 However, the greatest transformation caused by these highly specialized artisanal systems whether directly or indirectly associated with metallurgy occurred in the social sphere, on the creation and reproduction of the more complex, vertical and unequal social relationships of the south of the Iberian Peninsula. Full-time metal production in specialized factories far removed from purely subsistence production such as Cabezo or the metal producing district of Valencina, not only accelerated the development of social complexity, by requiring more complex forms of political organization to regulate the technical and territorial division of work that gave meaning and sustenance to the same, but completely transformed society by establishing and reproducing, on this basis, the classist and exploitation relations of a fledgling state. In Valencina, the variability of its funerary systems and their relation with the products produced in these craft sectors, point to a social distance and dissymmetry that goes beyond the simple hierarchical relation between lineages. As opposed to the burial systems within the settlement housing the ossuaries of generations of men, women and children, the construction outside the settlement of visible necropolis set around large monumental tombs (tholoi), such as those at La Pastora, Matarrubilla, Ontiveros and Montelirio, did not only give way to public spaces of political power on exhibiting, through monumental and spatial manifestations, a model of social relationships that surpassed the structures (group, gender, age, etc.) of lineage in favour of prominent individuals. The presence of gold In factories such as Cabezo Jure that depended on the exterior for essential supplies, the classes and exploitation relations were even more explicit, antagonistic and conflictive as the non-producers, on holding complete control over the storage (storehouses, cisterns) of foodstuffs, held total command of the entire production process by disposing of both the means of subsistence of the producers and the means of circulation of their products. This then gave them access to three times the amount of food of any of the metal craftsmen and the exclusive access to both internally produced goods (gold) and those from the exterior (clams, essential oils, limestone cups, etc.) that further accentuated the social differences. However, this also forced them to reserve means of destruction (weapons) and to reside in strongholds at the highest point of the settlement.21 19 20 18 Nocete et al., 2013. 21 Nocete et al., 2013; Nocete et al., 2014. Nocete et al., 2014. Nocete, 2006.
90  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figure 5. Tuy  re  14 cm  from a metallurgical context of Cabezo Jur  ...
SOUTHERN IBERIA IN THE 4TH AND 3RD MILLENNIA CAL. BC Another characteristic of this process and one that would have great consequences in their ensuing development was its expansive nature and tendency to build systems of increasingly larger territorial interaction. While the methods of supplying workforce and raw materials suggest the presence of hierarchical, but independent, political units, the appearance of large “entry port gateway” settlements such as Valencina or Millares and the circulation of products and raw materials that these generated, point to their open nature and the overlapping of large networks of interaction. These eventually became large systems that would have control over their products and the reproduction of each political unit. The largest of these was that developed, after Valencina, in the Southwest and Lower Guadalquivir, on directly incorporating on a supraregional and hierarchical scale both the other hierarchical systems in the Valley and the mining territories on the outskirts. The scale of circulation of raw materials related to this intensive metal production in itself reveals an area of economic influence over a radius in excess of 100 km. This expansion could well have led to the network of small fortified settlements between this centre and the smaller political systems that emerged in the Guadiana, to the west in Torrao, to the north in Pijotilla and in the Algarve in Alcalar,22 and which suggest the presence of possible borders. However, if these did exist, they would have been readily passable as these did not impede the intense circulation of certain products that would affect all the hierarchical centres in the South and particular their dominant groups, and would lead to the establishment of common signs of identity (toloi, products and iconography) and the creation of larger intersystemic networks. Proof of this may be found in the presence of larges blades of tuffite at the Pyrite Belt quarries at Millares and La Pijotilla or the enormous and intersystemic distribution of larges blades of oolitic silicified limestone of the Subbaetic.23 Within this open and expansive structure we may also include the distribution of African and Asian ivory24. Associated to this fact is the opening up to other extracontinental systems in which Valencina would take a relevant and active position as, instead of having access to manufacture products, it would have access to raw materials and became a centre of manufacturing and distribution. 22 23 24 Nocete, 2001. Lozano et al., 2010; Nocete et al., 2005a. Schumacher, 2012. Figure 7. Gold casting spill (6 mm) from Valencina (Photo F.J. Nocete). However, this expansive action went beyond the mere circulation of products. The hierarchical structure and technical and territorial division of labour implemented by these systems also led to a spatial process of relations and contradictions between the centre and the periphery. This process explains the gradual transformation (formation of systems of lineage, increased inequality, peripheral hierarchies) documented by the megalithic necropolis of the societies located in the outerlying area25, their relations (integration/resistance/marginalization) with the process and, finally, their collapse. 2500-2200 Cal BC/BCE. Crisis, collapse and transformation. The end of the first territorial hierarchical systems Radiocarbon dating shows that in 2200 BC/BCE the two largest settlements holding control over the territorial organization of the Southeast and Southwest, Valencina and Millares, had collapsed through different processes. However, this was neither the result nor the effect of particular natural catastrophes of earthquakes or tsunamis26, though if their scales ate correct, these would have undoubtedly contributed to the same. The parallel collapse of the large settlements of the Guadiana and Algarve27 and their relation with the crisis processes that preceded that of Millares and Valencina, together with the fact that the social forms and organizations that had led the historic development over the 2nd millennium BC/BCE in the South now began to emerge in their peripheries, all show that their collapse was as much to do with the limits 25 26 27 Nocete, 2001; Nocete y Peramo, 2010. Abril et al., 2013; Molina y Cámara, 2005. Nocete, 2001. 91
SOUTHERN IBERIA IN THE 4TH AND 3RD MILLENNIA CAL. BC  Another characteristic of this process and one that would have great...
92 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE and contradictions of the systems established by Millares and Valencina as the very system itself. Around 2500 BC/BCE and after reaching its maximum development, a complete transformation of its ideological system (related to the disappearance of the so-named symbolic pottery/appearance of maritime bell beaker pottery) and the escalating defensive activity in the settlement and the surrounding forts, marked the start of the crisis of Millares. This activity became more marked after 2400 BC/BCE and culminated in 2200 BC/BCE with its total abandonment in a climate of particular conflict that coincided with the implementation of a greater defence system, the confinement of the population within local ramparts and forts, the presence of metal weapons and the parallel emergence of new centres on the outskirts and more unequal and isolated forms of power, such as those identified on the Granada high plateau and particularly in those territories that would give rise to Argar communities. While this all reveals an internal process of relations and contradictions (core/periphery) on a regional scale, the fact that this coincided with the end of the large networks and methods of circulation of raw materials and products out to the Mediterranean and the Southwest and the opening of new and more restricted circulation towards the Upper Guadalquivir, suggest that their collapse was also the result of external factors and, among which, the emergence of another crisis, of even greater scale, arising in the Southwest and in Valencina. Around 2500 BC/BCE and coinciding, as in Millares, with the appearance of maritime bell beaker pottery, a crisis started in Valencina with the progressive dismantling of its transport networks of raw materials, a reduction in size and the construction of large monumental tombs.28 However, its nature and scale were very different and was to be found in the crisis and ensuing collapse of the intensive metal and mining industry throughout the Southwest. In 2500 BC/BCE it was not just Valencina that entered into crisis with the dismantlement of its metal working districts and the start of smaller production methods and systems that were more controlled by the dominant classes, but this extended to the whole of the mining and metallurgy activity in the Pyrite Belt. Here, the concentrated and complex network of settlements that gave rise to this activity simply disappeared and the intensive production of their metal producing factories, such as Cabezo Juré, collapsed. This collapse led to the recovery of the arboreal ground cover throughout 28 Cáceres et al., 2014. Figure 8. Metal products in domestic context from Valencina: Copper axes (biggest 35 cm length) and gold leaf (Photo F.J. Nocete). the area, as documented by the pollen series, together with a reduction in pollution on a regional scale as registered in the sediments and living organisms at all the mouths of their drainage networks. Around 2400 BC/BCE this tendency became even more marked with a drastic reduction in the size of the settlement and by 2200 BC/BCE their decline was complete. However, unlike Millares, Valencina was not totally abandoned and retained a residual occupation. In the large settlements in the vicinity, such as Soto, the last great tombs were constructed and at the former sites of the metal working factories of the Pyrite Bely, such as Cabezo Juré, only a small group of population dedicated to farming activities would remain and any metal industry would purely be on a domestic scale and geared to the maintenance of tools. Finally, the arboreal cover and pollution regained the levels recorded prior to the 4th millennium BC/BCE. 29 While this crisis and collapse cannot be considered to be completely devoid of causes derived from the contradictions and limits of environmental sustainability (deforestation) and social sustainability (increased technical and territorial division of work and inequality) that such a complex and intense system such as the metallurgical system of the Southwest must have caused by still fragile political system and by limited forms of coercion, there is another 29 Nocete et al., 2011.
92  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  and contradictions of the systems established by Millares and Valencin...
SOUTHERN IBERIA IN THE 4TH AND 3RD MILLENNIA CAL. BC Figure 9. Central Place of Valencina de la Concepción (Seville) with its peripheral burial areas (F.J. Nocete). factor that could well explain this and which, as with Millares, occurred at the periphery of this system: on the Upper Guadalquivir. At the very time of the crisis in the Southwest and Lower Guadalquivir, the political systems emerging in the Upper part in the 4th Millennium BC/BCE, based on more intensive farming, not only continued but increased in complexity and after 2300 BC/BCE began to form more hierarchical organized territories (Alcores and Albalate o Úbeda), with dependent settlements geared towards farmer colonization and territorial control and internal dissymmetries founded on private property and the subjection of the population.30 These would also increase their systems of internal metal pro30 Nocete, 1994; Nocete et al., 2010. duction and mining activity in the areas of the Sierra Morena and Linares-La Carolina, to the point where, by 2200 BC/BCE, they would be capable of creating networks of settlements dedicated to the transport of minerals to the banks of the Guadalquivir and to large settlements associated with intensive production, such as Marroquies,31 which would be converted into points of interaction between the political structures organizing the territory. Furthermore, and in addition to copper, they began to exploit a new resource that would serve to bring about new, more individual and wide-ranging form of inequality: silver. This then allows us to introduce a further and crucial variable to explain the crisis and collapse of 31 Cámara et al., 2013; Nocete, 2001; Nocete et al., 2011. 93
SOUTHERN IBERIA IN THE 4TH AND 3RD MILLENNIA CAL. BC  Figure 9. Central Place of Valencina de la Concepci  n  Seville  wit...
94 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Valencina and Millares: the growth of the political systems of the Upper Guadalquivir and the West-East swing of more intense mining and metallurgic activity. A comparative study of the metallurgic pollution sequence of the Southwest and Upper Guadalquivir proves particularly relevant and show a maximum fall in the pollution of the former and the start of pollution in the latter around 2200 BC/BCE.32 These changes help explain the complex historical map that developed after 2200 BC/BCE and that would mark the Bronze Age: a network of more unequal, violent and decentralized social forms that, in the face of the generalized collapse of the Southwest, would see the rise of the Southeast and Upper Andalusia and where its two major systems, El Argar and the societies in the Upper Valley would convert the control of the mines of the Upper Guadalquivir (and its silver) into the focus of the geopolitics of the South, and transform the Levante-Southeast-Upper Guadalquivir route and its surrounding territories into a new main axis of interaction and population movement, in a complex mosaic of societies in which the traces of ones or an others would intermingle.33 However, this similarly provides a more general explanation. On one hand, the priority given in the general process by the farming societies in the valleys to systems based on the control of the workforce (pristine, generating surplus and demand, free of collapse) and their relations and contradictions (core/periphery), on being the cause of the emergency and peripheral collapse of the more complex and unequal forms of economic and social organization and the first large political systems (as would also be the case of those developed at the end of the second Millenium BC/ BCE which returned the spotlight to the Southwest). On the other hand, the fragile nature of these political systems, that could not gain political control beyond that permitted by the circulation of their products. Finally, and something that returns us to the start of this text (…) and the present (…), the effects of economic and political systems based on the hierarchical technical and territorial division of labour, on taking environmental and social sustainability to the very limit, then increased the dependence and inequality among the population and the territories and converted their contradictions and effects into the basis for their very collapse and ensuing “development”34. 34 32 33 Leblanc et al., 2002; Nocete et al., 2005; Delgado et al., 2013 vs García et al., 2013. Nocete et al., 2010. Acknowledgements: I wish to express my gratitude to Drs F. Molina and J.A. Cámara for allowing me to consult the most recent information of the investigation into the Southeast of the Iberian Peninsula; to J.M Vargas for allowing access to graphic documentation of Valencina; to F.J. Nocete for his work in preparing the graphic documents and finall , to Dr Almagro-Gorbea for his assistance and trust in participating in this work.
94  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Valencina and Millares  the growth of the political systems of the Upp...
Germán Delibes de Castro* The Chalcolithic in the Central Plateau and its Atlantic fringe (3200-2500 cal. AD) This work aims to analyse the behaviour of the societies that in the final centuries of the fourth millennium up until 2400 BCE occupied the Northwester corner of the Iberian Peninsula. This is an area that covers most of the central plateau of the peninsula, known as the Meseta in Castilian, but that also includes the Cantabrian coast and the western Atlantic shoreline, along with what is today the northern half of Portugal, from the Tagus estuary up. We are talking about a time span that covers the intermediate part of the Sub-Boreal, a cold period that gradually grew warmer up to the event known as “4,0 ka BP”. This was also a time of social development that saw the consolidation of Neolithic peasant life, coinciding with economic growth and the rapid spread of sedentarisation, as evidenced by the appearance of infrastructure in settlements. Another innovation of this time was the appearance of metallurgy, an event that ushers in a new period in Pre-history, the Copper Age, although it would not be until the end of the third millennium that this would manifest in terms of manufacturing itself in the area under discussion, coinciding with the beginning of the Bell-Beaker phenomenon. Geographic, palaeo-environmental, and chronological context a) Environmental conditions: the area under discussion is not an entirely homogenous entity, which requires some explanation. The common characteristic is that it is entirely Atlantic. All the rivers in the northern area run into the Atlantic: the Minho, Duero, Mondego, and Tagus. However, the Guadiana and Guadalquivir basins, in the south of the country, will not be included in this study because of their particular historic development. From a geo-morphological perspective the area under study is relatively diverse,1 covering the cen* 1 Universidad de Valladolid, delibes@fyl.uva.es Cabo & Vigil, 1973. Figure 1. Prehistoric works in the copper mine of Aramo, Asturias, at ca. 1200 m altitude. Sequence of tapered pillars and domes (Photo: M. A. de Blas). tral high area of the Castilian plateau, which was formed in the Palaeozoic era, at around 700 metres above sea level, over an area of some 210,000 square kilometres, or around half the area of Spain, and is made up of slate, quartzite, and granite, which only in the lower areas of the Douro and Tagus have a light carpet of clayish Cenozoic sediment, which was later used for agriculture. To use Macpherson’s term, this is a bastion that is bordered to the east by the Ebro depression, to the north by the “wall” of the Cantabrian Cordillera and its coastal belt, and to the west by the Beiras hills. This has affected its climate, given that these high areas, along with its position close to the Tropic of Cancer, influence temperatures and the flows of the Atlantic storms. In general terms, there are three main climates in the peninsula whose sharp contrasts
Germ  n Delibes de Castro   The Chalcolithic in the Central Plateau and its Atlantic fringe  3200-2500 cal. AD   This work...
96 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE influence agriculture:2 the Atlantic, including Cantabria, coastal Galicia, and the north of Portugal, with benign temperatures throughout the year and high rain fall (more than 1,000 mm per year in Gijón and Oporto); the Continental, which given its altitude, is characterised by strong frosts in winter and a notable deficit of rain due to high summer temperatures and the difficulties that the entry of the storms from the west face (less than 600 mm of rain); and the Mediterranean, which has a higher annual overall temperature (mild winters and hot summers) with irregular, tending to scarce, rainfall, that affects most of the Mediterranean basin, as well as southern Portugal, Extremadura, and all of Andalusia. The backdrop for this work is therefore the first of these two climates, while the singularity of the third provides us with a new argument for leaving the study of the prehistoric communities of the southwest for another occasion. b) Paleo-environmental context: The Chalcolithic Pre-Bell-Beaker Culture develops during the SubBoreal phase, dry and warm, although somewhat fresher than the preceding, Atlantic, period. During this stage of the Holocene there are important oscillations linked to variations in the activities of solar spots,3 of which, at the European scale, there is evidence from data taken from alpine glaciers, palynology, oxygen isotopes from ice columns in Greenland, and C14 variations in tree rings. All these show a very cold and wet climate before 3200 BCE,4, which began to grow warmer and drier toward 3000 when the first effects of the “4,0 ka BP event” began to be felt. The climate of the Chalcolithic peninsula is therefore characterised by a progressive increase in aridity and temperatures, 5 which is noted in the northern sub-Plateau by palynograms of various Chalcolithic sites in Ávila –a significant advance of xerophitic grasslands6– a significant advance of xerophitic grasslands –and of the peatbogs of Espinosa del Cerrato, Palencia, which is in the centre of the Duero basin: toward 3000 BCE a major reduction in tree pollen is observed that coincides with the increase of herbaceous species (Poaceae), which is to say, the major impact of human activities; but, at the same time, beech trees disappear, a species associated with humid climates, proof that the process of desiccation was not just anthrop2 3 4 5 6 ic.7 Around the same period of time, toward 2400 BCE, an evident decline in pollen samples is observed, the reflection of a reduction in vegetation, a fact that cannot be attributed solely to farming activities, because there is also a decline in indicators of livestock activities such as ribwort (Plantago) or sunflower species (asteraceae). In short, a climatic period of transition, from a cold, dry period in the Final Neolithic to another that is warm and dry, now in the Beaker Bell, of which there is evidence in the northwest as the end of a period of progressive climate warming, which in its driest moments, reduced rain to the minimum.8 c) Time frame: the periods before and after the time under study produced events such as the beginning of metalworking and the appearance of the BellBeaker Culture. The latter phenomenon was already present in the Iberian Peninsula from the middle of the third millennium BCE.9 As regards copper working, leaving aside the testimony from Cerro Virtud,10 by the end of the fourth millennium BCE, there is evidence of smelting at sites in the Guadiana basin in Portugal such as San Brás or Sala 1.11 From that point on, throughout the first half of the third millennium, metalworking techniques steadily spread northward and into the interior of the peninsula, most probably due to Neolithic prestige goods networks. Finally, although we are highlighting the importance of copper within the beginnings of the Metal Age, it is not clear that access to the first smelters unleashed a revolution in productive goods. There is no denying that the Copper Age was a major step forward in social evolution, bringing about population increases, arable agriculture, surplus harvests, and the creation of population centres as life became more sedentary. But there is no evidence that metalworking was the sole catalyst for this. There are doubts as to whether sites from the transition between the fourth and third millennium BCE belong to the end of the Neolithic or the Copper Age. The technological aspect of smelting The first Spanish archaeologist to argue for the existence of a Copper Age, prior to the Bronze Age, was F.M. Tubino, in 1876, although it was J. Lautensach, 1962. 7 Geel et al., 1998: 545. Cacho et al., 2010: 14. Fabián, 2006: 449-452. 9 Eddy, 1977. 8 10 11 Franco Múgica et al., 2001: 354-355. Fábregas et al., 2003: 862. Ríos et al., 2012. Ruiz Taboada & Montero, 1999. Hunt y Hurtado, 1999: 291-293.
96  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  in   uence agriculture 2 the Atlantic, including Cantabria, coastal Ga...
THE CHALCOLITHIC IN THE CENTRAL PLATEAU AND ITS ATLANTIC FRINGE (3200-2500 CAL. AD) Vilanova y Piera who, at an international conference in Lisbon in 1880, really began to use the terms Copper Age, Chalcolithic or Eneolithic to describe that period in history when man, with the aid of fire, managed to convert stones, the minerals that include copper, into metal. Metalworking has its origins in the Iberian Peninsula, as the Cerro Virtud site suggests, around 4000 BCE, but copper smelting was only consolidated in the final centuries of the fourth millennium and above all throughout the third millennium.12 This process required carbonates and Cu oxides, as well as mastery of fire, given that temperatures of more than 1000 degrees centigrade were involved. Spanish researchers have tended to assume that these “metallurgy secrets” were brought into the peninsula from outside, perhaps by colonisers from the Aegean, whose settlements were discovered at Los Millares-Vila Nova de S. Pedro.13 Today, however, there is some consensus that metalworking skills were developed locally, as suggested by Cerro Virtud as well as because of the singular smelting technology discovered in the far west of the Mediterranean.14 The technological uniqueness involved using clay bowls as ovens, which were filled with charcoal and fragments of mineral deposits, which were then partially broken down by the heat. The copper was then separated from the dross by being subjected to further heat processes until it could be refined in smelting pots. A primitive process such as this, developed in tiny workshops and hardly compatible with large-scale production, would be the norm until the beginnings of the Metals Age in the peninsula.15 But metalworking at sites such as Cabezo Juré, Huelva, and Valencina de la Concepción, Seville16, point instead –along the lines of what has been described earlier in regard to Los Millares– to a more centralized model based on the existence in Valencina of a neighbourhood of smelters with using several relatively complex smelters, along with hundreds of crucibles and tuyeres, along with dozens of kilograms of copper mineral from a range of quarries in the southeast. As a counterpoint to the earlier model, this is clearly a large metallurgical centre being used to supply external markets 12 13 14 15 16 Rovira y Montero, 2013. Kunst, 2013. Delibes y Montero, 1997. Montero, 2005; Rovira y Montero, 2013. Nocete et al., 2004; Nocete et al., 2008. Figure 2. Barbican of the Bell Beaker fortification of Zambujal (Torres Vedras, Portugal). View from the Southeast. (Photo: M. Kunst, D-DAI-MAD-MK-DG-18-2012-493). as well as meeting local demand, and suggesting a complex society with specialist artisans. A recent count puts the number of sites from the third millennium in the peninsula with smelting remains at 109,17 further adding interesting figures to this debate. More than half of these are south of the Tagus, which suggests it was more important than in the north, but this doesn’t necessarily prove that the fortified settlements of Estremadura, which played such a key role in the Copper Age in Portugal, were copper production centres. Data from such a heavily excavated site such as Zambujal is revealing: all the copper recovered there, in the form of fragments, chips, and to a lesser degree, tools such as awls, small chisels, knives, axes, and saws, does not amount to more than just over three kilograms;18 what’s more, there are only two areas for metalworking, one in house V, and another small one, close to the fourth line of the fortification, and it appears that all material was for domestic use, given that settlements in nearby satellites such as Fórnea and Castro de Penedo had their own workshops. That said, the fact that these communities brought copper ore from a quarry at Ossa-Morena,19 some 150 kilometres away, testifies to the importance of metalworking. There are a number of sites among the aforementioned list from the third millennium BCE with remains of smelting activity that are in the centre and north of the peninsula, proof that metalwork17 18 19 Kunst, 2013. Müller et al., 2007. Kunst, 2013. 97
THE CHALCOLITHIC IN THE CENTRAL PLATEAU AND ITS ATLANTIC FRINGE  3200-2500 CAL. AD   Vilanova y Piera who, at an internati...
98 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE ing took place there. In the Douro basin the earliest crucibles found come from Las Pozas and La Alameda de Peleagonzalo, in Zamora; further such sites were soon found in Portugal close to Chaves, in Vinha Soutilha, and Buraco da Pala in the Mirandés plateau; and in Galicia at O Fixon and Lavapés. In Cantabria metal working was taking place during this time at El Aramo. Such evidence points to the existence of a Copper Age and not a mere Neolithic Age with imported metal objects, although it is not beyond the bounds of reason that some of these circulating in the northern half of the peninsula could have come from the south as prestige goods from exchange routes.20 It is difficult to calculate how much metal was in circulation during the pre-Beaker period, but the number of pieces documented in the Douro basin, an area covering almost 90,000 square kilometres, totals not much more than 50 or so, and which points to modest metalworking in the area. The objects recovered both in the Plateau and the northwest are of the same type as those found in the south (awls, punches, chisels, and occasionally, axes), and point to domestic or household use: no specialist metalworking units have been found. That said, some pieces, a curved knife from Donhierro, Segovia, or a pair of awls from Portillo, Valladolid, are from funerary sites that predate the Beaker tradition of burying great men with all their panoply.21 Ore would initially have come from small quarries close to production sites, to judge from the similarities in mineral and metals types in certain areas: copper from the Roufeiro deposit in southeastern Galicia include Ni Sb and Ag, all found in mineral veins in the Limia area;22 the same applies to products rich in Ni from the areas around the mines of Salinas de Léniz, Álava;23 other communities in that area that smelted copper were supplied by the malachite seams in the eastern sector of the Amblés Valley.24 The variety of sites near the mines of El Aramo, El Milagro, and La Profunda in what is today the region of Asturias suggests a major increase in production from just before the middle of the third millennium, which saw the circulation of the mineral of large surrounding areas.25 20 21 22 23 24 25 Delibes y Montero, 1999. Herrán Martínez, 2008. Comendador, 1998: 227. Montero, 1998. Fabián, 2006: 420-426. Blas Cortina, 2010a. Figure 3. Aerial view of the Chalcolithic “ditches enclosure” of San Miguel (Cubillas de Cerrato, Palencia). (Infrared photo: J. Del Olmo). The mines in question, to judge from C14 dating, were active between 2800 and 1400 BCE, and provide exceptional information both about extractive processes as the way minerals were processed in the areas close to the mines. The dolomite where the veins were found was struck with stone hammers, and the mineral then extracted using deer antler, as well as wooden or bone wedges, after first weakening the stone with fire. Many sites, filled with dolomite boulders, along with yew-twig torches, and wooden rollers to move the mineral, where such activities took place, were discovered in the 19th century by miners26. Calculations suggest that over the course of a thousand years, hundreds of tonnes of copper were removed from El Aramo, indicating that this output would likely have been transported over large distances to supply smelting operations throughout the area. Close to the El Aramo camps where miners lived, bones from deer and cattle that would have provided food and tools have been found. The main find, however, is a combustion area, which has been subjected to intense heat, and where the remains of malachite and makeshift ovens suggest that this is where the first stage in the extraction process took place.27 This in part explains the scarcity of minerals in other communities where smelting went on, and also why raw metal in the form of lingots, as have been found at Gamonedo, Asturias, were used, which would then have been melted down into tools and weapons.28 26 27 28 Blas Cortina,, 2010a. Blas Cortina et al., 2014. Blas Cortina, 1980.
98  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  ing took place there. In the Douro basin the earliest crucibles found ...
THE CHALCOLITHIC IN THE CENTRAL PLATEAU AND ITS ATLANTIC FRINGE (3200-2500 CAL. AD) Figure 4. Chalcolithic dwellings of the “ditches enclosure” of El Casetón de la Era (Villalba de los Alcores, Valladolid). First, a door in the northern sector of the second enclosure (Photo: M. Crespo Díez). These are the main features of the metalworking of the interior and north of the peninsula, which oblige us to individualize a new “age” of Prehistory, event though its incidence in the instrumental sphere was limited. Daggers, axes, punches and copper awls did not improve much on the performance of stone tools, which is why the Chalcolithic continued in the Stone Age, where arrowheads, hammers, and axes continued to be made out of stone and flint, and where ceramic ware, each with its distinctive decorative patterns: copos canelados and folha de acácia in Estremadura, the Penha style in the northwest, and the Las Pozas in the Plateau, etc, were very much a continuation of previous types. Metal was a technological breakthrough, but the Copper Age was more than this, producing economic growth, surpluses, investment in settlements, and the beginning of a series of changes that would affect social relations. Infrastructure in the new villages: fortifications and ditched enclosures The Copper Age sees the consolidation of peasant life, and in those areas where the Neolithic left little imprint, such as the Douro Valley or the Tagus middle basin, it results in the first agricultural colonisation.29 Communities, which were bigger and more settled than in the Neolithic age, began to grow and the settlements became more visible, contrary to the tombs. This is a similar process to that which was underway in Andalusia, except that in the northwestern corner of the peninsula there are no macro-communities of the size of Los Millares, Marroquíes, La Pijotilla, and Valencina, indicating less complex societies. 29 Díaz del Río, 2001; Id., 2003. 99
THE CHALCOLITHIC IN THE CENTRAL PLATEAU AND ITS ATLANTIC FRINGE  3200-2500 CAL. AD   Figure 4. Chalcolithic dwellings of t...
100 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE The small fortified settlements on the Lisbon peninsula at Vila Nova de S. Pedro, Zambujal, and Leceia are a good example of the way that sedentary life was consolidated, and also reflect the population increases seen in Pedra d’Ouro, Penedo de Lexim, Penha Verde, Rotura, etc, all around the site of Torres Vedras.30 All of these sites are ringed by circles of protective stone walls, and in the case of Zambujal, up to four of them. These would have been built over time after the creation of a central tower or fortress, branching out into a barbican with loophole windows.31 These settlements developed over time into fortresses, and with the exception of Leceia, would not have been created as such ab initio, but instead grew according to necessity, with new walls added and reinforced by their occupants.32 and their populations would have been small in number.34 But in Zambujal and Leceia evidence has been found of the existence of outlying areas, with groups of round huts, following the same design as those within the walls, indicating the growth of the community and that less privileged groups would have been offered protection by those inside the fortification in the event of attack. J. Cardoso suggests that the total number of people living in Leceia, including those outside the walls, would have been around 200. This would have made it little more than a village, albeit a central defensive point due to its fortifications, for other smaller communities within a 15-kilometre radius.35 But it would not have been comparable to the large population centres in the Guadalquivir and southwest of the peninsula. The first surveys of these habitats were influenced by the interpretations made by M. Almagro, A. Arribas, or B. Blance of Los Millares, who argued that they were built by traders from the Aegean, the same people to whom the introduction of copper into the Iberian Peninsula is attributed, and that they were designed to protect the local population. Today, however, there is growing consensus that the fortification of these settlements and the use of barbicans, towers, and bastions, were a response to the needs of sedentary life, and not a foreign model that was imposed. This would explain why each one is different: Zambujal grew out of a central fortress, in Leciea, as in Monte da Tumba, Alentejo, a perimeter wall was first built, with the central tower added at a much later stage in the settlement’s life.33 In this context –that settlements were not built by colonisers– other fortified settlements in the area north of the Tagus, such as Beira Litoral and Beira Alta, as well as in the interior of Tras-os-Montes, can be seen in a different light. The first studies of this process of sedentarisation were carried out by S.O. Jorge36 in the outskirts of Chaves, where settlements such as Sao Lourenço, Vinha Soutilha or Castelo de Aguiar were set up in areas that could be easily defended and that provided good visibility over a large area. It was soon discovered that many of these included monumental or fortified works, such as Castelo Velho, Freixo de Numao, which had been occupied since 3000 BCE and which had a modest wall running round the “citadel” where milling, storage or weaving took place: Castro de El Pedroso, in the west of Zamora was built on an imposing granite inselberg. Atop have been discovered arrow head making workshops; the walls at Fraga da Pena, in the Alto Mondego, seem to have been associated with some kind of ceremonial activity; Crasto do Palheiros, in Mirandela, where one of the two sets of walls supporting an imposing platform was later converted into a place of worship; similarly, the collection of settlements near Plasencia, Cáceres, were also fortified, with Los Berruecos the most outstanding example.37 In the case of Os Palheiros,38 it appears that it was only after a series of communities were established, and which built megalithic tombs nearby, that a walled area was built as a public space which Today these fortifications are seen in the context of local competition and tension between different groups, and that they were built as a means of defence. They would also have been symbols of sovereignty and territorial domination, as well as a means to control exchange and trade routes where copper and other prestige objects would have circulated. This would also explain why they were all built with good access to the sea: Zambujal is no more than two kilometres from the Atlantic. Estimates put the average size of these settlements (Zambujal, Vila Nova de Sao Pedro, Leceia, and Rotura) at around a hectare (Penedo and Lexim, or Pedra Douro would have been even smaller), 34 30 31 32 33 Jorge, 1998; Cardoso, 1997a. Kunst, 2010. Jorge, 1998; Cardoso, 1997a; Cardoso, 1997b: 48-49. Cardoso, 1997b. 35 36 37 38 Chapman, 1991: **. Cardoso, 1997a: 252-253. Jorge, 1986. Jorge, 1998. Sanches, 2003: 134.
100  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  The small forti   ed settlements on the Lisbon peninsula at Vila Nova...
THE CHALCOLITHIC IN THE CENTRAL PLATEAU AND ITS ATLANTIC FRINGE (3200-2500 CAL. AD) symbolized the political centralization of the new society, as well as the legitimacy inherited from the sacred world of the ancestors. Turning our attention to the Plateau again, it can be seen that the Chalcolithic settlements in this area also built defensive structures round their communities, albeit in the form of ditches, rather than walls. These systems are well known throughout Europe from the Neolithic age onward, known in Britain as enclosures, in France as champs fosses, villagi trinceratti in Italy, and erdwerke in Germany, but which were only discovered in Spain half a century ago as a result of excavations in Valencina de la Concepción.39 Other notable examples have been discovered in the lower Tagus and Douro areas, where they first appear around 3200 BCE, reaching their plenitude in the following millennium and overlapping into the Beaker era.40 These enclosures, whether in Madrid (Gózquez de Arriba, Las Matillas, Fuente la Mora, Yeseras) or in the northern sub-Plateau region, where aerial photography has enabled the find of around twenty in the Douro and Pisuerga Valleys, Tierras de Campos, and Pinares,41 are generally circular or ovaloid, and rarely feature concentric circles. Perimeter ditches are narrow and between two and three meters deep, and although they sometimes are reinforced with a bank of earth within them, and occasionally a stockade, these are not major defensive works, but demarcation lines, as well as encouraging a sense of community among the inhabitants. The discontinuous nature of these ditches has been noted, interrupted as they often are by causeways. It has been suggested that the labour force used to build these notable public works came from different sections of the community that could have been linked to other lineages in the hinterland that would have been attracted by the work.42 Finally, although some of these causeways could have been used as access, gateways have been found, either in a funnel shape, or at an angle, in locations such as Las Canteras de San Crístóbal de la Cuesta, Salamanca, and Gózquez de Arriba protected by a semicircular barbican.43 The ditch enclosures of the Central Plateau are systematically associated with the enigmatic and singular sites known as “pit fields”, large exten39 40 41 42 43 Márquez & Jiménez, 2010. Díaz del Río, 2003; Liesau et al., 2008. Delibes et al., 2014. Díaz del Río, 2004. Díaz del Río, 2003. sions of land dotted with pits that have become known as “structured deposits”.44 These were often filled with rubbish, although sometimes they seem to have been used to store grain; animal remains have been found in them, along with ceramics and other items in good repair. These pits were originally thought to be the foundations of round huts, but this theory has been questioned. Are they the remains of communities that were later destroyed, and only the remains of the larger structures have left any trace? Or were they ceremonial spaces. Recent work at the enclosure of El Casetón de la Era, where a collection of huts has been unearthed, would seem to support the former theory, but does not rule out the ritualisation of the domestic sphere. These huts, or houses, have been torn down, with only their foundations surviving, something that was originally attributed to the aggressive erosion that took place during the more arid periods of the Sub-Boreal. That said, the recovery of hundreds of kilos of debris and wall covering in some pits suggests that attempts were made to completely erase them when these communities were abandoned, as happened in the same area subsequently during the Bronze Age.45 In the south of the peninsula, at sites such as Valencina, considerable evidence has been uncovered of large-scale enclosures, covering many hectares, almost reaching the size of small “cities”, where specialist artisans worked copper, ivory, and gold in amounts that would have more than satisfied local needs. Sites in the Plateau are more modest: situated the Middle Duero they tend to be between one and three hectares, similar to those in Gózquez, Las Matillas, or Fuente La Mora, in Madrid. 46 The first impression they produce is of a mosaic of small villages more or less the same size. But we now know that in the southern sub-Plateau there were much larger enclosures, such as that in Camino de las Yeseras, covering at least seven hectares, although this site would not reach its peak until the Beaker era.47 It is also worth mentioning the superimpositions discovered in enclosures in the Douro: aerial photography of Villeguillo, Segovia, show the traces of up to four different enclosures. But the most outstanding case is Las Pozas, Zamora, where an initial enclosure with three rings ends up partially superimposing over at least two. C14 dating shows 44 45 46 47 Bellido Blanco, 1996; Márquez & Jiménez, 2010. Sánchez Polo, 2010: 180. Díaz del Río, 2003: 68-69; Delibes et al., 2014. Liesau et al., 2008. 101
THE CHALCOLITHIC IN THE CENTRAL PLATEAU AND ITS ATLANTIC FRINGE  3200-2500 CAL. AD   symbolized the political centralizati...
102 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figure 5. View of the small cave used as barn of Buraco da Pala, in the Sierra dos Medios, Trás Os Montes. (Photo J. M. Sanches). that between the first being abandoned (during the transition from the fourth to the third millennium BCE) and the foundation of the more modern was virtually simultaneous.48 Finally, further north, in Galicia and the Cantabrian coast, the sedentarisation process was slower and more timid, perhaps due to long-established itinerant primitive agricultural practices. There are fewer traces of settlements, and as López Cuevillas pointed out, there is no sign of fortified settlements on high ground, such as there are in the Chalcolithic population centres in Portugal. Today it is thought that the cold climate of the early part of the third millennium BCE could have prevented the occupation of high ground,49 although there is evidence of some settlements that lacked walls, but that had begun to build buttresses that provided clear views over the land and provided defence against attack. Sites such as this include As Pileiras, in Boborás, Regueira Pequeña, in Mondariz, or Castelo das Chas, in Oimbra. Chaetomium, a wood parasite. Such was the impact of the first agricultural colonisers in the central area of the Plateau.50 All the seeds found in any site in the study area, whether Zambujal in Estremadura,51 Buraco da Pala in Tras-os-Montes,52 Camino de Las Yeseras in Madrid,53 or Casetón de la Era54, Buraco da Pala in Tras-os-Montes, Camino de Las Yeseras, in Madrid, or Casetón de la Era, are the same types of cereal. It is worth noting that among the wheat, (Triticum aestvum/durum) is the dominant breed, although there are substantial remains of monococcum and dicoccum. Cultivation of barley (Hordeum vulgare) was also popular, and more seeds were found than wheat at Buraco da Pala, and the same number at Zambujal and Yeseras. At the same time a number of pulses were found, among them broad beans (Vicia faba), lentils (Lens culinaria), and peas (Pisum sativum). The appeal of these latter crops is that not only were they easy to cultivate, but they also provided a valuable source of protein, as well as putting nitrogen into the soil. But simply counting the number of species cultivated during what has become known as the Copper Age does not provide any real indication as to agricultural output. To this end it makes more sense to add up the number of grain silos or pits at Plateau sites during this period, some of them, such as La Cervera, in Madrid, with clear signs of having been lined with basketry,55 although of course not all would have been used exclusively to store cereal.56 Thus it makes more sense to fix our attention on what could only have been grain stores, such as that found at Buraco da Pala, which contained several square metres of cereals.57 The site is a shelter with high roof and easy access, some distance from the nearest population centre, close to one of the summits of the Sierra de Passos at more than 900 metres above sea level, in the eastern part of Tras-os-Montes. It started out as a domestic space in the early Neolithic, but later occupation (levels II and I) during the first half of the third millennium BCE, correspond above all to storage areas, where large amounts of beans, barley, acorns, and wheat, along with Linum ussitatissimum and Papaver somniferum were stored in baskets and urns of 15 and 20 litres rested on stone slabs lined with clay and supported by wooden poles to stabilise the vessels, and a series of hearths beside the silos appear to be related to the conservation of seeds (smoked?). Furthermore, the existence of wall paintings in the shelter using anthropomor52 53 48 49 50 51 García García, 2013. Fábregas et al., 2003: 868-869. Delibes et al, 2010 Hopf, 1981. 54 55 56 57 Sanches, 1997: 43-81. Peña Chocarro et al., 2011. Delibes, 2011. Asquerino, 1979. Bellido Blanco, 1996. Sanches, 1997.
102  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figure 5. View of the small cave used as barn of Buraco da Pala, in t...
THE CHALCOLITHIC IN THE CENTRAL PLATEAU AND ITS ATLANTIC FRINGE (3200-2500 CAL. AD) phic motifs in red –typical of others in the area– has suggested its possible use as a place of worship. Excavations indicate that small dishes and cups found nearby could have been used at banquets or libations, or at rituals involving the consumption of poppy seeds and where the use of ceramics decorated with “facial tattoos” along the lines of the “goddess of the eyes” from Millares.58 This site could also have been used as places to make offerings: five dozen stone necklaces were found here, along with six adorned with gold, although the former, which had been placed in a storage jar, could also have been part of the community’s wealth, and guarded in this granary-sanctuary. Buraco da Pala illustrates the importance that cereal cultivation acquired in the third millennium BCE, but even more important is the testimony provided by El Casetón, in Valladolid, where the search is on for the existence of threshers. The find here is not a sled thresher with flints in its base, but instead a collection of flints; dozens of them that had been shaped into long and heavy blades. This is a type that was known in the past, and that recent examination has detected imprints from contact with the ground and straw cutting that reveal their real function.59 The phytoliths of their phylum indicate that they were used to thresh wheat, and there is considerable evidence that part of the straw that was cut and obtained in the process was mixed with mud to create wattle for construction. An understanding of threshing did not bring about new forms of agriculture, but did increase agricultural output: cereal harvesting and processing could be carried out en masse, thus intensifying production. But equally important was that animals were required to pull the thresher, which for the first time in the history of the Iberian Peninsula –where until this point no evidence of the use of wagons, sledges, or ploughs has been found– brings us face to face with one of the most expressive examples of the so-called Secondary Products Revolution: livestock, aside from being a supply of fresh meat, was also the source of many resources: traction; milk; wool; fertilizer, all of which were an inducement not to slaughter animals.60 But asking ourselves how the threshers were pulled means revising collections of fauna from the time, and for the northwest quadrant of the peninsula, we only have studies from Zambujal, a sample of some 80,000 remains,61 and, on a smaller scale, of sites in the Plateau,62 and which really only allow us to provide some broad outlines of livestock management and to highlight the differences with the Neolithic: on the one hand the increased use of cattle over sheep, goats, and pigs; and on the other, changes in the way that animals are slaughtered, with more emphasis on their “secondary resources”. At Zambujal, Las Pozas, and the Ávila sites, but also to a lesser extent in Yeseras, deer and wild bull hunting remained important activities. That said, the main source of meat in the former sites came from cows, which were systematically slaughtered once they reached three years of age, and in half of cases, between the ages of eight and 10. This information would suggest that, bearing in mind that the individuals represented in the final period were all cows, that there was some kind of exploitation oriented toward the production of meat. After beef, pork was the most important livestock for food production. It is difficult to establish at what age sheep and goats were slaughtered: there are two peaks between the ages of two and three, and then six and seven years of age, although the high proportion of females suggests they were mainly used for milk production.63 Finally, both in the sites of the Douro basin, such as Las Pozas, El Casetón de la Era, or Yeseras, as well as in Zambujal, the presence of horses has been registered (around 5 percent in the latter site), but, as with the rest of the peninsula,64 it is not clear whether these are domesticated or wild horses. Thus, although the usual malformations of the tarsus have not been found in the adult males in El Casetón de la Era, the main candidates for pulling threshers are oxen, the same animals that at the time were pulling carts in Europe, as well as ploughs, to judge from the drawings found at Monte Bego.65 What seems sure, in any case, is that in the search for more power to help dominate nature in the Copper Age, mankind found an exceptional partner in bovines, and which for good reason66 –bear in mind the deposits of cows and calves in the sub-soil of many ditched enclosures– became a central feature of so many ceremonies. 61 62 63 58 59 60 Guerra, 2006: 205-206. Gibaja et al., 2011. Sherratt, 1981; Petrequin et al, 2006. 64 65 66 Van den Driesch & Boessneck, 1976. Morales Muñiz, 1992; Liesau, 2011; Fabián, 2006: 453460. Harrison, 1985: 71. Liesau, 2005: 189-192. Petrequin et al., 2006. Márquez & Jiménez, 2010: 346-362; Liesau et al., 2013. 103
THE CHALCOLITHIC IN THE CENTRAL PLATEAU AND ITS ATLANTIC FRINGE  3200-2500 CAL. AD   phic motifs in red    typical of othe...
104 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Finally, nothing has been said about livestock rearing in the Cantabrian area, but some data, despite the peculiarities of the region, share common features with what has been discovered in other zones. In Cueva del Mirón, from the Neolithic Age, goats and sheep, which until then were the dominant livestock, begin to be replaced by cattle,67 a phase that coincides with an increase in pastureland. It can also be seen that in the eastern mountain regions, with their harsh winter climates, many caves are used as stables or folds. This phenomenon is already taking place in the Neolithic, but happens much more quickly for example in the Cantabrian Mountains, where long periods of “fumiers” (manure) are recorded from the third millennium BCE in the slopes of San Cristóbal and Los Husos I.68 Thanks to this kind of evidence, a concept of “stabling” has been developed in relation to prehistoric pasturing. That said, these folds only provided occasional refuge during the coldest periods of the year: pollen analysis, particularly in the Plateau, show large amounts of Sordaria, a species of microscopic fungus commonly found in the faeces of herbivores, and evidence that livestock have been kept in the open air.69 To sum up, in these subsistence terrains, the main contribution of the Chalcolithic in our area was also the “Revolution of the Secondary Products”. The ability of large animals to provide traction was used, as was their milk, a practice that had been underway since the Neolithic,70 and in all probability, the opportunity to improve fertility in the fields was taken advantage of by using manure as a fertilizer, which provided a good reason to settle. Funerary rites To the main identity traits of the period under analysis –economic intensification, sedentarisation, and the appearance of metalworking– we should add a fourth, related to a reduced focus on funerary matters, and that is directly related to the breakup of the megalithic phenomenon. The role of dolmen graves as spatial markers and ancestral ownership documents of the territories they presided over begin to lose their meaning in an age 67 68 69 70 González Morales, 2012: 269. Fernández Eraso y Polo, 2011. López Sáez et al., 2000. Guerra et al., 2012. when there is a definitive movement toward stable habitats. In the second half of the fourth millennium BCE, we see a widespread abandonment of megalithic structures such as passage graves, beginning what some writers have called a dark age, a period in which funerary examples begin to vary, and are less universal than in previous periods, and as such harder to understand and interpret. In the Basque Country, reflecting the population’s resistance to accept new population models, the decline of the dolmen was not a clear process, and even at the end of the fourth millennium, megaliths were still being built, such as the emblematic Jentillarri gallery, and mounds such as Larrate or Pagobakoitza were used as gathering places, at least until the Bell Beaker period. That said, the bulk of funerary activity seems to have been moved to caves such as Pico Ramos or San Juan ante Portam Latinam, the latter to the south of the Cantabrian Mountains, and to “epi-megalithic tomb systems with perforated doors such as Longar in Navarra. These were pantheons where over the course of successive burials, huge bone pits were created: 104, 338, and 110 inhumations respectively. They date from the final centuries of the fourth millennium, and no metals have been found in their grave goods assemblages, which does not exclude them being attributed to an incipient Chalcolithic. In the latter two sites, there is the particularity that several of the bodies have arrowheads nailed into their bodies, which gives some indication of the climate of violence that reigned during this time throughout southwest Europe.71 In central Cantabria, in the absence of more data about post-Megalithic burial practices, all we can know is that from sometime before the first half of the third millennium, around the same time that mineral extraction began, some galleries in the El Aramo and El Milagro mines were being used as funeral spaces, and that by the time of the Bronze Age, hundreds of burials had taken place here. It is clear nevertheless, that this was an unusual solution, and as has been suggested by M. Eliade, may well have been ritual mechanisms to repay the Earth goddess for the fruits plucked from her belly before they were fully gestated.72 A similar lack of objects has been documented in the northwest. The widespread extension of dolmens 71 72 Vegas Aramburu, 2007; Armendáriz e Iriagaray, 1995; Zapata, 1995. Blas Cortina, 2010b.
104  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Finally, nothing has been said about livestock rearing in the Cantabr...
THE CHALCOLITHIC IN THE CENTRAL PLATEAU AND ITS ATLANTIC FRINGE (3200-2500 CAL. AD) Figure 6. Sequence of “fumiers” in the stable of Los Husos, Sierra de Cantabria (Álava). (Photo: J. Fernández Eraso). during the Chalcolithic, where in a few cases symbolic ceramic ware decorated in the Penha style (Os Consellos, Cotogrande, or Vilafría, in Pontevedra, and A Lousada, or Monte Pirleo, in Lugo) and the no-less exceptional grave goods consisting of axes and perforated “Rechaba period” stone hammers, is not considered sufficient evidence of funerary “rules”. Once passage graves are no longer used –the “three moment” of Dombate– megaliths soon cease to be created, and the occasional return to pre-existing ones only happens by the time they have been abandoned, as suggested by the fact that reuse of them during the Bell Beaker period do not show any sign of use of the original entrances.73 The same phenomenon of collective burial in caves or dolmen is repeated in the mountainous margins of the Plateau, particularly in the eastern part of Cantabria or the Ebro Valley, but less so in the central areas –noted for their ditch enclosures or pit fields–and where individual burials took place within settlements. Even in the cases of multiple graves, such as in El Cerro de la Cabeza, in Ávila, or Yeseras, in Madrid, there is big difference in respect to collective graves or those used over time, because burial was simultaneous.74 Research, which has depended heavily on analogies with the pit fields of the Bronze Age in the same area, has also highlighted the low number of tombs discovered, as well as the careless way that the bodies were buried in so many of the graves, as well as the occasional finding of incomplete skeletons or bones, raising the doubt as to whether these graves followed any funerary pattern, or whether they were the exception. In this sense it is interesting that some burials show signs that the body had already been reduced to a skeleton before it was buried, which suggests that burial might have been a two-stage process, and that only a selected few remains were kept in the village itself.75 Other than 74 73 Fábregas & Vilaseco, 2012. 75 Aliaga, 2008; Fabián, 1995. Esparza et al., 2012. 105
THE CHALCOLITHIC IN THE CENTRAL PLATEAU AND ITS ATLANTIC FRINGE  3200-2500 CAL. AD   Figure 6. Sequence of    fumiers    i...
106 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE this, grave goods tended to be few and not very relevant: a piece of pottery, a worked flint, from which it can be deduced that the few graves where lavish items were found in sites such as Donhierro, Segovia: a variscite necklace or several copper objects, that would have belonged to high-status individuals.76 The two major funerary innovations of the Chalcolithic Age in the Tagus estuary were artificial caves and beehive tombs. These were areas that despite being associated with collective, megalithic tombs, show a clear architectural break with that tradition. There is evidence of the former up until the end of the fourth millennium, while the latter only appear somewhat later, although both existed during the Copper Age and both suffered from being “rediscovered” during the Bell Beaker era. The caves, which were created to make a necropolis to the north of Lisbon, San Pedro de Estoril, and Alapraia, had a circular chamber with a skylight, a vestibule, and access, and bearing in mind their hypogeum nature (they are excavated from rock), they are not visible from outside, nor do they leave any trace in the landscape; whereas beehive graves, well represented in the Pai Mogo and Praia das Maças area, are protected under mounds similar to those at dolmen sites, making them somewhat more monumental.77 In neither case are the cemeteries linked to a specific village, and they do not appear to be the typical settlement-necropolis combination typical of the Chalcolithic in the southeast of the Iberian Peninsula (Los Millares) or the Algarve (Alcalar). Yet the traditional presence of fluted pottery and calcareous votive items such as phalluses, baetyls, tapered idols, etc, found in their grave goods assemblages credits them as contemporary with the early phases of Leceia, Vila Nova de S. Pedro, or Zambujal. The wealth and unusualness of the beehive and cave grave goods suggests that they belonged to high-status social lineages, able to invest in luxury items and to strengthen their prestige by emulating magical-religious ideas from the south of the peninsula, which along with the appearance of metals has led to them being discussed in terms of “Mediterranean influences” in the culture of the Tagus.78 76 77 78 Esparza et al., 2008: 29-36. Leisner et al., 1969; Gallay et al., 1973. Jorge, 1990; Gonçalves, 2003. Duration and development of exchange networks of prestige goods: We have already noted in earlier chapters how, toward the end of the Neolithic, particularly as the Megalithic reaches its height, that part of agricultural surplus was being used for the acquisition of luxury objects, especially ornaments, which were used as symbols of status or distinction, and that were displayed above all in burial areas, and whose main added value was usually their unusualness.79 All of which led to the appearance of “prestige goods exchange networks”, sometimes over large distances, and which reached their height during the Chalcolithic,80 when gold and copper items joined the list of goods being circulated –whose value as a display item would have been as great as their instrumental possibilities–, along with other exotic items such as ivory and amber, which were documented for the first time in the centre-north of the Iberian Peninsula from the third millennium BCE on. This presupposes an increase in agricultural surpluses, something that is also reflected in the investments in habitats (fortification and the appearance of moated enclosures), as well as the first signs of social hierarchies: it would appear from the tombs that some groups or people enjoyed more access to these exotic products and prestige symbols. This was not the only socio-political strategy: another, which would also require important investments of time and resources, would be oriented to acquiring specialist knowledge. As the millennium progressed, copper metallurgy became widespread, leading to metalworking, which would mean adding knowledge and specialism to the strategy of pure exoticism, with the consequent need to control supply routes. There are several prestige items in the centrenorth of the peninsula whose use is clearly rooted in older traditions from the Late-Neolithic. Lignite ornaments, seashells, and cinnabar are well-documented in the Late Neolithic, and although they continue to appear throughout the Chalcolithic, there are some differences regarding their distribution. The already mentioned multiple grave of San Juan ante Portam Latinam, in Álava, dating from the end of the fourth millennium, is an example of the transition from the Late-Neolithic to the Chalcolithic in the north of the peninsula: the 79 80 Guilaine, 2002. Costa Caramé et al., 2011.
106  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  this, grave goods tended to be few and not very relevant  a piece of ...
THE CHALCOLITHIC IN THE CENTRAL PLATEAU AND ITS ATLANTIC FRINGE (3200-2500 CAL. AD) dead wore ornaments from earlier periods, that in the future would not be seen such as boar teeth or lignite necklaces, as well as others that would be continued, such as green stone necklaces or sea shell.81 But from the Neolithic-Chalcolithic transition onward, there are many changes to green stone ornaments. According to composite analyses, to begin with, all kinds of mineral of this colour were used, as in the Las Yurdinas II caves in Álava, and the dolmens of Burgos and Palencia. That said, at the height of the Chalcolithic we see a visible increase in the use of variscite, overwhelmingly in the northern Plateau, the north of Portugal, and Portuguese Estremadura, but not in the mid-Tagus, where, based on the evidence of the Valle de las Higueras, Toledo, and Camino de Yeseras, in Madrid, they were not used before the Bell Beaker period. As is known, during the transition between the fourth and third millennia, large-scale exploitation of variscite takes place at Can Tintorer, Barcelona, which supplied green ornaments to the entire Ebro basin, and that was later replaced as a production centre by the Palazuelo de las Cuevas mines in Zamora, then at their height: recent analysis suggests that from around the beginning of the third millennium BCE, variscite from here spread out to the entire northern Plateau, having been found at Las Peñas de Quiruelas, in Zamora, El Ollar, in Segovia, and even reached sites such as Vilanova de S. Pedro and Zambujal, in Estremadura, as well as Anta Grande de Zambujeiro, in the Alentejo, and even the Guadalquivir Valley, to judge from the finds at Valencina.82 Although it declined after the Neolithic period, the use of seashells such as dentalium or trivia continued in some regions. We have already commented on San Juan ante Portam Latinam, where an infant was wearing a necklace made up of more than one hundred dentalium shells: proof that the practice continued until the early Chalcolithic. But this was something exceptional, as was the same in Los Parrales, in Ciudad Real, a workshop from the Bell Beaker period dedicated to the production of shell necklaces.83 At the same time, the use of red pigments is common in Prehistoric funerary rites, and its appearance is thus of little significance in the sites 81 82 83 Vegas Aramburu, 2007. Thomas, 2011; Villalobos, 2012; Odriozola et al., 2013; Domínguez Bella, 2004. Benítez de Lugo et al., 2004. under study. It is generally assumed that ochre was used, a derivative of iron oxide. That said, analyses from recent years that in fact cinnabar and vermilion, from mercury sulphide found throughout the peninsula, were actually used. This has been shown at sites such as the Velilla dolmen in Palencia, the Casa Montero mine in Madrid, and was even used in sites from the Chalcolithic such as Camino de las Yeseras, or Valle de las Higueras, indicating that its origin was probably Almadén, in Ciudad Real.84 There are not many examples of amber artefacts, but the appealing possibility that this fossil resin might come from far away places, beyond the peninsula, has been decisive in the decision to analyse some examples. In this corner of the north of the peninsula only a few such items have been found, and in funerary contexts, such as Mamoa V or Chã de Arcas, in Baião, as well as in the oftmentioned Bell Beaker necropolis at Valle de las Higueras, or some of the reused dolmens in Murumundi, Trikuaizti, or Larrarte, the latter two in Guipuzcoa. The results of some analyses point to the use of local Cretaceous amber, while others point to origins outside the peninsula: that in Chã de Arcas could be from Sicily, while that found in Larrarte almost certainly came from the Baltic.85 Another material that has been increasingly well documented is ivory, which has been found in many sites in the south of the peninsula, and around the Lisbon area, notably the Leceia settlement in Oeiras and other nearby tombs. But it is less well documented in the interior and north of the peninsula, with just a few finds in the northern Plateau (Prado de las Cruces dolmen, in Ávila, Yeseras in Madrid, and in Pico Ramos, in eastern Cantabria). Some of the artefacts that have been found have been identified as coming from elephant fossils, or from a whale of uncertain origin. But ivory has also been found from African elephants, which would suggest contact beyond the Iberian Peninsula with the southern shore of the Mediterranean.86 It is also worth mentioning items found that were not made from materials traded on the long-distance exchange networks, but that under certain circumstances point to their inclusion in exchange circuits and that they were prestige objects. The abundance in the south of the peninsula of Chalcolithic idols, 84 85 86 Delibes, 2000; Hunt et al., 2012. Vilaça et al., 2002; Álvarez et al., 2005; Bueno et al., 2005. Schuhmacher et al., 2009. 107
THE CHALCOLITHIC IN THE CENTRAL PLATEAU AND ITS ATLANTIC FRINGE  3200-2500 CAL. AD   dead wore ornaments from earlier peri...
108 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE whether, graven, cylindrical, or anthropomorphic,87 contrasts with the occasional presence of the same items in the centre and north of the peninsula: the presence of graven images is reduced to a few examples such as A Carballeira, in Pontevedra, and Galisancho and La Casa del Moro, in Salamanca88. Other, no less exceptional examples from the south would be the anthropomorphic idol found at Las Pozas, and the goblet from El Fonsario, both in Zamora89. Also to be included in this category of exchange objects is the isolated finding of weapons, such as a flint dagger from La Gama, in Cantabria90, or the amphibolite axes which, along with copper, were taken from the Ossa-Morena area to Estremadura in Portugal.91 In this context it is worth mentioning the kit of polished items at the above mentioned “Rechaba period” that would include, among others, long chisels, sledgehammers, and double-headed, perforated axes.92 Probably of northern European inspiration, they reached as far afield as the north of Extremadura and the hills of Huelva, where a complete set was found used as a trousseau in the nonMegalithic mound of Dehesa de Río Fortes.93 They were also distributed in the Cantabrian region as far along the coast as Guipuzcoa (the Balenkaleku axe). It is likely, to judge from the double-headed pick axe found in Marabiu (Asturias), that most of these were made from the same rock, kyanite, from quarries to the east of Santiago de Compostela.94 The association of these polished items and their apparent configuration as an emergency kit, although from the first half of the third millennium, can in some ways be compared with the distribution of large axes or perforated axes, some of them made from alpine jadeite, that have also been recorded in the northern third of the Iberian Peninsula.95 If we add copper to all this, which would have to supply areas lacking in it from the large exploitations of the Aramo, and to a lesser extent, gold– because in the pre-Bell Beaker era, it was regarded as possessing exceptional qualities, one is able to understand the huge effort channelled toward the sphere of prestige goods exchange, as well as the 87 88 89 90 91 92 93 94 95 Gonçalves, 1997. Bueno Ramírez, 2010; Guerra et al., 2009. Villalobos, 2013. Arias Cabal et al., 1999. Lillios, 1997. Vázquez Varela, 1979. Estremera & Fabián, 2002. Blas Cortina, 2001. Fábregas et al., 2012. importance of investing these objects with status, converting them into symbols of authority. Symbolic manifestations Along with funeral practices, symbolic manifestations are another way of approaching the religious sphere of prehistoric societies: their tremendous wealth in the peninsula during the third millennium BCE is a reflection of the complex rituals that took place during the Chalcolithic Age. We will find graphic expressions corresponding to three artistic traditions that overlap as regards iconography and spaces where they would be represented. We can call these Megalithic Art, Schematic Art, and the petroglyphs of the northwest.96 Cave art coexists with mobiliary art, motifs in the open air and in caves, along with different formats, a variety of techniques (engraving, painting, sculpture), different subjects (anthromorphs, zoomorphs, “symbolic motifs”), and even regional differences that allow us to talk in terms of distinct artistic provinces. For this reason it is not easy to offer a general view either of the aesthetic concerns that inspired these artistic expressions, or of the belief systems that they were articulated through, especially when it is hard to pin them down in time. The representation cycle of the paintings and engravings belonging to the Schematic Art period runs from the sixth to the second millennium BCE, occupying the entire Iberian Peninsula, but it is during the Chalcolithic era when most of the panels are believed to have been created, given the parallels between the schematic anthropomorphs and votive idols of that period.97 They all share conceptual uniformity as a result of the same iconography over a long period of time,98 which confirms the symbolic value these vaguely human figures possessed for communities in Later Prehistory. Furthermore, there are clear links between the symbolic worlds of the Chalcolithic and the Megalithic periods. The same engravings and paintings that are carried out in the open air decorate Megalithic monuments (whether gallery graves, menhirs, or stele), something that is particularly apparent in the International Tagus, where they function as graphic markers in the landscape to delimit territories.99 96 97 98 99 Lucas, 1993. Sanchidrián, 2001. Bécares, 1990. Bueno et al., 2004.
108  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  whether, graven, cylindrical, or anthropomorphic,87 contrasts with th...
THE CHALCOLITHIC IN THE CENTRAL PLATEAU AND ITS ATLANTIC FRINGE (3200-2500 CAL. AD) Figure 7. Simultaneous collective burial in the “ditches enclosure” of the Copper Age of Yeseras, San Fernando de Henares (Madrid). (Photo: C. Liesau). Symbolism reaches the height of its expression in Spanish Extremadura between the fourth and third millennium BCE, as can be seen from the wall decorations and anthropomorphic figures documented on later dolmens, such as Trincones I, in Caceres, the best example of which contains some of the votive idols that developed from the graven images found in the Alentejo from the Late Neolithic.100 And in the Lisbon peninsula –as we have seen from the artificial caves and beehive tombs– there are similarities with some votive objects made from limestone. These are a varied group that include baetyl idols mainly, along with less common forms such as pineidols, artichoke-idols, lunules, adzes, mortars, cups, and rectangular boxes, along with unusual items such as the Alapraia sandals.101 100 101 Bueno et al., 2010b. Gonçalves, 2003. But in the centre and northern third of the peninsula decorative art was not cultivated with the same degree of intensity during the first half of the Chalcolithic (perhaps due to the appearance of new funerary forms in search of new scenarios away from the megaliths?). This is nonetheless surprising bearing in mind the influences that were coming from the south, and that in symbolic terms are expressed as votive pieces such as the “horn idols” or symbolic pottery. In contrast, Schematic Art was to undergo major development in these areas, as has been shown by the large number of sites with art in Extremadura, the Portuguese Douro, the south of Salamanca, the Duraton gorges, Segovia, or Monte Valonsadero in Soria. Later come the schematic engravings of the Upper Duero and the Cantabrian coast, which are attributed to the late Chalcolithic, or even the Early Bronze Age,102 102 Gómez Barrera, 1992. 109
THE CHALCOLITHIC IN THE CENTRAL PLATEAU AND ITS ATLANTIC FRINGE  3200-2500 CAL. AD   Figure 7. Simultaneous collective bur...
110 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE and that, despite their obvious Megalithic roots, the stele icons of Peña Tú and Collado de Sejos, in Asturias and Cantabria respectively, must be from the same period: a nexus between the Neolithic, ancestral cults103. Something similar can be said about the petroglyps from the northwest of the peninsula (Galicia and northern Portugal, with some examples in Leon), which although they may have gestated during the Chalcolithic -or even earlier in the case of the cup-marks- it is in the Bronze Age when they are best developed.104 103 104 Blas, 2003. Fábregas, 2001. Throughout the Copper Age the emergence of belief systems linked to the Megalithic era can be seen, not in the strictest architectonic sense of monumental tombs, but as a collection of magical-religious practices linked to death.105 But more than a mere transfer of religious ideology and its iconography from the Neolithic to the Copper Ages, what happens is a symbolic intensification and the appropriation of images of ancestors by certain individuals, an emerging minority, as an ideological argument for their privileged position.106 105 106 Gonçalves, 2003: 38 Bueno et al., 2010.
110  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  and that, despite their obvious Megalithic roots, the stele icons of ...
THE CHALCOLITHIC IN THE CENTRAL PLATEAU AND ITS ATLANTIC FRINGE (3200-2500 CAL. AD) Figure 8. Chalcolitic idol-plates from Garrovillas and Tricones I (Cáceres). (Photo: R. Balbin and P. Bueno). 111
THE CHALCOLITHIC IN THE CENTRAL PLATEAU AND ITS ATLANTIC FRINGE  3200-2500 CAL. AD   Figure 8. Chalcolitic idol-plates fro...
Rafael Garrido Pena* Bell-Beakers in Iberia A long-standing dilemma in European and Iberian prehistory The Bell-Beaker phenomenon is one of archaeology’s oldest and most controversial debates1. The widespread dispersion of a variety of objects (ceramics, weapons, copper tools, gold adornments, etc.), found in Chalcolithic sites in much of Western Europe has always been difficult to explain. At the beginning of the 20th Century, the first attempts focused on cultural aspects, suggesting that they had been left behind by ethnic, racial, or other groups familiar with the ability to produce copper and gold, who used these materials to trade and to subjugate the local peoplethey encountered. Boch Gimpera and Castillo located the origins of this people in the centre of the Iberian Peninsula, initiating a fertile line of investigation that has produced a number of works2. The appearance of more and more finds, along with a better understanding of the chronology and decorative styles of Bell-Beaker ware, meant that by the mid-1960s other arguments and explanations began to emerge. Sangmeister synthesized these under his “Reflux Theory”based on the postulation of a dual origin of Bell-Beaker ware. This would see the first appearance of a decorative style in the Tagus estuary in Portugal, called Maritime or International, due to its distribution and homogeneity, and from where it would spread in a “flux”movement throughout much of Western Europe. This culture would hybridize with Chalcolithic cultures in central Europe, adopting a series of items such as V perforated buttons, or wristguards, which would be found in a “reflux”movement dispersed throughout the south and west in the more advanced phases of the phenomenon, creating distinct styles in each zone later on. Harrison’s peninsula synthesis3developed this explanation further, but the appearance of more accurate dating techniques, such as C14, would dismantle these models. In the mid-1970s, Lanting and van der Waals put forward the so-called “Dutch Model”, which located the origin of Bell-Beakers at the Rhine estuary as part of the Neolithic “Corded Ceramic Culture”of the north and centre of Europe4. This model, which was later very successful, is based on an uninterrupted cultural evolutionary sequence using C14 dating of funerary contexts. This theory has been accepted until recently when work based on dating from all over Europe and applying the calibration of dates, has shown that the picture is not so simple5.As a result, several authors are once again looking for the origins of Bell-Beakers in the Iberian Peninsula, and in particular in central Portugal6, an area that has produced some of the biggest concentrations of finds in all Europe. Nevertheless, all this work, despite defending different hypotheses, shares a theoretical background by identifying Bell-Beakers with a “culture”, an ethnic group whose origins can be speculated on. That said, since the 1970s, and thanks to the pioneering work of Clarke7, other writers have chosen to interpret the spread of this phenomenon by investigating the economic and social structure of European Chalcolithic groups. As Clarke notes, we are not dealing with Bell-Beaker groups, but peoples with Bell Beakers and the material they left behind include special objects of high social value that would have circulated through exchange networks in a Europe undergoing economic transformation and where new social hierarchies were emerging. The leaders of these societies would have attempted to strengthen their position by displaying these objects as ritual paraphernalia consisting of luxury ceramics, weapons, and adornments, all of them emblems of prestige and power. Sherratt incorporated Clarke’s theories with an interesting nuance that would have important repercussions about the possible alcoholic content of Bell-Beaker pottery8. These containers could only 4 * 1 2 3 Universidad Autónoma de Madrid, rafael.garrido@uam.es Garrido, 2005. Garrido, 2000: 5-8; Garrido et al., 2011: 109. Harrison, 1977. 5 6 7 8 Lanting y van der Waals, 1976. Müller y Van Willingen, 2001. Salanova, 2005. Clarke, 1976. Sherratt, 1987.
Rafael Garrido Pena   Bell-Beakers in Iberia  A long-standing dilemma in European and Iberian prehistory The Bell-Beaker p...
114 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE have been used for very important beverages, to be consumed at ceremonies with a high social value, a role that alcoholic drinks would have fulfilled perfectly, particularly in societies lacking permanent political institutions, and where they would have been very useful for recruiting new members. In recent years the development of laboratory techniques has led to the identification of alcoholic remains in many Bell-Beaker pots found in the Iberian Peninsula, particularly different types of beer9. There now seems to be widespread consensus that Bell-Beakers are not symbols of a “culture”or ethnic group, but objects of high social value that were used throughout exchange systems at a key moment in the recent prehistory of Europe and the Iberian Peninsula. The main components of the Bell-Beaker “pack” This collection of objects that forms what is usually called the Bell-Beaker pack”is made up of a series of highly standardized types that appear together recurrently in the same archaeological context (Fig. 1): Pottery Pottery makes up a smaller group of standardized forms, particularly the Bell-Beaker pot with its sinuous profile, capable of holding around one litre and in 1:1 proportion between the diameter of the mouth and the total height, ideal for managing the consumption of liquids. Alongside is the carinated-bowl, a wide, low vessel in 3:1 proportion and that could hold between 1.5 and 2.5 litres, clearly used for the presentation and consumption of solids. Next to these are a collection of bowls, small receptacles for individual consumption, probably used to distribute the contents of Bell Beakers and carinated-bowls. Exceptional are the Bell-Beaker cups, which have been found only in El Acebuchal (Carmona), the central area of Portugal (Sao Pedro do Estoril, and Cascais)10, and then along the Tagus at finds in places such as El Ventorro (Madrid), El Alto del Romo (Cuenca), or more recently and complete at Humanejos (Parla, Madrid), for example. All the objects have fine walls, around 5 mm thick, and are carefully made and finished with complex, detailed decoration. In some cases, the decoration is filled with white paste made of ground bone, as has 9 10 Rojo et al., 2006; Garrido et al., 2011. Gonçalves, 2005. Figure 1. Representation of a warrior wearing elements of the Bell Beaker set (Rojo et al., 2005; Drawing: Luis Pascual). been shown by recent laboratory analysis11, and which highlights it against the dark background of the recipient. The oldest styles have corded impressions, and are found in limited and peripheral areas of the Peninsula, as well as the Maritime (Fig. 2) and are made by 11 Odriozola y Hurtado, 2007.
114  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  have been used for very important beverages, to be consumed at ceremo...
BELL-BEAKERS IN IBERIA comb impressions, sometimes with shells, with bands filled with oblique and plain tracing, which are found throughout the Peninsula, and particularly concentrated in central Portugal. Later on, geometric designs are added to the classic Maritime designs, eventually creating a style that has been called geometric pointillé (“puntillado”) because it shows the impression made by comb, but with a wider range of motifs. This was a kind of transitional style toward later regional ones. Later regional styles have been created through impressed techniques (traditionally thought to be incised) using a non-stippling pattern that has been given different regional and local names (Palmela, Salamó, Carmona, and above all Ciempozuelos)12 (Fig. 3A). While older styles such as the Corded or Maritime respond to standardized decorative schemes throughout Europe, particularly the succession of bands filled with oblique tracing in alternating directions, those from Ciempozuelos and others from the same period are instead based on local and regional designs, although they are surprisingly regular and standardized. Employing repertories of relatively smaller geometric motifs, and normally of no more than three to a vessel, they are combined to form complex ornamental designs following very regular templates that are often successive, while others are clearly endowed with central symmetry. It is worth mentioning the existence of a decorative variety that along with the characteristic geometric motifs, incorporates others that are figurative (schematic deers, soliforms, etc.) that are directly linked to the world of schematic rock art or idols, known as “Symbolic Bell-Beakers”(Fig. 3B). Many exceptional examples have been found in the peninsula of this curious type, in locations such as the bowl from Las Carolinas, and the carinated-bowl from El Camino de la Yeseras, both in Madrid, or the bowls from Ciavieja and Los Millares, in Almería, or those from Palmela, Tituaria, and Castro de Portucheira, in Portugal. Neither should we forget the presence in these settlements of large storage vessels with Bell-Beaker decorations, which despite their size also exhibit significant standardization in their ornamentation, which tends to employ repetitive designs and formats, perhaps indicating their use for fermentation or for consuming beverages that would be ingested from a standard-size vessel. In fact, a recent find at the Carlos Álvarez rock-shelter (Soria) contained residue of wheat beer. Finally, there is also undecorated Bell-Beaker pottery, which despite lacking any ornamentation repli12 Harrison, 1977. Figure 2. Maritime Bell Beaker from La Sima barrow, Miño de Medinaceli, Soria (Rojo et al. 2005. Photography: Alejandro Plaza, Museo Numantino, Soria). cates exactly the same forms to be found in the decorative repertory (Bell-Beaker vessels, pots, bowls, etc.,) with the pottery found in many funerary contexts. For this reason they are known as the Plain Style. Copper weapons and tools Among the tools worth highlighting are bi-pointed copper awls and flat axes, the last could also be used as weapons, just as undoubtedly the tanged knives/daggers and spear heads of Palmela type (Fig. 4A). These were all made from copper, sometimes with a significant amount of arsenic (particularly the daggers), the addition of which does not seem intentional to judge from the results of metallurgical tests. The first bronze implements only appear occasionally in peninsular BellBeakers, for example at the site of Bauma del Serrat del Pont, Gerona. During this time it appears that the use of copper spread throughout the peninsula, but without being associated with any important technological changes from the preceding Chalcolithic era. Potfurnaces and crucibles are still being used for smelting, sometimes with Bell-Beaker decoration, such as those found at El Ventorro (Madrid), Son Matge (Mallorca), or Bauma del Serrat del Pont (Gerona), for example13. 13 Rovira y Delibes, 2005. 115
BELL-BEAKERS IN IBERIA  comb impressions, sometimes with shells, with bands    lled with oblique and plain tracing, which ...
116 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figure 3. Bell Beaker pottery: A, Ciempozuelos necropolis, Madrid (Photography: Museo Arqueológico Nacional). B, Internal and external view of the Beaker bowl of Las Carolinas, Madrid (Photography: Museo Arqueológico de la Comunidad de Madrid). Among the methods used to fix heads to shafts during this time was tongue and groove, while in other areas of western Europe the first riveting appeared, a much more efficient way of joining a tool to a shaft that would be the most common system used during the Bronze Age. As would be the case with bronze implements toward the end of this period, and then only rarely, we see riveting in particular kinds of halberds as those of Carrapatas type, which are related to a recent Bell Beaker burial find at a funeral site of Ciempozuelos style in Madrid (Humanejos). The later tanged daggers made during the Bell-Beaker period had bigger blades in proportion to the tongue, which became smaller and that would eventually be replaced by rivets. The dagger found at Almeida de Sayago, Zamora, northern Spain, uses both systems, a tiny tongue and two rivets14; a precursor to the technological innovations that would come in the following centuries. Gold ornaments Gold working during this period spreads, as has been shown by the finds at sites such as Fuente Olmedo, which include diadems or headbands, as well as the typical square or rectangular plaquettes, which predominate, along with necklace beads. These are 14 Delibes, 1977: 72-73. all made from alluvial gold, meticulously beaten from thin strips. These would have been associated with organic material that have since been lost, particularly small plaquettes that were sometimes combined to form complex headdresses such as that recently found on an individual buried at the Camino de lasYeseras site in Madrid. Another exceptional item is the gold wristguard found at Vila Nova de Cerveira, at Viana do Castelo, in Portugal. Other items of important symbolic value This category includes neither pottery, nor metallic objects frequently found in the context of BellBeakers, giving fundamental clues within this complex phenomenon; such as archers’wristguards and bone and ivory V-perforated buttons. Archers’wristguards are made of rectangular plates, usually of stone, with perforations along the edges, and whose name comes from the widely accepted explanation of their use (Fig. 4B). It is believed that they were worn on the inside of the forearm, as has been shown from funeral sites, to dampen the impact of the bow’s string. It is common to find flint arrowheads at funeral sites. Bows are featured on the anthropomorphic stele found at the Beaker Swiss site of Petit Chasseur. The bow and arrow was the most common weapons used by Chalcolithic groups, both for hunting and war.
116  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figure 3. Bell Beaker pottery  A, Ciempozuelos necropolis, Madrid  Ph...
BELL-BEAKERS IN IBERIA Figure 4. Bell Beaker items from La Sima barrow, Miño de Medinaceli, Soria: A, Daggers of copper; B, Palmela points of copper; C, Stone wrist-guards (Photography: Alejandro Plaza, Museo Numantino, Soria). The V-perforated buttons were used for personal adornment. They are so called for the curious system by which they were attached to clothing. There are a variety of standardized types, such as hemispherical, conical, tortoise type, truncated cones, pyramid, etc., and were made from bone or ivory. Recent laboratory analysis15 has shown that in some cases the ivory comes from Africa,which illustrates the extent of trading systems during this period. The distribution of these buttons in tombs, such as those lined up in Cave 1 at Sao Pedro do Estoril in Cascais, Portugal16, suggests a clear link to clothing. These would have been ceremonial garments of great value, perhaps like those on the anthropomorphic stele at Petit Chasseur, with detailed decoration such as that found on Bell-Beaker vessels. In short, these Bell-Beaker items form a standardized group of types recurrently found in the same contexts throughout Western Europe during the second half of the third millennium cal BC. That said, some of these are essentially peninsular, such 15 16 Schuhmacher y Banerjee, 2012. Gonçalves, 2005: 117. as the carinated-bowls, which have only been found at sporadic sites in Sicily or the South of France, or spearheads of the Palmela type, which while abundant in the Iberian Peninsula, are rarely found beyond southern France or North Africa, or the symbolic Bell-Beaker pottery, which are exclusive to the peninsula. Chronological and geographic context Bell-Beakers occupied the Iberian peninsula during the second half of the third millennium cal BC (2500-2000 cal BC), although some C14 dating allows us to extend this period to between 2700-2600 at the lower end, and 1900 cal BC forward. That said, this timeframe can vary considerably depending on the region: in areas such as the southeast of the Iberian peninsulait continues into the second millennium cal BC (2000-1900 cal BC), which is traditionally considered the Early Bronze Age. It is harder to establish the internal chronology of this phenomenon, because the available absolute dating procedures have their limits when it comes to detailing relatively short periods, and more so in the C14 calibration curve, which can 117
BELL-BEAKERS IN IBERIA  Figure 4. Bell Beaker items from La Sima barrow, Mi  o de Medinaceli, Soria  A, Daggers of copper ...
118 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE be very irregular. Traditional dating establishes two main periods: – The Maritime or International Style of late pan-European distribution and chronology. – Regional Styles (Salamó, Carmona, Palmela, Ciempozuelos), which came later. It is difficult to establish the time limit between both, given the limits of current dating methods, but they could be anything between 2300-2200 cal BC. Furthermore, local Bell-Beaker styles overlap those of the Maritime type, as has been shown from a number of archaeological sites in the peninsula. That said it is important to point out that Maritime BellBeaker styles never appear together with later styles in closed funeral contexts. Epi Bell-Beaker decorative styles have been identified in some peninsular areas that are similar to the Bell-Beaker, but with important differences, above all in the organization of decorative designs. These occupy the final phase of the Bell-Beaker sequence, well into the second millennium cal BC. This is the case, for example, of the so-called ArbolíStyle of the northeast of the Iberian Peninsula, or the Dornajos style of La Mancha17. Regarding the geographic distribution of BellBeakers throughout the Iberian peninsula, we can currently say that it is to be found in every region, those where it was least known, such as Galicia18, Cantabria19, or Extremadura20.That said, we can argue that the largest concentration of finds has come from central Portugal, clearly extended along the course of the Tagus basin. In general, there are more sites in the interior of the peninsula, concentrated along the main communication routes of the Tagus and Duero valleys. This shows that there was a dense network of exchange routes throughout the peninsula during the third millennium cal BC that preceded the appearance of Bell-Beakers, but that developed and expanded with it. large as the peninsula. We can distinguish two main categories: living spaces and tombs. Living spaces There is a wide range of types of Chalcolithic peninsular settlements, and the Bell-Beakers impact on them is equally diverse. From the end of the fourth millennium to the beginning of the third millennium cal BC we see the appearance of large, walled settlements in the southeast, such as Los Millares, or atZambujal, in central Portugal, as a result of major economic and social change. Around the middle of the third millennium, these population centres begin to incorporate Bell-Beaker elements, albeit in small amounts (5% of material found so far), and in general limited to small areas, very often centred in elevated zones of such hubs (acropolis). This has been interpreted as testimony to increased political instability at times of crisis and conflict. In another area of the early Chalcolithic period, the southwest of the peninsula, the Bell-Beaker phase is also present at large enclosures, such as Valencina de la Concepción, in Seville; or La Pijotilla, in Extremadura21, for example. This Bell-Beaker phase also sees a notable reduction in the occupied area, and at the same time, an increase in differences between clans, to judge from the funerary contexts in the neighbouring necropolis. Archaeological contexts: living spaces and tombs In other regions of the peninsula manifestations of social complexity are much less clear, as there were far fewer of them. Settlement patterns during the third millennium show no signs of hierarchy or centralization in major population centres. Settlements are largely fragmented, along the lines of small living areas, whether caves or permanent spaces such as camps, which are found throughout the peninsula, sometimes alongside small enclosures, and never covering more than a hectare, except in the case of the Camino de Yeseras site in Madrid, which extends over 20 hectares, and was probably a central location22. In these sites we find small amounts of Bell-Beaker items (1- 5%) such as pottery, although in the nearby El Ventorro site, there are the remains of huts, alongside evidence of metallurgy and faunal remains23. We can safely say that there is no such thing as a Bell-Beaker settlement or tomb, because, as indicated above, we are not talking about a “culture”, but a phenomenon that affects different groups or “cultures”, and therefore, the contexts in which it appears are many and varied, particularly in a region as Finally, we should not forget the recent discovery of important settlements with Bell-Beaker material close to the lagoons of Villafáfila in Zamora (Molino Sanchón, Santioste), and that have been interpreted as places where salt24, a key product for humans and domestic animals, was mined. 17 18 19 20 Garrido, 2000: 131-136. Prieto y Salanova, 2011. Ontañón, 2005. Hurtado, 2005. 21 22 23 24 Hurtado, 2005. Liesauet al., 2008. Garrido et al., 2005. Guerra et al., 2011.
118  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  be very irregular. Traditional dating establishes two main periods   ...
BELL-BEAKERS IN IBERIA Figure 5. Bell Beaker grave of Humanejos, Parla, Madrid. (Photography: Sara Genicio Lorenzo; Courtesy of Raul Flores Fernandez). Tombs There is an even greater variety of funerary structures. Up until a few decades ago it was commonplace to link individual burials in pits with bell beakers contrasting with the collective graves of earlier periods, but today we can say that this is an excessive simplification. Individual tombs exist from the beginning of the Neolithic age, while collective pantheons do not disappear either in the Chalcolithic or Bell-Beaker periods, although it is true that there is a notable decline in the number of individuals buried inside compared to the megalithic monuments of the Neolithic age. It now seems that these are small family pantheons belonging to lineages or parent groups that exercised power, given the concentration of items found in them. In the case of the artificial caves in central Portugal (Grutas de Quinta do Anjo en Palmela, Alapraia or San Pedro de Estoril)25, and other such structures recently discovered in the Tagus basin, such as Valle de lasHigueras in Toledo26, and the Camino de lasYeseras27 and Humanejos28 (Fig. 5), which have produced spectacular funerary finds combining fine Bell-Beaker ware along with copper weaponry, gold work and the characteristic wristguards and bone and ivory V-perforated buttons. There are obviously also individual graves that have yielded rich finds, such as those in Villabuena del Puente, in Zamora, or Fuente Olmedo, in Valladolid, under small mounds of stone and with one of the richest Bell-Beaker contexts in Europe, which along with the ceramic trio in the Ciempozuelos Style, includes a gold diadem, a wristguard, a flint arrowhead, and a spectacular collection of copper weapons, consisting of a tanged dagger and 11 Palmela-type spearheads29 (Fig.6). Much more recent is the discovery of individual Bell-Beaker tombs at La Vital, in Valencia30. 26 27 28 29 25 Gonçalves, 2005. 30 Buenoet al., 2005. Liesauet al., 2008. Flores y Garrido, en prensa. Delibes, 1977: 62-68. García y otros, 2013. 119
BELL-BEAKERS IN IBERIA  Figure 5. Bell Beaker grave of Humanejos, Parla, Madrid.  Photography  Sara Genicio Lorenzo  Court...
120 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE But alongside this, is also common during this periodthe reuse of Neolithic and Megalithic graves, which were a focus of symbolic activity.This reuse is particularly intense in regions with an important megalithic past, to the extent that these are the predominant Bell-Beaker grave type, such as in the Zamora-Salamanca area of the Castilian plateau, or in Andalusia, for example31. One of the most spectacular of these is at La Sima, Soria, which was abandoned after a complex, two-phase funerary sequence with two Neolithic phases in which the corbelled stone chamber (a tholos) was used collectively. More than a thousand years later, a range of tombs accompanied by Bell-Beaker grave goods (FIGURES 2 and 4) just in the entrance to the chamber without penetrating it, of which only two have been preserved intact32. La Sima appears to be a model for others, and is similar to many other megalithic tombs throughout the peninsula. The presence of Bell-Beaker material in megaliths used to be interpreted as proof of social and ideological continuity, understood in terms of uninterrupted funerary sequences over millennia. But the recent excavation of many monuments and the availability of C14 dating of Neolithic bones now allows us to see that these burial sites, were not used continuously, but instead were abandoned, often for hundreds of years, and then reused. The use in each period depends on different circumstances, as well as the social and ideological contexts. In the case of Bell-Beakers, their use could be attributed to a desire by emerging leaders of fragile social structures to legitimate their claim to rule. A different case altogether are the cemeteries at the larger peninsular Chalcolithic population centres, such as the tholostype tombs at Los Millaresin the southeast, or at La Pijotilla, in Extremadura33, which were used during the Bell-Beaker period, which given their chronological proximity, suggest a clear case of social and ideological continuity. It would appear that these groups of leaders adopted these as symbols of power, using them up until the beginning of the Bronze Age, when new forms of social organization appeared to possibly replace them. Two other interesting examples illustrating the funerary diversity of this period are worth mentioning: the Tres Montes tomb, Navarra, and Valdeprados, Ávila. The first is an untypical wood and stone structure along the lines of “the house of the dead”that was then torched and destroyed. The second is a small grave that housed a secondary burial accom31 32 33 Lazarich, 2005: 361. Rojo et al., 2005; Garrido et al., 2005: 416. Hurtado, 2005: 328-329. panied by rich Bell-Beaker funerary grave goods that included gold and copper weapons (daggers and Palmela spearheads). The immense majority of the Bell-Beaker inhumations were carried out in primary foetal position, which means that this case can be explained as the transfer of the remains of somebody who died and was buried somewhere else and then transported for exceptional reasons to their final resting place, where they were discovered anatomically disconnected. Despite their diversity, Bell-Beaker tombs share some common characteristics. In general they are set apart, or make up small necropolises, but rarely of more than a dozen structures. The number of individuals per tomb is small; rarely more than five, even in small pantheons. It would seem, therefore, that a small minority of these people used them. These groups would have controlled access to the exotic raw materials found in the grave goods (gold, ivory, and even cinnabar, which would have been sprinkled on the bodies). In recent years, discoveries at places like Camino de Yeseras have yielded tombs from the same Bell-Beaker period but without grave goods, which suggests that there were major differences in the way people were buried, depending on their social status. That said, there must have been many more tombs or funeral spaces for the rest of the population, and perhaps the surprising find of a Chalcolithic collective burial chamber at Camino del Molino in Caravaca, Murcia, holding more than 1,000 individuals34, is a good example of the type of pantheons where the majority of the population were buried. At the same time, there are differences of wealth within the grave offerings found in Bell-Beaker tombs: while some have just a few ceramic items that repeat the same combinations, such as the Ciempozuelos pottery trio, sometimes wristguards are found, while others have yielded costly copper weapons and gold and ivory ornaments. The bodies are laid out in the foetal position. Men, women, and children have been found in these tombs. That said, although there is no hard statistical evidence, but it appears that the majority of bodies were male, with far fewer women, and very few children. But the few that have been found, such as in Aldeagordillo, Ávila35, raise the question as to whether some of these figures were trying to create hereditary power structures (inherited status). Recent calcium and phosphorous isotope analyses have produced interesting data about the diet of the individuals found in Bell-Beaker tombs, reveal34 35 Lomba et al., 2009. Fabian, 1992.
120  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  But alongside this, is also common during this periodthe reuse of Neo...
BELL-BEAKERS IN IBERIA Figure 6. Objects found in the Bell Beaker tomb of Fuente Olmedo, Valladolid. (Delibes 1977). 121
BELL-BEAKERS IN IBERIA  Figure 6. Objects found in the Bell Beaker tomb of Fuente Olmedo, Valladolid.  Delibes 1977 .  121...
122 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE ing different dietary patterns, for example meat, although vegetarian diets seem to predominate; some family groups have been found to have eaten fish36. Finally, we should mention some interesting recent finds, which are not strictly speaking tombs, but bear many similarities. These are a series of small barrows such as Morcuero (Gemuño) Ávila, or El Alto III (Fuencaliente de Medinaceli), Soria, where BellBeaker material has been found; in the case of the Soria site, of great wealth, where not only ceramic items, but also gold pieces have been found. No bones were present, and this cannot be attributed to decomposition, but instead to ritual37. Perhaps these were cenotaphs or places where special ceremonies took place. The mounds do not always yield buried objects, but instead could be landmarks that indicate important points in the landscape, where a tomb is located, or in these cases specifically, for their social, ritual, or ceremonial value. Bell-Beakers in its social and ideological context In short, there is a convincing body of evidence that suggests that Bell-Beakers did not consist simply of everyday receptacles belonging to this or that culture or racial or ethnic group, but instead a ritual pottery that was highly prized, and into the making of which a great deal of care and trouble had gone, given its decorative designs, fine workmanship and standardized designs38.This ceramic set was part of a successful combination of weapons, ornaments and receptacles used for food and drink rituals linked to important occasions. These were ritual paraphernalia that would be exhibited by certain people over the course of their lives, and that would accompany them into the afterlife. These funerary items would always be carefully chosen to project a certain image of the deceased to the wider community. In reality, they were used not so much to highlight the social position of the departed, but of his family, and their aspirations to inherit power. Metal weapons, on occasions found alongside flint arrowheads, provide an image of a warrior and his military authority. Palmela-type spearheads and tanged daggers reinforce this: they were items that few in these societies could have had access to. Ornaments would have given their owner prestige as well, given that they too were made with exotic materials such as gold and ivory. Ownership would have 36 37 38 Trancho y Robledo, 2011. Garrido et al., 2011: 122-124. Garrido, 2000. made it clear that these people were in contact with long-distance exchange networks, which would have given them considerable prestige. As valuable specialized creations, Bell-Beaker pottery would be part of a collection used repeatedly in ceremonies, where food and alcoholic beverages (above all beer) would be consumed, something that not all in society would be able to do. Through these complex rituals, these figures would manage to recruit others to their cause. These rituals would take place not just at funerals, but at settlements, particularly on special occasions, through the development of hospitality rituals and festivities (Fig. 7), all of which has been well documented in ethnographic works on similar societies. This would explain the limited appearance of Bell-Beaker ware in small settlements. Analysis of the composition of the clays used to make Bell-Beaker pottery over recent years shows that in many cases there are clear differences in the technology used to make smooth pottery, but they also indicate that only a small percentage of BellBeakers were imported39. In the vast majority of cases, local clays were used, which means we have to explain the spread of complex decorative designs, standardized forms, etc. This is most likely due to the movement of people, but not necessarily migratory. Instead, it could be due to intermarriage as part of political and social strategies (pacts, alliances, etc,), linked to the possible existence of individual travellers, all of which could explain the spread of many Bell-Beaker items, as well as the symbols and ideas associated with them. The Europe of the middle of the third millennium BCE was undergoing economic transformation. Humanity had developed agricultural techniques, including animal husbandry, over the course of the Neolithic period, creating surpluses that had to be managed, which in turn led to models of social organization that created inequalities. Some regions of the Iberian peninsulahad already seen the creation of important population centres, while long-distance exchange networks were connecting Iberiawith circuits where exotic materials such as ivory, could be obtained40. All this explains the rapid incorporation of BellBeaker elements in these social circuits as another component used as power symbols. This doesn’t mean that all European or peninsulargroups had the same type of social structures, and there was notable diversity. But Bell-Beakers are present in all of them 39 40 Clop, 2007; Jorge, 2009. Schuhmacher y Banerjee, 2012.
122  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  ing different dietary patterns, for example meat, although vegetarian...
BELL-BEAKERS IN IBERIA Figure 7. Ritual scene of a hospitality banquet with Beaker pottery (Rojo et al., 2006. Drawing: Luis Pascual). because they were undergoing a process of transformation, albeit at different degrees, and within these societies, the growing inequality needed to be justified through symbolic acts and rituals. In regions such as the southeast and southwest, we are likely talking about leaderships where inequality was permanent, but in other areas, it is more appropriate to use Hayden’s concept of “transegalitarian”societies, which are changing from an egalitarian to a hierarchical model41. This is because in these regions there is no evidence of either a clear centralization nor of power being inherited, but instead of notable instability and conflict. This is perhaps why Bell-Beakers survive longer in some than in others, in some cases up until the Early Bronze Age, and were necessary in a still-unstable social context, whereas in the Southeast, for example, the El Argar group had already appeared, associated with more complex and stable political forms. 41 Garrido, 2006. All in all, the Bell-Beaker phenomenon cast a long shadow over the recent peninsular history. The development of such intense and continuous processes of social interaction connecting large areas of western Europe with new forms of understanding and expressing power through the display of metal weapons, hospitality rituals using special vessels, along with other symbols of prestige and personal success, and particularly well expressed in funeral rites. In fact, some of these items, such as wristguards, V-perforated buttons, or cups, continued to be used by groups in the peninsula during the Bronze Age. The large truncated conical pots of the middle and final part of the Bronze Age, which some writers have associated with banquets, where large amounts of meat was served and consumed, have their origin in Bell-Beaker carinated-bowls. Many decorative designs from such characteristic archaeological sites such as Cogotas I at the end of the Bronze Age, are clearly from the Bell-Beaker repertory. 123
BELL-BEAKERS IN IBERIA  Figure 7. Ritual scene of a hospitality banquet with Beaker pottery  Rojo et al., 2006. Drawing  L...
124 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Less clear is the impact of these centuries of intense contact and exchange of materials, people, and ideas on other important areas such as symbolism and language. Both of these key aspects of the past challenge what archaeology is able to unearth, but it is nevertheless clear that exchange takes place between people, and that they must be able to understand each other. In short, the impact of the BellBeaker phenomenon was important and long-lasting, and after centuries of close relationships, associations and similarities were created that were only erased after long periods of time.
124  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Less clear is the impact of these centuries of intense contact and ex...
3 bronze age: the complex societies THE FIRST MEDITERRANEA NEOLITHIC FARMERS (VI-V MILLENNIA BC) 125
3  bronze age  the complex societies  THE FIRST MEDITERRANEA NEOLITHIC FARMERS  VI-V MILLENNIA BC   125
Vicente Lull*, Rafael Micó, Cristina Rihuete Herrada and Roberto Risch The Bronze Age in Mediterranean Iberia Introduction: concept, chronology and periodization In general terms, the beginning of the Bronze Age in the Iberian Peninsula was marked around 22001by the material culture that appeared after the Chalcolithic societies crisis, and came to an end with the rise of Phoenician colonial activity in the western Mediterranean, around 900. Scholars have attached particular importance to these two points in time, but this does not mean that a single social process linked the two. In fact, the term “Bronze Age” covers such disparate cultures that it has no precise sociological meaning. It is not even accurate as a reference to technology, since bronze was not used until well into the second millennium, and the first Phoenician outposts did not result in its substitution by iron. In practice, “Bronze Age” is little more than a convention with a chronological meaning. There was such social diversity during these 1300 years in the Iberian Peninsula, that only greater territorial consolidation along much of the Mediterranean seaboard justifies treating it separately. However, this territorial stability was not a constant, either in terms of duration, geographical scope or intensity. In this respect the El Argar stands out, with its extensive settlements, numerous funerary contexts and standardised production of artefacts making it a point of reference in the development towards an urban society with social classes and state-like politics. Outside its setting in the southeast, and the southeast itself after the Argaric era, diversity appeared to flourish once again with new vigour, although in some cases caused by the persistent gaps in our archaeological knowledge. The periodization of the regions situated roughly between the Sierra Nevada and the eastern Pyrenees is based on several hundred radiocarbon datings and dozens of stratigraphic and contextual records2. At * 1 2 Universidad Autónoma de Barcelona, Vicente.lull@uab.cat All chronological references in the text are expressed in calendar years BCE. González Marcén et alii (1992), Castro et alii (1996). For an additional treatment of questions of chronology and periodization of the peninsular Bronze Age, see Almagro least in the areas in the south, a tripartite division of the Bronze Age is reasonable. • Early Bronze Age (ca. 2200 - 1550). This period covers the El Argar archaeological group and those of La Mancha and the eastern parts of the Betic and Iberian systems. They are the best known and are the ones on which we shall focus. This period is sometimes subdivided into Early Bronze Age and Middle Bronze Age, although this distinction does not always find a satisfactory chronological and material definition. • Late Bronze Age (ca. 1550 - 1300). With very few exceptions, the decline in permanent settlements marked a turning point in social evolution. However, this makes it difficult to identify populations with clear territorial limits. In this period and the one that follows, innovations in bronze metallurgy and pottery set the pattern for defining archaeological horizons and groups. • Final Bronze Age (ca. 1300 - 900). In the centuries before the Iron Age, the peninsular communities seem to be more closely linked with each other and with the external world, as Atlantic, Mediterranean and continental connections suggest. The first signs of Phoenician colonisation on the south coast conventionally indicate the end of the Bronze Age, although in practice the last regional horizons probably extend to around 800. Early Bronze Age (ca. 2200 – 1550) Our problematic understanding of social transitions In order to understand the social realities that were forged around 2200,* we need to look at the transformations that were under way during the previous period. From a general perspective, the third Gorbea (1997), Ruiz Gálvez (2001) and Barandiarán et alii (2007).
Vicente Lull , Rafael Mic  , Cristina Rihuete Herrada and Roberto Risch  The Bronze Age in Mediterranean Iberia  Introduct...
128 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE millennium saw the culmination of a socioeconomic process that began with the Neolithic expansion. From at least the sixth millennium, the lands that provided high yields with relatively non-intensive technologies in terms of labour were those that attracted human occupation. The scarcity or absence of highly stratified stable settlements reflects the periodic movement of groups caused by variations in the availability of resources. In many cases, only the presence of collective burials used for generations suggests a certain degree of permanence. From the end of the fourth millennium traditional Neolithic semi-sedentary and open societies began to display “anomalies”, particularly in the southern half of the Peninsula. A proliferation of stone-built fortified settlements and settlements whose limits were determined by surrounding ditches, whether or not these were of a defensive nature, indicate that communities had become more sedentary: some became so deeply rooted that it is evident that only violence could dislodge them, while others began to revolve socially and economically around certain enclaves. Despite these trends, the maintenance of collective funerary practices, the formal similarities of artefacts produced and the wide circulation of certain objects and raw materials suggest that groups’ ancestral relationships and contacts persisted over wide areas and that the community remained the political and economic focus of life. During the third quarter of the third millennium, the panorama in the southern regions underwent changes which, proved to be decisive. Earlier settlements, sometimes very large and situated by preference in valleys or on river terraces, began to lose importance in favour of other, smaller centres on rugged hilltops with good visibility. At the same time, funerary practices saw the beginning of individual treatments in small structures connected with areas of habitation. In the production of artefacts, the wide distribution of the items associated with the Bell Beaker phenomenon (copper-tanged daggers, Palmella points, v-perforated buttons, archers’ wrist-guards) indicate that social networks had not been interrupted; even so, the fact that decorative patterns on pottery became differentiated into regional styles tells us there was a reduction in the geographical scale of contacts. Fragmentation, individualisation and violence shaped social trends around the twenty-third century when, with the abandonment or restructuring of the largest and most emblematic Chalcolithic sites, a change of course in historic development is in evidence3. 3 Lull et alii (2010a). The crisis of the Chalcolithic world did not pave the way for a shared future. From 2200 onwards various separate developments would take shape, from urban societies articulated into socioeconomic classes capable of maintaining political boundaries to communities that adopted or maintained semi-sedentary ways of life in which it is difficult to identify significant and permanent concentrations of power. Determining the degree of independence between them is one of the most interesting topics of current research. In any case, it seems clear that the beginnings of the Bronze Age meant a displacement of the centre of gravity of the peninsular population from the southwest quadrant to the southeast and, in this second area, the configuration of a political and economic epicentre in Argaric lands (Fig. 1). This is our point of departure. Argaric society At the end of the nineteenth century, H. and L. Siret published their findings on domestic contexts, numerous burials and a multitude of ceramic, metal, stone and bone objects discovered in a dozen sites in the eastern districts of Almería and Murcia4. The most important of them, El Argar (Almería), gave its name to an archaeological entity that would become a point of reference for the first stages of the Bronze Age in Europe5. The Argaric communities occupied a territory of some 33,000 km2 in its period of maximum expansion. The oldest enclaves are documented in the coastal or pre-coastal districts of Almería, Murcia and southern Alicante, and then extend inland as far as the upper Guadalquivir and the southern edge of La Mancha in the early centuries of the second millennium. We owe the archaeological definition of the Argaric group to the varied and abundant finds dating to its full and final phases, coinciding with its maximum territorial extent, economic development and the ritual deposits that formed part of funerary practices (2000-1550). We shall discuss this in the pages that follow, but first we should mention a number of aspects related to the complex subject of 4 5 Siret y Siret (1887, 1890), Schubart and Ulreich (1991). For a fuller version of the synthesis of Argaric society presented here, and an extended bibliography, consult Lull (1983, 2000), Lull and Estévez (1986), Chapman (1990, 2003), Castro et alii (1999), Lull et alii (2005, 2010b, 2011, 2013b), Eiroa (2004), López Padilla (2009), Aranda (2011), Cámara and Molina (2011).
128  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  millennium saw the culmination of a socioeconomic process that began ...
THE BRONZE AGE IN MEDITERRANEAN IBERIA to determine their implications. Today, the excavations in Gatas, La Bastida, Santa Catalina, Lorca and Fuente Álamo, and also the absolute dating of materials recovered in the past, are beginning to throw light on a key period. These sites attest to the choice of hilltops with natural defences, a trend that began at the end of the Chalcolithic. Huts were built on the hillsides and had curved outer walls, foundations partially cut from the rock and mud-brick walls held up by posts. Archaeologically visible funerary practices show that inhumation in collective structures fell out of favour, and became infrequent, to be replaced by the adoption of small spaces, such as rock-cut tombs and cists, in the subsoil of the villages. Few ceramic vessels unequivocally match the types proposed by the Sirets, but small and medium-sized items such as bowls, and pots with a slightly defined rim, in pale tones of clay, superficially smoothed and irregularly fired are abundant. The upper body of some pots is decorated with designs that include incised triangles arranged in series, filled with dots or lines, that could be related to the “epi-Bell Beaker” styles. Figure1. Patterns of settlement in the Iberian Peninsula between (1) ca. 3200 and 2200 BCE and (2) ca. 2200 and 1550 BCE. The symbols represent the form and density of settlement on the basis of information from surveys and excavations, without indicating exact positions. the formation of Argaric society and its relationship with contemporary groups between ca. 2200 and 2050/2000. The formative context When excavations began, various sites situated in the “home” of Argaric society, such as Lugarico Viejo, Fuente Vermeja and Las Anchuras, were dated to a transitional period of the early Bronze Age. However, the relative scarcity of finds and their uncertain chronological position made it difficult Not many finds can be securely dated to between 2200 and 2050/2000 outside the “core” Argaric area, between the Vera basin and the Guadalentín valley. Without the confirmation of radiocarbon dates, it is problematic to assignto this period stratigraphic usually labelled “late/final Chalcolithic” or “Early Bronze Age” in the case of finds whose composition cannot simply be equated to better known Chalcolithic assemblages or to the consolidated horizons of the Bronze Age. However, we would risk suggesting that settlements that were probably occupied at the end of the third millennium, such as Terlinques, Serra Grossa, Mas del Corral (Alicante), Muntanya Assolada (Valencia), Cerro de las Víboras, Molinos de Papel (Murcia), Cerro de la Virgen (Granada), Cerro de la Encantada (Ciudad Real) and Morra del Quintanar (Albacete), amongst others, display similarities to the Argaric “homeland” in one or other aspect of their dwellings, funerary practices or artefacts. But, if human occupations at the end of the third millennium shared characteristics that developed out of the disintegration the Chalcolithic societies in the south, was there anything unusual in the lowlands of the southeast that would foreshadow a different future? The answer is no more than a working hypothesis, and lies in the recent find of a system of monumental stone fortification at La Bastida (Mur- 129
THE BRONZE AGE IN MEDITERRANEAN IBERIA  to determine their implications. Today, the excavations in Gatas, La Bastida, Sant...
130 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figure 2. Fortified complex of La Bastida (Totana, Murcia) (©ASOME, UAB). cia) (Fig. 2)6. Its position on a hilltop that is in itself protected and hidden, and the fact that its new architectural solutions (solid, closely-space square towers, a fortified entrance passage parallel to the outside wall) dissociates it from the Chalcolithic tradition. The disappearance of flint arrowheads from the archaeological record of the southeast, coinciding with the use of halberds, daggers and short swords of arsenical copper attests to the decline of Chalcolithic archery in favour of hand-to-hand combat, which the fortification of La Bastida was well adapted to resist; in other words, communities that defended themselves with the tools they used for working the land or hunting gave way to groups that were expert at wielding real weapons. As a hypothesis, it is our contention that groups of men specialising in using physical violence formed in the lowlands of the southeast, and that these groups and the society that maintained or suffered them successfully directed that violence towards conquest and appropriation. Argaric society developed out of the substratum of the original population, and expanded using what could be called military violence. Whether or not extra-peninsular 6 Lull et alii (2014). factors were involved in shaping it is something that will have to be resolved by research. We should not forget, when considering the initial rise of Argaric society, that the lowlands of the southeast offered excellent conditions for farming. In historic times and even more so today, with annual rainfall of around 200-300 mm, such fertility can only be achieved using complex irrigation systems, since the rains can only sustain basically steppe or shrub-like vegetation. Moreover, the intense erosion hinders edaphic development and produces denuded landscapes. The most widely accepted idea until a few decades ago was that the climate in recent prehistory was similar to that of today. Thus it was assumed that subsistence was based on intensive systems of agricultural production (irrigation, cultivation of olives and grapes), and that the political demands of managing it encouraged the formation of some of the first complex societies of western Europe. However, recent palaeo-ecological reconstructions indicate that during the third millennium rainfall was more abundant than today, more water was available, and the vegetation included large areas of scrub and Mediterranean woodland in the lowlands, species of trees in the sierras and, even areas of riparian forest. Thus Argaric society developed under more favourable ecological conditions
130  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figure 2. Forti   ed complex of La Bastida  Totana, Murcia     ASOME,...
THE BRONZE AGE IN MEDITERRANEAN IBERIA Figure 3. Aerial view of the hilltop occupied by Tira del Lienzo (Totana, Murcia) (©ASOME, UAB). than today’s, although the same research also suggests that human impact in the form of opening up fields for the cultivation of crops, over-use of agricultural land, clearing areas for grazing and obtaining fuel severely affected the vegetation coverage and the soil, thus contributing to the crisis that led to its demise. The archaeological definition Defining Argaric society from ca. 2000 onwards involves data of various kinds. Most of the settlements were situated on steep hills at the foot of the sierras, separated from the plains and fertile valleys but with visual control over these areas and over communication routes (Fuente Álamo, Gatas and El Oficio in Almería; Lorca, La Almoloya and Monteagudo in Murcia; San Antón, and Laderas del Castillo in Alicante; Cerro de la Encina, and Castellón Alto in Granada). They usually occupied between 1 and 2 ha, although some were larger and reached about 4 or 5 ha (La Bastida and Lorca). Houses were built to an apsidal, trapezoidal or rectangular floor plan with an area of up to 70 m2. They consisted of stone walls, built with mortar, mud walls strengthened with posts and plastered on the inside with the addition of lime for walls and ceiling. These buildings were arranged in tight groups on artificial terraces along the hillsides. It has also been suggested that some of the smallest strategically-located hilltop settlements (Barranco de la Viuda, Cerro de las Viñas and Tira del Lienzo (Fig. 3) in Murcia, Tabayá and Cabezo Pardo in Alicante) could have been defensive enclaves or used for economic control at the service of higher ranking centres. Less well known due to the intensity of taphonomic processes, but certainly abundant, were the hamlets consisting of scattered dwellings situated on plains and in river valleys (El Rincón, Los Cipreses and La Alcanara in Murcia). Finally some small coastal enclaves (Illeta dels Banyets in Alicante, Punta de los Gavilanes in Murcia) have been uncovered. All the Argaric settlements shared the same funerary ritual characterised by the practice of inhumations under the floors of the inhabited area. They were almost always individual burials, sometimes double and, very exceptionally, with three or more individuals. The dead were deposited in small rockcut tombs (“covachas”), cists or stone chambers, ceramic urns or pits (Fig. 4). Despite the large number of burials published, more than two thousand, and the fact that individuals of both sexes and all ages are represented, an indeterminate part of the popu- 131
THE BRONZE AGE IN MEDITERRANEAN IBERIA  Figure 3. Aerial view of the hilltop occupied by Tira del Lienzo  Totana, Murcia  ...
132 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE phytomorphic designs. Only a few appliqués, mainly mamelons, break the homogeneity of the smooth surfaces. Both the standardisation of Argaric pottery and the quality of some of its examples were the result of specialised activity. The inventory of metal objects (Fig. 5) includes weapons and tools (halberds, swords, axes, daggers, knives, awls, chisels), and adornments (diadems, bracelets, earrings, rings, necklace beads). Most are made from copper, usually containing high percentages of arsenic. From 1800-1700 pieces made from tin bronze are found. Native silver and, occasionally, gold were also used in the production of adornments. Figure 4. Argaric urn burial (La Bastida, burial 21) (©ASOME, UAB). lation are not reflected in the funerary record. The find of human bones digested by canines in Fuente Álamo could indicate that a certain number of bodies were left exposed outside the settlements and that other funerary practices may have existed that have left no trace in the archaeological record. The grave goods frequently associated with the dead are a useful source of information for learning about Argaric material culture. One of the most striking aspects is the standardisation of pottery and metallurgical production (Fig. 5). The variations in the first can be summarised in eight basic forms produced by combining three simple geometric shapes. These consist of bowls and cups with protruding or slightly inward-facing rim suitable for eating and drinking; carinated, globular or ovoid pots, of average capacity for preparing food and small-scale storage, and large vessels with a capacity of between 100 and 200 litres. Also of note are the famous chalices, raised bowls on a high stem. Part of the repertoire stands out for its exceptional quality: fine walls, excellent firing and an intense burnish that gives the pottery a metallic sheen. The very few decorative motifs consist of burnished Despite the abundance of copper ores, the sources of supply were few and subject to political control. The most unmistakable and abundant evidence of mining, reduction and making ingots comes from the settlement of Peñalosa, in the foothills of the Sierra Morena (Jaén)7. From the centres of primary production, the metal was taken to a small number of workshops in the central settlements, the only ones with the equipment needed for smelting, forging finishing and maintenance of objects (crucibles, moulds, anvils, hammers, grinders). Finally the objects were distributed, although not all sections of the population had equal access to them, as their unequal distribution in the settlements and amongst grave goods indicates. Argaric metallurgy was a centralised activity and its production, distribution, use and consumption was subject to strict and asymmetric control. There was a great abundance and variety of lithic production. The large settlements accumulated a large number of grinding stones, hammerstones, reamers and sharpeners, made from clasts collect from the principal fluvial deposits. In addition there are flint blades and sickle teeth, which are very scarce in the large hilltop centres compared with the settlements on the plain. Each central settlement organised the exploitation of the lithic resources available in a territory of between 10 and 50 km2, and prevented the exchange of raw material used for the manufacture of everyday tools. This practice, hard to explain without a political structure that could impose restrictions, led to differences in productivity between neighbouring territories. One of the main ways the output of the lithic industry was used was in the harvesting and grinding cereals. Wheat is always found, but almost always 7 Contreras (2000).
132  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  phytomorphic designs. Only a few appliqu  s, mainly mamelons, break t...
THE BRONZE AGE IN MEDITERRANEAN IBERIA Figure 5. Argaric ceramic shapes and metal items. in lower quantities than barley, which accounts for more than 90% of the seeds recovered in the final phases of El Argar. Legumes (lentils, peas and, above all, beans) barely reach 2%. The small size of barley seeds in the lowlands of Almeria and the results of carbon isotope analysis suggest its extensive cultivation on unirrigated land. This must have had a severe ecological impact as a result of clearing of large areas of the plains. For their part, legumes could be grown in plots situated on the fertile river terraces, perhaps assisted by small-scale irrigation systems. This would seem particularly necessary for cultivating flax, attested by find of seeds and fibres from cloth. Flax and wool were the basic raw material for making cloth, which was made on looms assisted by clay weights of various shapes and sizes. Similarly, there is evidence of the consumption of olives or wild olives, grapes and figs, although doubts remain about whether these fruits were domesticated. Livestock displays a homogeneous pattern in Argaric territory. In terms of supplying meat, cattle and ovicaprids were of approximately similar im- portance, between 30 and 50%, followed at some distance by pigs and equidae. The use of derivative products is also attested. Hunting, fishing and collecting shellfish played a secondary or marginal role, except in some coastal enclaves with the necessary infrastructure for smoking fish for preservation (Punta de los Gavilanes in Murcia). As we have said, burials have brought to light a large number of objects for understanding and categorising the Argaric material culture. In addition, an analysis of the variability of grave goods has shown that they reflect socioeconomic class, sex and age. Meanwhile, osteological studies are beginning to reveal aspects of kinship and economic relationships. For instance, the lower degree of cranial variation amongst women compared with men in the settlement of El Argar suggests that women spent their whole lives in the place where they were born, while most of the men moved from one place to another, probably on marriage. This could indicate that kinship relationships respected matrilocal or avunculocal principles of residence. Differences between the 133
THE BRONZE AGE IN MEDITERRANEAN IBERIA  Figure 5. Argaric ceramic shapes and metal items.  in lower quantities than barley...
134 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figure 7. The piedmont sector of the southeastern hillside of La Bastida after conservation work. Bottom, centre, the large reservoir with an approximate capacity of 300,000 litres (Geodiscover - Murcia and ©ASOME, UAB). Figure 6. Terracing in Castellón Alto (Galera, Granada) (M. A. Blanco/GEPRAN Universidad de Granada). sexes can also be seen in the distribution of tasks, since the work done by women involved travelling shorter distances and carrying less weight than men. The number of injuries, some the result of episodes of violence, is higher amongst men. El Argar: synthesis on political and economic organisation The combination of funerary and habitat data gives us an idea of the nature of Argaric society at its height. El Argar was the culmination of an important phase of territorial expansion towards the interior and underwent exceptional architectural, economic and political development throughout almost the whole of the first half of the second millennium. An upsurge in new construction involved the systematic terracing of the hillsides of hilltop settlements (Fig. 6) and the planning of a dense network of domestic and productive structures. An exceptional volume of space devoted to production and storage was concentrated in a number of large buildings. The main purpose of these workshops seems to have been for grinding and producing cloth, and also producing and repairing different types of tools. As well as dwellings and workshops, the central settlements contained cisterns, granaries and grinding areas, stables, towers, defensive walls and bastions (Fig. 7). In the funerary world, burial rights were extended to children and other social groups. In addition, the diversity of grave goods increased, revealing new social differences. The social and political model adopted during the eighteenth century remained in force until the end. At this time, the men of the dominant class were buried with a long sword and the women with a diadem as distinctive artefacts, in addition to a wide range of metal tool sand adornments and ceramic vessels. Prominent burials were restricted to the central settlements, where much of the social production and, seasonally, external manpower was concentrated, despite their distance from the best farming land and the main sources of raw materials. In addition, the districts at the top of certain hills are notable for their architecture and accumulated means of production (metallurgy), the food resources available (remains of equidae and cattle) and the wealth of their burials. Below the dominant class was another made up of individuals with political rights which can be identified by its funerary association with metal tools, together with a certain number of metal adornments and ceramic vessels. The association of axes with men and awls with women does not, in the first instance, suggest distinctions of gender but primarily socioeconomic class, since only around 40% of the women and barely 25% of the men were buried with these objects: economic condition prevailed over gender. At a third level there was a sec-
134  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figure 7. The piedmont sector of the southeastern hillside of La Bast...
THE BRONZE AGE IN MEDITERRANEAN IBERIA tor made up of individuals with very modest grave goods (the occasional piece of pottery, necklace or adornment) and, finally, a group whose burials contained no offerings at all. The differences in funerary consumption were the same for children or adolescents as for the adult and senile population, which indicates mechanisms for hereditary transmission of property. Age played a secondary role in access to wealth: although some items such as swords, diadems and axes are almost exclusively associated with adults and senile individuals, only one sector of society could afford to relinquish them when its members died at these ages. In short, a dominant class that owned the land and the basic means of production (metal, food) was in a position to leave objects of high social value in their burials, as well as enjoying the best material conditions of life. This class used weapons to maintain their privileges through violence, and owned costly adornments for display. Such an economic and political structure can be defined as a “State” in the Marxist sense. It does not necessarily have to take the form of a unitary centralised government. In this case, what seems more likely is that a number of regional political units that were linked in some way maintained their respective territories for subsistence farming, and were able to extend their influence beyond their common borders. The beginning of the Bronze Age in regions bordering Argaric territory Argaric society, expansive and aggressive, impacted life in the neighbouring communities. The large number of small settlements in places that could be defended could be one response to the Argaric military threat, while other aspects such as the ritual of selective intra-mural burial, sometimes in an urn, or the circulation of certain objects (swords, metal adornments) and raw materials (copper, silver, ivory) would reveal influences of various kinds. The mechanisms of social resistance and emulation probably facilitated the phenomenon of “Argarisation” seen in various parts of the Peninsula. Outside Argaric territory other archaeological groups have been defined on the basis of geography and artefacts8, although their borders are usually illdefined. In La Mancha and the Iberian-Levantine 8 Castro et alii 1996, García Huerta and Morales (2004), Hernández Alcaraz and Hernández Pérez (2004), Hernández Pérez et alii (2009). strip the establishment of numerous hilltop settlements with stone-built structures have been recorded. However, these two elements do not necessarily go together. We find the clearest example in La Mancha, where settlements in prominent places, often fortified, called “morras” and “castillejos” (Morra del Quintanar and Cerro del Cuchillo in Albacete) coexisted with others on the plain containing spectacular masonry structures: the “motillas” (Azuer, Los Palacios and Santa María del Retamar in Ciudad Real, El Acequión in Albacete)9 (Fig. 8). Irrespective of their position, most of these settlements cover an area of between 0.01 and 0.5 ha, it being rare to find any that exceed this figure. One of the best known motillas is that of Azuer10. It has a central tower built to a square floor plan, preserved to a height of 11 m, surrounded by two concentric walls, the outer one some 35 m in diameter. The spaces inside were used to store cereals, stable livestock and carry out various activities related to food production and making cloth. It also had a well with masonry walls that reached the aquifer 20 m below. In fact the geographical position of the motillas privileged the access to subterranean water resources. The village spreads out around the outer wall, the houses built on stone foundations to an oval or rectangular floor plan, their walls made of mud-bricks and plant material. In addition to motilla sand hilltop settlements, there are settlements on the plain that are revealed only by the bases of huts (Las Saladillas in Ciudad Real). Despite this variety, they all shared the use of plain pottery (bowls, carinated, globular and ovoid pots), which sometimes had mamelons, handles, shaped cordons and impressed decoration on the lip. The few pieces of flint recovered are associated with processing vegetables, as are the grinding stones found in the houses. Knives, awls, axes and projectile points are the copper objects best represented, although they are few in number. Burials are documented under the floor in some houses, mainly pits lined with stones, and some urns in the case of children. Their number and density are lower than those of the Argaric sites. They usually contain individual inhumations, without apparent restrictions for reasons of sex or age. Grave goods are absent or very scarce, so do not suggest marked differences in the access to wealth. Motillas such as El Acequión, Santa María del Retamar and El Azuer are interpreted as com9 10 Martín Morales et alii (1993), Fernández-Posse et alii (2008). Aranda et alii (2008), Nájera et alii (2010). 135
THE BRONZE AGE IN MEDITERRANEAN IBERIA  tor made up of individuals with very modest grave goods  the occasional piece of p...
136 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figure 8. Motilla del Azuer (Daimiel, Ciudad Real) (GEPRAN, Universidad de Granada). munal centres for storage, production and defence rather than as places of residence for a hypothetical ruling class. The role of contemporary hilltop settlements is still uncertain, but in view of the impressive defences of the motillas it is not clear that the population of the former dominated the latter. The general panorama seems to be that of more or less autonomous communities with access to their own economic territories. In the centre and south of the Valencian Region and neighbouring districts to the west, we also find hilltop settlements with a notable development of stone architecture, sometimes used for defensive purposes (Mola d’Agres and Mas de Menente in Alicante, Muntanya Assolada in Valencia, El Recuenco in Cuenca, Hoya Quemada and Castillo de Frías in Teruel, Cerro de la Campana in Murcia)11. The most prominent settlements are modest in size (between 0.1 and 0.3 ha) and most of them take the form of a farm or hamlet (between 0.01 and 0.1 ha). The structural variation in time and space is considerable. In phase I (ca. 2150-1900) of the hilltop village of Terlinques (Alicante)12, there is a large building that was used for various types of production and storage, while in phase III (ca. 1700-1500) the area was occupied by a dozen sections arranged on either side of a central street between which functional differences can be observed (Fig. 9). In Lloma de Betxí (Valencia), two large multi-purpose buildings, measuring 34 x 10 m, occupy the highest point of the enclave, where two cisterns are also documented13. Both in terms of the volume of artefacts associated with grinding and systems for storing grain, and the evidence of cloth production, the productive efforts of some of these sections are not unlike those documented in the Argaric workshops. However, this centralisation of economic activity was not on such a large scale nor did it have the social and political implications of those in El Argar. Burials are found almost exclusively close to settlements, taking advantage of naturally occurring hollows that held individual inhumations or those of small groups (Mola d’Agres, Muntanya Assolada). 12 11 de Pedro (2002, 2006), Hernández Pérez (2009-2010). 13 Machado et alii (2009), Hernández Pérez et alii (2013). de Pedro (1998).
136  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figure 8. Motilla del Azuer  Daimiel, Ciudad Real   GEPRAN, Universid...
THE BRONZE AGE IN MEDITERRANEAN IBERIA Figure 9. General plan of Terlinques (Villena, Alicante) in phase III (ca. 1750/1700-1550/1500 cal BCE). Distribution of grinding stones and other stone artefacts in areas of habitation. (Machado et al., 2009, fig. 2). The inventory of artefacts uncovered is dominated by pottery: open and inturned bowls, carinated vessels or, in the main, those with a curved profile of different sizes, geminate vessels. The surfaces are usually smooth, although impressed cords, mamelons, handles and impressions are not infrequent. Metal production (knives, awls, axes, projectile points) is concentrated in the districts closest to the Argaric territory. As we move towards the north of the central districts of the Valencian Region, permanent settlements (Pic dels Corbs -València-, Orpesa la Vella, Torrelló d’Onda and Tossal del Mortórum in Castellón), most of them on hilltops, begin to become scarcer. After crossing the Ebro, open settlements on the plain or low hills characterised by concentrations of subterranean structures predominate14. These “pit fields” are the most frequent type of settlement in the interior and northern regions of the Peninsula from the Neolithic until the end of the Bronze Age. They consisted of structures of various shapes and sizes, used as silos, dwellings (“pit dwellings”), hearths, deposits of offerings and middens. They formed part of open settlements, occupied on a temporary or seasonal basis, whose development can be seen in sometimes very extensive horizontal stratifigraphies. They would have been inhabited by several dozen people with a high level of productive autonomy, as indicated by the availability of tools related with the processing, storage and consumption of food, and with pottery, lithic, bone and metallurgical production (Minferri in Lerida; Institut de Manlleu and Can Roqueta in Barcelona). Caves and rock shelters were also occupied at the same time (Mas d’Abad in Castellón; Cova del Toll in Barcelona; Cova Colomera in Lerida; Balma del Serrat del Pont in Gerona) on an occasional basis. Maya (1997), López Melción (2000), de Pedro (2006), Rafel et alii (2008), Soriano (2013). The economy revolved around livestock and an increasingly well-established agriculture, as demonstrated by the chipped-stone industry in the prepa- The northern coastal strip 14 137
THE BRONZE AGE IN MEDITERRANEAN IBERIA  Figure 9. General plan of Terlinques  Villena, Alicante  in phase III  ca. 1750 17...
138 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE ration of sickle parts and communities’ greater capacity for storage. Most of the pottery is smooth: open bowls, carinated pots and large jars, usually with a flat base and abundant appliqués (decorated cords, tongues, mamelons, handles). However, it is common to find earlier local Bell Beaker survivals (Pyrenees, Salomó) and regional epi-Bell Beaker developments (Arbolí-Northeast) that coexisted for some time alongside later productions. Furthermore, it is assumed that metallurgy was gaining ground in the production of tools thanks to the working of local mines, such as Solana del Bepo (Tarragona). Even so, the pieces recovered are still scarce and are continuations of previous models (flat axes, awls, and tanged daggers, and points). Some Chalcolithic practices are still seen in the burials, such as collective burials in natural cavities and megalithic tombs. The diversity of burial places in some areas is striking. For example, in Catalonia we see the coexistence of reusing earlier burials, inhumations in pits (Can Roqueta II), caves, pits with lateral chambers (Can Gambús) and megalithic tombs (cists, “paradolmens”, galleries, simple chambers or chambers with a vestibule), throughout the area to the north of Llobregat (Tafania in Gerona; Vall de Miarnau, and Cabana del Moro in Lerida; Clarena and Les Maioles in Barcelona). In general, rituals seem to have become more restrictive since burials are now smaller and fewer. This fact, and the significance that can be attributed to images of armed figures (Preixana stela, Lerida), are the limited and inconclusive signs of political inequalities. General trends during the ca. 2200-1550 horizon In this period the Chalcolithic socio-economic structure, which had tended to transform collection surpluses into goods of exchange consumed in public rituals disappeared. From the end of the third millennium the trend was towards increasing control over the productive efforts of progressively circumscribed territories. In El Argar, the principal centres acted as capitals of territories that included subordinate populations on the plain. Asymmetries in expenditure on individualised burials, the appropriation and centralised management of surpluses, and the use of violence, suggest a society divided into socio-economic classes and a State political organization. In contrast, in the communities of the north, the mechanisms of social cooperation resisted the strategies for exploiting surpluses. Here the panorama extended from dispersed storage in “pit fields” to collective protection in hilltop enclaves and motillas. Although no permanent dominant groups can be identified, in many cases violence played an important role in social re- lations, to judge by the effort devoted to building fortifications and the difficulties inherent in living in hilltop settlements. These differences are reflected in metallurgical production. At the beginning of the Bronze Age arsenical copper continued to be worked, so the real innovations took place with the introduction of moulds and the improvement of forging, which improved metallurgical productivity and the quality of the artefacts. The use of tin bronze only became widespread from the second quarter of the second millennium. These and other technical innovations, such as the use of rivets to hold cutting tools, permitted the development of specialised weapons such as halberds and, from the eighteenth century, swords that were more than 50 cm long. Their more frequent appearance in the southeast suggests that social violence became more entrenched here, and that it was exercised both in the heart and on the periphery of Argaric territory. The economic impact of Argaric metallurgy is clear from the geographical scale of its organisation and the volume of production achieved. An indicator of this is the capacity for discarding artefacts, which indirectly informs us of the rate of renovation of tools, adornment and weapons. The more frequently they were replaced because they were broken or discarded, the greater the volume of production must have been. If we look at the density of artefacts held together with rivets (knives, daggers, halberds and swords), the Argaric southeast displays a much higher capacity for discarding them than the rest of the Peninsula (Fig. 10). Economic differentiation is accentuated still more if we take into account that most Argaric production dates to the nineteenth-sixteenth centuries. In short, while in El Argar metallurgical production and circulation were organised at a regional scale, under the control of the dominant class and subject to high demand, in other regions the availability of raw material and means of production was not subject to similar political restrictions nor did it reach a similar volume. Over and above these differences, the early centuries of the Bronze Age saw the intensification of livestock production and, in particular, agriculture. The increased storage capacity of pots and silos, the predominance of the remains of barley and wheat in the palaeobotanic record, the orientation of flint chipping towards the production of sickle blades and, at least in the southeast, a new type of grinding stone that made milling more efficient, are all indicators of the increasing importance of cereal crops. This led to the reduction of woodland and the pro-
138  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  ration of sickle parts and communities    greater capacity for storag...
THE BRONZE AGE IN MEDITERRANEAN IBERIA Figure 10. Average density of riveted tools and weapons in the Iberian Peninsula between ca. 2200 and 1550 cal BCE. Densities increase exponentially x2 between 1E-5 and 5E-2 artefacts per km2and province or region. (Lull et al., 2013: fig. 1; data from Brandherm, 2003). liferation of open spaces, which became practically steppes in some parts of the southeast. Around 1550, the focal point of Argaric hegemonic power was suppressed. The fire levels that marked the collapse of some major Argaric settlements suggest a violent end. Some archaeological and environmental data indicate that the trigger for this revolutionary event was probably a subsistence crisis brought about by over-exploitation of the environment. The Late Bronze Age (ca. 1550 – 1300) Dispersion and autonomy in the southeast quadrant The breakup of the Argaric territorial structure ran in parallel with more or less profound transformations in the neighbouring regions15. In the southeast and La Mancha a large number of settle15 Castro et alii (2006). ments were abandoned, to the extent of depopulation. The hilltop enclaves that survived after El Argar, like Gatas, Fuente Álamo, Tabayá, Cuesta del Negro and Cerro de la Encina, still had houses with a square or rectangular floor plan arranged on terraces, sometimes against large and thick headwalls. The same preference for places surrounded by stone wall sand hilltop sites is observed in the few new settlements or those whose principal occupation dates to this stage, such as Murviedro (Fig. 11) (Murcia), El Negret and La Horna (Alicante). In contrast with the previous period, the virtual absence of tombs denotes political-ideological –but also economic– changes, with the abrupt reduction in volume of products discarded in funerary practices. Although a good part of the Argaric means of production survived, the rarity of large capacity ceramic vessels is significant, and so too is the disappearance of workshops specialising in processing grain and making cloth on a large scale. Innovations in the pottery repertoire include flasks, cooking ves- 139
THE BRONZE AGE IN MEDITERRANEAN IBERIA  Figure 10. Average density of riveted tools and weapons in the Iberian Peninsula b...
140 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figure 11. Plan of Murviedro (Lorca, Murcia) (excavations by A. Pujante, Mª J. Madrid and J. Bellón; Delgado-Raack, 2008: 36). sels with an open profile and carinated bowls with a vertical rim, often of very high quality and intense burnishing or decorative motifs in the Cogotas I style, originating from the Duero, Tagus and Upper Ebro basins16. The dissolution of the Argaric State also brought with it the diversification of food production, as can be deduced from the recovery of the meat contribution from hunting, significant regional differences in patterns of livestock production and the relative increase in legumes and fruit compared with the overwhelming prevalence of barley during El Argar. Another symptom of the decentralisation of production was the relaxation of political control over metallurgy, whose means of production appear with greater regularity and with a certain indifference to the size and location of settlements. The disappearance of Argaric borders also meant that communities could take part in medium -and long- distance exchanges. The circulation of volcanic rocks used in the manufacture of more effective grinding stones, 16 Molina (1978), Rafel et alii (2008). the presence of widely shared pots styles and decorations (Cogotas I) and the spread of the traffic in tin for bronze production express new social relations. Another indicator of the permeability of peninsular communications is the presence of wheel-made pottery of possible Mycenaean or Cypriot origin in the south of the Peninsula around 1300 (Llanete de Los Moros in Córdoba, Cuesta del Negro in Granada, Gatas in Almería). In a social context characterised by communities that enjoyed greater autonomy, productive diversification and permeability in external relations, it seems that the political-economic organisation inhibited levels of exploitation such as those experienced in the Argaric era. However, this does not prevent us observing concentrations of power in certain places, particularly on the old Argaric periphery. Cabezo Redondo (Alicante) is the best example (Fig. 12)17. This settlement, with an area of about 1 ha, occupied a strategically located hill overlooking the natural corridor of the Vinalopó that connects 17 Hernández Pérez (2009-2010).
140  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figure 11. Plan of Murviedro  Lorca, Murcia   excavations by A. Pujan...
THE BRONZE AGE IN MEDITERRANEAN IBERIA Figure 12. Cabezo Redondo (Villena, Alicante) (fotografía de los autores). the Mediterranean coast with the Sub-Betic and La Mancha mountain ranges. Some twenty rooms of up to 14 x 5 m built of plastered walls faced with dressed stone with mud mortar and ceilings with wooden beams and wattle and daub supported by trunks have been identified. Some housed workshops for processing grain on a large scale, cloth production and metallurgy. The arrangement of the urban area, architecture, organisation of the means of production and intramural funerary ritual are reminiscent of what was seen in the central Argaric enclaves. The abundance of gold adornments is unprecedented in this context. As well as the various objects that appeared in the Cabezo Redondo settlement, the cist grave of a child was discovered on the eastern side of the hill. It was found to contain a gold pendant and a hoard containing thirty-five pieces of gold jewellery (diadem, pendants, bracelets, rings and spirals, amongst others). However, the most spectacular find, the Treasure of Villena18 18 Soler et alii (2005). (Fig. 13), appeared in a nearby dry riverbed (Rambla del Panadero): a pottery vessel buried in the gravel of the riverbed contained a hoard consisting of eleven bowls, two gold flasks and three of silver, 28 gold bracelets and one iron bracelet, as well as various additional items, some incrusted with amber, weighing almost 10 kg. If we look at the typically Argaric shape of the ceramic pot in which the hoard was found, the ceramic parallels of the flasks it contained and the archaeological context of similar pieces of jewellery in Cabezo Redondo itself, this hoard could not have been hidden long after the end of the Argaric period. The new excavations at Cabezo Redondo and their radiocarbon dates suggest that the treasure dates to before 1300/1200, when the settlement was abandoned. In view of the way the village’s productive forces were organised, it is not unreasonable to interpret the “treasure of Villena” as indicative of a local aristocracy based on control of the interregional communication routes and centralised appropriation of local surpluses, possibly including salt. However, such a concentration 141
THE BRONZE AGE IN MEDITERRANEAN IBERIA  Figure 12. Cabezo Redondo  Villena, Alicante   fotograf  a de los autores .  the M...
142 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figure 13. The Treasure of Villena (Alicante) (“Museo Arqueológico José María Soler” (Alicante) (photo: Francés Fotógrafos). of wealth and power was exceptional in the general panorama of the age, which was dominated by small communities that were self-sufficient in terms of subsistence production, capable of becoming involved in contacts and exchanges and technologically well equipped. The northern strip The archaeological record of the central and northern Mediterranean strip seems to be marked by continuity19. The research assumes that many of the settlements founded at the beginning of the Bronze Age survived until at least the Final Bronze Age. From this perspective the variable inclusion of marker artefacts, such as button appendagen handles or the decorated pottery of Cogotas I, would establish the limits of a sequence that some have subdivided into “Middle/Recent” or “Late Bronze Age”. In an ambiguous chronological trend, occupations dating to this period at sites such as Les Raboses, Pic dels Corbs, Orpesa la Vella, Torrelló d’Onda and Mas d’Abad have been identified on the east 19 Martí and de Pedro (1997). coast. In the northeast it began with increased diversification amongst the settlements in the coastal and pre-coastal territories and those of the inland basins that would culminate in the Segre-Cinca group at its height. Funerary practices became scarcer, although pit inhumations in settlements on the plain and sporadically burials in mountain caves (Montanisell, in Lerida) are still documented. The Final Bronze Age (ca. 1300-900) The panorama that began around 1300 suffers from major gaps in our knowledge of settlements, which is only compensated by the information that can be gleaned froma few sites in particular and the significance of certain artefacts. Domestic spaces become less visible, but are accompanied, perhaps not by chance, by increasingly intense and extensive circulation and deposition of products, especially metal goods, with parallels on the Atlantic seaboard (“Atlantic Final Bronze Age”), central Europe and the Mediterranean basin. However, in contrast with other regions, deposits of metal artefacts, for whatever reason (economic, ceremonial, etc.) were not abundant along the eastern strip
142  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figure 13. The Treasure of Villena  Alicante      Museo Arqueol  gico...
THE BRONZE AGE IN MEDITERRANEAN IBERIA Figure 14. Layout of Genó (Aitona, Lerida) (Maya et al., 1998, fig. 22, courtesy of Javier López Cachero). of the Peninsula (Muricecs, in Lerida, Sant Martí d’Empúries, in Gerona). In contrast to earlier periods, the Segre-Cinca group in the northeast yields the clearest evidence of a society with territorial roots. The settlements are located on hilltops and rarely exceed 0.1 ha. They consist of terraced houses built to a rectangular floor plan, with foundations made of stones and mortar, wood and mud-brick walls and areas of between 25 and 40 m2. They are arranged along a central open space (Genó, Carretelà and Les Paretetes in Lerida) (Fig. 14). The habitat may be surrounded by a defensive wall and have a collective cistern. Until stone architecture reached the coastal and pre-coastal districts at the beginning of the Iron Age, settlements continued to consist of pit dwellings, silos and ditches, representing scattered hamlets occupied by basically self-sufficient communities (Can Roquetain Barcelona) (Fig. 15)20. From the economic point of view, the increase in the number of grinding stones, the variety of cereals and legumes cultivated and the abundance of storage structures suggest that farming had become more intensive. The volume of the storage silos fluctuates between 500 and 2000 l, sufficient to guarantee food for a year for a small domestic group. Occasionally silos with a capacity of more than 2000 l are found, as well as concentrations of up to 25 grinding stones in some ditches, which could indicate some degree of supra-domestic centralisation, without this implying socio-economic asymmetries. But evidence of metallurgical production, always scarce and scattered amongst the inland settlements and those of the coast, does not suggest centralised political control. The communities of the northeast used pottery vessels with fluted decoration that are linked with the beginning of the funerary phenomenon of the Urnfields21. This name alludes to a rite consisting of the cremation of the dead and deposition of the remains in a pottery urn with a characteristic biconical profile. This, occasionally accompanied by grave goods, was buried in a pit that was sometimes marked (Can Missert and Can Piteu, in Barcelona; Torre Filella, in Lerida). However, the early temporal and regional coincidence between the new types of pottery and funerary practices is uncertain. Thus, while the fluted decoration became more widespread around 1300, the predominance of cremation in urns does not appear to have occurred until shortly before the turn of the millennium. Be that as it may, and despite the fact that this funerary practice is documented at the same time in such distant regions as the north of Portugal (Paranho, in Viseu) or the southeast (Peña Negra, in 21 20 Carlús et alii (2007). Castro (1994), López Cachero (2007, 2008), Lorrio (2008). 143
THE BRONZE AGE IN MEDITERRANEAN IBERIA  Figure 14. Layout of Gen    Aitona, Lerida   Maya et al., 1998,    g. 22, courtesy...
144 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figure 15. Types of silos in Can Roqueta (Sabadell, Barcelona) (Carlús et al., 2007, fig. 46, courtesy of Oriol Vicente).
144  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figure 15. Types of silos in Can Roqueta  Sabadell, Barcelona   Carl ...
THE BRONZE AGE IN MEDITERRANEAN IBERIA Alicante; Qurénima, in Almería), the greater density of burials in the northeast and their proximity to central European concentrations have led scholars to link the new ritualto the arrival of Hallstatt-type populations from across the Pyrenees. However, in view of the continuity that can be observed in the population, today the role of the indigenous populations is more readily recognised. In this respect, regional differences in patterns of settlement can also be seen in the necropoleis. In the Segre-Cinca and Lower Aragon areas urns were deposited under tumuli and inhumation rituals continued at the same time (Castellets II, in Zaragoza), but in coastal and pre-coastal regions funerary remains are buried in simple pits. Grave goods are usually modest, and only a few (less than 20% in the case of Can Piteu) consist of pottery vessels, shell adornments, metal objects and pieces of fauna (Fig. 16). Anthropological analysis indicates that some urns contained two or even three individuals, that children and adolescents are underrepresented and that men and women could receive the same burial rites. Following the Mediterranean coast southwards, the continuation of earlier open air enclaves or those in caves can be observed (Torrelló del Boverot, Pic dels Corbs, Mola d’Agres, Mas d’Abad), although with a reduction in the population. This was the trend in the southeast, in view of the abandonment of large settlements of the Late Bronze Age (Cabezo Redondo, Fuente Álamo), which would result in the depopulation of many districts or an impermanent form of settlement. We find small settlements consisting of huts built on an oval stone foundation with mud-brick walls, with an area of about 20-40 m2 (La Serrecica, in Murcia; Gatas and Peñón de la Reina, in Almería; Cerro del Real, in Granada). The low number or absence of grinding stones in these huts suggests that these communities tended to live by raising livestock. Around the end of the second millennium new hilltop centres began to appear or earlier settlements were reorganised with more stable structures and evidence of specialised metallurgical production is better documented by the ninth century (Peña Negra, in Alicante). In short, the panorama reveals small, basically self-sufficient herding communities in which it is difficult to see economic and political asymmetries. Only in the interior of Catalonia and Lower Aragon is it possible to discern a trend towards nuclearisation in protected or fortified settlements. Increased metallurgical production, the creation of exchange networks that brought Atlantic, Mediterranean and continental populations into ever closer contact, and the key role of certain settlements and regions in these networks allow us to understand the emergence and concentrations of wealth and Figure 16. Floor plan, section and ideal reconstruction of burial CPR-453 at Can Piteu, Can Roqueta (Sabadell, Barcelona) (Carlús et al., 2007: fig. 150, courtesy of Xavier Carlús). 145
THE BRONZE AGE IN MEDITERRANEAN IBERIA  Alicante  Qur  nima, in Almer  a , the greater density of burials in the northeast...
146 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE power. And it would not be unreasonable to think that it was precisely a knowledge of the existence of navigation and trade routes in the Final Bronze Age that permitted the early appearance of Phoenician traders in the far west. Their first trading posts were founded in the south of the Peninsula (Gadir, in Cádiz; Morro de Mezquitilla, in Málaga) around 900. The introduction of the new exotic products they brought with them may have led to the devaluation of Atlantic-Mediterranean traditions and the consequent decline of the Final Bronze Age system of exchange. The emerging local elites would have made the most of the opportunities for economic and political differentiation afforded by the new demanding groups and the products that could be traded, thus facilitating the work of the colonists and laying the groundwork for the economic and social structures that would take shape in the Iron Age states.
146  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  power. And it would not be unreasonable to think that it was precisel...
Vicente Lull*, Rafael Micó, Cristina Rihuete Herrada and Roberto Risch The Balearic Islands: From stable human colonisation until the Roman Conquest • Proto-Talaiotic period (ca. 1100/1000 – 850) Introduction: general overview and periodization The Balearic archipelago consists of four major islands whose peculiarities have influenced settlement since prehistoric times. The perception of these differences was the reason for the distinction made in Antiquity between the Pityusai and the Gymnesiai. The Pityusai include Ibiza and Formentera, the smaller islands further south, close to the mainland. The Gymnesiai consist of Mallorca and Menorca, the two largest islands, which tell us most of what we currently know about the islands. Mallorca is the largest (3,626 km2) and more ecologically diverse as a result of its varied relief dominated by the Tramuntana mountain range, an extension of the Betic systems, which extends along the northern coast and reaches heights of 1,445 m a.s.l. The rugged terrain and abundant rainfall of this area is quite different from the Es Pla central basin and the coastal plains. The gentle landscapes of these regions are broken only by the mountains of the Llevant, which run parallel to the east coast but do not reach a height of more than 500 m a.s.l. On the other hand, Menorca (700 km2) is predominantly flat, broken only by the more moderate height of Mount Toro (357 m a.s.l.). This, together with its distance from the mainland (220 km to the coast of Catalonia), means it cannot be seen except from certain points on the northeast end of Mallorca. • Talaiotic group (ca. 850-550). • Post-Talaiotic century/123). period (ca. 550-second With regard to the periodization schema of the Iberian Peninsula, broadly speaking the first period equates with the transition from the Copper to the Bronze Age; the second with the Early Bronze Age; the third with the Late Bronze Age and the beginning of the Final Bronze Age; the fourth, to the final stages of the Late Bronze Age; the fifth with Iron Age I and the sixth, with Iron Age II. The first phases of human settlement in Mallorca and Menorca (ca. 2300-1600). Bell Beaker archaeological group (ca. 2300-2100/2000) • Epi-Bell Beaker/dolmenic archaeological group (ca. 2100/2000-1600) Mallorca was the first island to be inhabited. According to the most reliable radiocarbon dates this process began around 23002. The first human groups lived in caves and rock shelters (Son Matge, Coval Simó), some of which were used for burials, and in small semi-permanent settlements (Son Ferrandell-Olesa, Son Mas, Ca na Cotxera) made up of huts with little use of stone as a building material3. The diet depended on the consumption of terrestrial resources, according to the isotope analysis of human bones4. In the case of hunting, whether the Myotragus balearicus, a caprine native to the Gymnesiai, was hunted for food is still open to debate5. Although this species may have become extinct as a direct or indirect result of colonisation, the fact is that we have insufficient data to prove the coexistence of Myotragus and humans and still less the hunting and consumption of the former by the latter. • Naviforme archaeological group (ca. 16001100/1000) 2 Our knowledge of the prehistoric sequence has advanced in recent decades thanks to radiocarbon dating programmes (we have about a thousand 14C dates) and recent stratigraphic records. Thanks to this, the periodization of Mallorca and Menorca has been established as follows1: • Bell Beaker archaeological group (only Mallorca) (ca. 2300-2100/2000) 3 1 Lull et alii (1999, 2008), Micó (2006), Guerrero et alii (2007). 4 5 Ramis and Alcover (2001), Alcover (2004), Lull et alii (2008). Waldren (1982, 1998). Van Strydonck et alii (2002, 2005). Bover and Alcover (2003).
Vicente Lull , Rafael Mic  , Cristina Rihuete Herrada and Roberto Risch  The Balearic Islands  From stable human colonisat...
148 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figure 1. Pottery with Bell Beaker decoration found at Son Matge and at Son Ferrandell-Olesa (Mallorca). Amongst the most characteristic artefacts of these early occupations are pottery vessels (bowls, carinated pots) with incised decoration in the Bell Beaker tradition6 (Fig. 1). These objects have served to define one of the later regional styles, although they display similarities with the Pyrene- 6 Waldren (1998). an style. There are also large pots with an ovoid body and flat bottom. Cutting tools (knives, sickle blades) made of tabular flint, and the practice of copper metallurgy, which perhaps took advantage of outcrops in the Tramuntana mountains, deserve separate mention.
148  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figure 1. Pottery with Bell Beaker decoration found at Son Matge and ...
THE BALEARIC ISLANDS: FROM STABLE HUMAN COLONISATION UNTIL THE ROMAN CONQUEST Epi-Bell Beaker-dolmenic archaeological group (ca. 2100/2000-1600) The archaeological record incorporates innovations in the transition from the third to the second millennium. Firstly, human presence had by this time extended to Menorca and the Pityusai. Settlements maintained the trend inaugurated by the first occupations, that is, open-air settlements and the periodic occupation of caves and rock shelters7. Decorated pottery similar to that in the “epi-Bell Beaker” style has attracted particular attention. However, the most reliable data come from funerary contexts. Although the use of natural cavities persisted (Can Martorellet, Son Marroig, Sa Canova d’Ariany), new types of burials were being adopted8. The first were probably the Menorcan hypogea with a façade and passage of megalithic masonry and a circular or oval chamber (Biniai 1 and 2, Cala Morell 11 y 12) (Fig. 2)9. Other hypogea with a simple floor plan but now lacking any orthostatic structures are well represented in Mallorca (Ca na Vidriera 4, Son Sunyer 7, Rafal Llinàs)10. Dolmens were another remarkable innovation during the nineteenth century. They are concentrated in the south of Menorca and in the bay of Alcúdia, in the northeast of Mallorca. They usually have a rectangular chamber measuring a maximum of 3.5 x 2 m, reached by a short corridor or vestibule (S’Aigua Dolça, Son Bauló de Dalt, Montplé, Ses Roques Llises) (Fig. 3)11. The entire tomb would have been covered by a tumulus of stones and earth some 7-8 m in diameter. These burials held dozens of primary inhumations in the course of two or three centuries. Grave goods are scarce and generally modest: pottery (open or slightly closed bowls, sometimes with a recessed base; cooking vessels with everted rim and globular or carinated body, truncated cone-shaped vessels, with appliqués near the rim, and approximately cylindrical vases with a flat base), daggers and awls made from copper or bronze, buttons made of bone or boar tusk, pendants made of shells and boar’s teeth, and archer’s wrist-guards. Extrainsular contacts and social organisation during the early period of settlement One of the most interesting topics of Balearic prehistoric research concerns the beginning of hu7 8 9 10 11 López Pons (2001). Coll Conesa (1993). Plantalamor and Marquès (2001). Veny (1968). López Pons (2001), Guerrero et alii (2003). Figura 2. Frontal view of the mass burial at Biniai Nou (Menorca) (photo: Lluís Plantalamor Massanet). Figure. 3. Megalithic tomb with passage and chamber at Ses Roques Llises (Menorca) (photo: Felipe Sánchez-Cuenca). man occupation. Unlike most of the larger Mediterranean islands, the Balearics were not an attractive place for Neolithic settlement: there is no unequivocal evidence of occupation and, if some disputed indications were confirmed, would consist of occasional visits. However, conditions changed at the end of the third millennium. The first island communities probably came from the northeast of the Iberian Peninsula and the shores of the Gulf of Lion, in the light of the parallels observed in Beaker pottery, certain types of plain vessels contemporary to the Beaker decorated ones and also similar to the used 149
THE BALEARIC ISLANDS  FROM STABLE HUMAN COLONISATION UNTIL THE ROMAN CONQUEST  Epi-Bell Beaker-dolmenic archaeological gro...
150 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figure 4. Chronology of colonisation of the Mediterranean islands in relation to the distance that separated them from the mainland. during the Early Bronze Age, prismatoid, pyramidal and “tortoise” type bone buttons, as well as various aspects of funerary architecture12. nium avoided dependence on the mainland for the supply of igneous metamorphic rocks used to make implements14. Why were the Balearic Islands colonised at the end of the third millennium and not before? The relative remoteness of Mallorca and Menorca from the mainland, their remoteness from the routes along which Sardinian and Aeolian obsidian circulated, but, above all, the lack of suitable raw materials for making the polished stone implements necessary for pursuing a pastoral economy in areas of dense vegetation would seem to explain the absence of stable occupation in Neolithic times (Fig. 4)13. However, these obstacles to settlement were ultimately overcome. The development of metallurgy at the end of the third millen- The spread of forms of economic exploitation and social violence in different mainland regions in the course of the third and early second millennia probably acted as a catalyst in island colonisation.15 In response to the tensions caused by that situation, certain social groups would have moved to marginal territories where they could establish relations away from the conflicts of their places of origin. If we note the lack of concern about defence in the choice and structure of Balearic settlements, the absence of weapons and the persistence of collective inhuma14 12 13 Lull et alii (2004). Risch (2011). 15 Ramis et alii (2005), Alcover et alii (2007), Hunt et alii (2013). Lull et alii (2004), Gili et alii (2006).
150  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figure 4. Chronology of colonisation of the Mediterranean islands in ...
THE BALEARIC ISLANDS: FROM STABLE HUMAN COLONISATION UNTIL THE ROMAN CONQUEST Figure 5. Assessment of the demographic evolution of the Balearic population from the middle of the second millennium based on the frecuency of radiocarbon dating from human skeletal remains. tion, we can see that the first populations emphasised peaceful relations and discouraged economic and political inequalities. The Naviforme archaeological group (ca. 16001100/1000) Around 1600 the population began to increase, probably as a result of the arrival of new colonists (Fig. 5)16. These movements were probably related with the crisis of many Bronze Age societies in different parts of the Mediterranean and Europe. The increase in the population coincided with the appearance of houses built to an elongated floor plan, faced with cyclopean masonry, with the entrance at the short end and apsidal or pointed back wall. They were often more than 15 m long and 6 m wide (Closos de Can Gaià, Son Oms, S’Hospitalet Vell, Cala Blanca, Clariana, Son Mercer de Baix)17 (Fig. 6). The hearths, benches, grinding stones, bone, metal and stone tools, pottery vessels for cooking and storage, food remains and waste from metallurgical production found in them indicate that many productive and maintenance activities took place in the houses, and that some division of labour between domestic units had developed. They were built as separate houses or in groups of two or more with adjoining side walls. Individual houses or groups of these buildings could in turn be found on their own or grouped together in open-air settlements of variable density 16 17 Gili et alii (2006). Rosselló Bordoy (1973, 1979), Plantalamor (1991), Lull et alii (1999), Pons Homar (1999). Figure 6. Naviforme building at Closos de can Gaià 1 (Mallorca) (Photo: “Equip Closos”, Universidad de las Islas Baleares). and size. As the second half of the second millennium progressed, domestic structures that departed to a greater or lesser extent from the Naviforme pattern began to be built, but the construction of stone buildings was never abandoned (Es Figueral de Son Real, Torralba d’en Salord). Naviforme structures were the first to colonise all regions of the Balearic Islands, although a preference for low land near fertile soils is observed. The establishment of naviforme settlements coincided with a reduction in the use of natural caves, which were now only frequented occasionally for ritual purposes (Es Càrritx, Es Mussol, Es Moro). Connected with these subterranean ceremonies between ca. 1600-1450, fragments of stalactites were selected and hoarded, sometimes in association with human bones of hands and feet. Portions of meat and ceramic vessels were left as offerings, and rites of magical significance celebrated. These practices have been interpreted in terms of cults related with an unnamed underworld power responsible for the renewal of fertility and life18. The funerary contexts are outstanding in their abundance and variety. In addition to the occasional survival of simple hypogea, dolmens and caves, there are hypogea with elongated floor plan (Cala Sant Vicenç, Son Sunyer, Son Vivó), monuments with a circular floor plan and tumular appearance, exclusively in Menorca (Ses Arenes de Baix, Son Olivaret) (Fig. 7), and natural caves sealed with a cyclopean wall (Es Càrritx, Es Forat de ses Aritges, Son Matge, 18 Lull et alii (1999). 151
THE BALEARIC ISLANDS  FROM STABLE HUMAN COLONISATION UNTIL THE ROMAN CONQUEST  Figure 5. Assessment of the demographic evo...
152 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Coval d’en Pep Rave)19. All these burial structures ultimately housed hundreds of inhumations over the course of several centuries. Under the heading of artefacts, pottery progressively adopted calcite as a tempering agent for the production of large vessels with a barrel-like profile and thick rim, or with a globular or ovoid body and everted rim. The bulk of the pottery used for cooking and eating consisted of globular or carinated vessels with turned rim of various sizes and open or slightly inward facing bowls with a flat base. Decoration is scarce, being restricted to horizontal series of fingerprints or incisions. Finds of moulds for manufacturing bracelets, awls, axes and knives in some naviforme structures (S’Hospitalet Vell, Son Mercer de Baix) highlight the production of bronze artefacts on the island. Their use increased until it reached its height at the beginning of the first millennium20. On the other hand, the bone industry experienced singular vitality, attested by the abundance of awls, needles and, in particular, V-perforated buttons made from the diaphyses of long bones or from the tusks of pigs. The occasional presence of grinding stones and seeds of cereals suggests that agriculture gained importance amongst subsistence strategies. However, the abundance of remains of domesticated fauna and the first chemical and bioarchaeological analyses on human bones suggest that livestock provided a substantial part of the diet. In contrast, it is striking that marine foods contributed little or nothing to the diet. The analysis of thousands of human remains from Chamber 1 of the Cova des Càrritx has helped us understand aspects of the socio-economic organisation of naviforme communities in their middle and final phases21. This funerary space was used to house the bodies of two hundred individuals of both sexes and all ages, with the exception of foetuses and infants under three months of age. Chamber 1 was the tomb of a social unit originally consisting of some 14 individuals, a figure compatible with the size of the group that could live in a naviforme house. It has been observed that the life expectancy of the women was slightly lower than that of the men, and that there was a marked sexual dimorphism in the postcranial skeleton. Infant mortality was high, and only two thirds of the individuals reached the age of five years. The low frequency of caries and, in contrast, the notable proportion of tartar on teeth suggest that food 19 20 21 Veny (1968), Rosselló Bordoy (1979), Lull et alii (1999), López Pons (2001), Gili et alii (2006), Plantalamor et alii (2008). Lull et alii (1999), Salvà (2010). Rihuete (2003). Figure 7. View of the tomb at Ses Arenes de Baix (Menorca), seen from above (©ASOME – UAB). of (terrestrial) animal origin provided a large part of the diet, an interpretation endorsed by the analysis of trace elements. Moreover, no difference or discrimination between men and women is observed. Various osteological indicators show that the population was affected by a systemic relationship between anaemia and infections, and that the work done implied a high degree of mobility by at least some members of the community, which can be correlated with activities such as herding and the exploitation of resources over an extensive and rugged territory. One of the most interesting hypotheses suggests that female infanticide was used as a means of demographic control. It would have taken the form of giving girls less attention and/or feeding them differently in infancy. This hypothesis would explain the discrepancies in a series of apparently unconnected data, such as the lower ratio of adult women to men, the lower incidence of anaemia amongst adult men than in women and the infant population, and sexual dimorphism in the postcranium. It could be said that the price of the “equality” between adult individuals was paid by the female sex. The production of artefacts was homogeneous despite the absence of economic-political centrali-
152  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Coval d   en Pep Rave 19. All these burial structures ultimately hous...
THE BALEARIC ISLANDS: FROM STABLE HUMAN COLONISATION UNTIL THE ROMAN CONQUEST sation. The society was organised in largely autonomous units for subsistence production, as shown by the uniformity of the tools found in the houses. However, these units cooperated in the construction of buildings, obtaining metals, and in farming and livestock herding. These relations involved the mobility of individuals and the transmission of knowledge, in a context that was apparently without physical violence and open to external demographic contributions, as the growing density of settlements and necropoleis suggests. In this respect, the diversity of funerary contexts could be an indication of a climate of integration and tolerance towards traditions brought in by successive contingents of new settlers, who would be integrated into the collectivising relations that already existed, maintaining their own idiosyncratic elements in their rituals22. In a panorama characterised by the absence of hierarchies, an analysis of the finds at Es Mussol suggests that certain individuals came to act as “mediators” in the realm of political and belief systems23. La Cova des Mussol is a cave in a 40 m high cliff-face on the northwest coast of Menorca, and reaching it is extremely dangerous. In a small and hidden inner chamber of the cave a number of wooden objects were found, including two carvings in wild olive wood (Fig. 8). They represent the head and neck of two beings, one anthropomorphic and the other zooanthropomorphic, whose meaning must have formed part of a belief system with mythological and metaphysical aspects. The place was frequented at brief intervals and used for secret practices and extraordinary experiences involving a very small group of persons. La Cova des Mussol can be interpreted as a stage in an initiation process through which Menorcan communities “produced” individuals who would act as political and ideological mediators. The centuries spanning the transition from the second to the first millennium are critical for understanding the development of Talaiotic society24. On one hand elements of the previous tradition, such as the naviforme houses, gradually disappeared. Some continued to be occupied, sometimes after undergoing structural changes (Closos de Can Gaià 1)25. However, in other cases villages started to display a compact urban organisation, in which a variable number of buildings with different floor plans were constructed close together round a large stone building of some height that could have been the forerunner of the talaiots (Es Figueral de Son Real, Cap 22 23 24 25 Lull et alii (1999). Lull et alii (1999), Micó (2005). Lull et alii (2008). Javaloyas et alii (2007). Figure 8. Carvings from the Cova des Mussol (Menorca) (photos: Peter Witte, ©ASOME – UAB) Proto-Talaiotic Period (ca. 1100/1000 – 850). de Forma, S’Illot). Demographic estimates point to a new phase of growth, perhaps once again caused by the arrival of groups from the mainland26. The abundance and variety of metal artefacts indicate that just before the Phoenicians arrived, Menorca and Mallorca were no longer marginal to the Mediterranean trade routes. At this time, the Baleares experienced far greater social and economic development than that observed along much of the Peninsula’s Mediterranean coast. Under the heading of funerary practices, the only element shared by the communities of Mallorca and Menorca was the continuation of inhumations in natural caves sealed with a cyclopean wall (Es Càrritx, Son Matge, Mongofre Nou). However, in Menorca the centuries-old trend continued, expressed in a greater abundance and diversity of funerary structures. These included the navetes (Tudons, Binimaimut, Binipati Nou, La Cova) (Fig. 9)27. They consist of large, circular or apsidal stone buildings that contain 26 27 Gili et alii (2006). Plantalamor (1991), Lull et alii (1999), Gornés and Gual (2001). 153
THE BALEARIC ISLANDS  FROM STABLE HUMAN COLONISATION UNTIL THE ROMAN CONQUEST  sation. The society was organised in largel...
154 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figure 9. Naveta des Tudons (Menorca) (© ASOME – UAB). an elongated chamber, sometimes divided into two floors. The excavation of the most famous one, the naveta des Tudons, revealed that hundreds of bodies had been deposited there. The traditional practice of collective rites is repeated in the simple open hypogea in the walls of ravines and cliffs (Calascoves III, V, VII, IX, XI and XXXV) and certain natural caves, with or without adaptations, located in similar types of places28. Thanks to the extraordinary preservation of some of these caves it has been possible to confirm the continuity of primary inhumations and, in the most inaccessible (Cova des Pas), the deposition of the dead directly on the ground in the foetal position wrapped in bundles of animal skins and carried on wooden litters29. ques, biconical or cylindrical beads, knives, spearheads, awls, etc.)30, the sporadic presence of objects made of iron (bracelets) or tin (beads) and tubular containers of wood or cattle horn with decorated wooden or bone lids that contained hair cut from certain individuals in the course of burial rites. The offering in Chamber 5 of the Cova des Càrritx has yielded eloquent evidence of a ritual based on the postmortem treatment of the hair of certain individuals (dyed, combed, cut, enclosed in boxes and deposited), which could in turn be linked to the new symbolic importance of the human head31 (Fig. 10). Although this special treatment was restricted to a small number of individuals, there is no clear evidence that this ritual distinction reflected political-economic privileges32. Grave goods are more varied and abundant than in earlier centuries. Buttons made of bone or tusk and small ceramic vessels (S-profiled pots, truncated coneshaped vessels with a handle on one side continued to be left as offerings. However, the most notable items are now adornments and bronze tools (pectorals, tor- All the types of burials cited, and the funerary practices that we assume they shared despite the diversity of the structures used, came to an end during the ninth century or, at the latest, in the early eighth century. The period before these burial places 30 28 29 Veny (1982). Fullola et alii (2007). 31 32 Delibes y Fernández-Miranda (1988). Lull et alii (2013). Lull et alii (1999).
154  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figure 9. Naveta des Tudons  Menorca      ASOME     UAB .  an elongat...
THE BALEARIC ISLANDS: FROM STABLE HUMAN COLONISATION UNTIL THE ROMAN CONQUEST Figure 10. Ceremonial objects from the deposit at Es Càrritx (Menorca) (photos: Peter Witte, ©ASOME – UAB). stopped being used probably coincided with the ritual deposition of particularly valuable objects in inaccessible places inside natural caves (Càrritx, Mussol). They are indications of a society at a time of change, at the point of abandoning a centuries-old tradition and embarking on the Talaiotic period, when the construction of social ties would become above all a public affirmation of the community (construction of talaiots, compact settlements), rather than a celebration of the past and their ancestors in the form of funerary rituals held in places that were remote from the settlements. The Talaiotic Group (ca. 850-550) The emblematic elements of the new social relations are the talaiots (Figs. 11-12), monumental structures in the shape of a tower with a circular floor plan (Son Fornés, Son Ferrandell-Olesa, Sa Canova de Morell, Sant Agustí Vell), or square (Capocorb Vell, Hospitalet, Cas Canar), oblong or irregular (Cornia oriental, Rafal Roig), built with huge blocks of dry stone. More regularly-shaped and smaller monuments are more common in Mallorca; they have a circular chamber in the centre of which there is a polylithic column that held up the roof supports, which consisted of radial slabs or beams. In other cases, instead of a chamber there are passages or relatively small, irregularly shaped spaces (Cornia oriental, Rafal Roig). There were also solid monuments, included in Mallorca in the category “stepped tumulus” (Son Oms, Son Ferrer)33. 33 Rosselló Bordoy (1973, 1979), Fernández-Miranda (1978), Plantalamor (1991), Aramburu-Zabala (1998), The talaiots were used for various purposes. Some are common to all of them, like that of “atalaya” for visual control. However, others had a specific character and developed into particular monuments, such as the processing and redistribution of meat in Talaiot 1 of Son Fornés, or political-ideological practices in Talaiot 234. There is no evidence that any of them was used as the residence of a dominant group. The talaiots are isolated or being part of settlements of variable size, and rarely have an area of more than 2 ha. Sometimes houses have a trapezoidal or cornershaped floor plan and are arranged radially around the talaiots (Son Oms, Pula, Ses Talaies de Can Jordi), while in other cases the houses are rectangular and are aligned with adjoining walls along the length of a rectilinear header wall (Son Fornés, Capocorb Vell). Pottery production in Mallorca showed a repertoire consisting of bowls, cups and a variety of pots with an out-turned rim of different proportions and sizes. On the other hand, we know hardly anything about the organisation of metallurgical production and metal artefacts, because none of these objects were left in hoards or burials. The bone industry is characterised by the unusual survival of bone awls, while lithic production includes mortars, spherical hammers and, to a lesser extent, grinding stones. The diet was based on terrestrial origin foods, probably with a significant proportion of livestock products. Funerary practices are practically unknown. In Mallorca, only a few sporadic and disputed manifestations are on record (Cova Gregòria A, Son Real). 34 Pons Homar (1999), Gornés and Gual (2001), Lull et alii (2001). Gasull et alii (1984). 155
THE BALEARIC ISLANDS  FROM STABLE HUMAN COLONISATION UNTIL THE ROMAN CONQUEST  Figure 10. Ceremonial objects from the depo...
156 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figure 11. View of the site of Son Fornés (Mallorca), showing talaiots 1 and 2 and structures dating to various periods (photo: Jaume Murillo Orfila). Figure 12. Talaiot of Torrellonet Vell (Menorca) (photo: Felipe Sánchez-Cuenca).
156  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figure 11. View of the site of Son Forn  s  Mallorca , showing talaio...
THE BALEARIC ISLANDS: FROM STABLE HUMAN COLONISATION UNTIL THE ROMAN CONQUEST In Menorca, perhaps some hypogea with a complex floor plan started to be used in the eighth century (Calascoves XXI, Sant Joan de Missa) after the abandonment of navetas, caves sealed with a wall and hypogea with a simple floor plan. Perhaps the waning importance of funerary practices was related with the role of the talaiots: as if the collective effort invested in their construction and the activities they were used for had established habits of political cohesion, thus displacing traditional rituals. In a certain way, during the Talaiotic period the sense of political community imposed itself on ancestral particularities based on lines of descent. The settlement at Son Fornés shows that Talaiotic society consisted of fairly autonomous domestic units which organised day-to-day subsistence production (preparation of food, making pottery, stone and bone tools). However, these units were linked by strong ties of cooperation in the performance of for certain tasks (looking after flocks, sharing out meat) within a political framework based on reciprocity35. Figure 13. Residential area of Torre d’en Galmés (“Casa Cartailhac”) (Menorca) (photo: Elena Sintes Olives). Compared with earlier times, the Talaiotic period is distinguished by a notable absence of external elements, and very little metallurgical evidence. The lack of complexes devoted to funerary ritual and metal hoards must have gone hand in hand with a considerable reduction in the production of metals, perhaps at a time when the communities of Mallorca and Menorca opted to “isolate” themselves from the tensions that arose from the emergence of aristocratic societies near them on the mainland, and from colonial rivalries in the western basin of the Mediterranean36. The Post-Talaiotic period (ca. 550-second century/ 123) Talaiotic society came to a sudden and violent end, as we can see from the fire levels in Son Fornés, Antigors, Capocorb Vell and Son Serralta, amongst other places. We only have a fragmentary picture of the situation just after the Talaiotic collapse in Mallorca, in the late sixth and early seventh centuries (Alfa Building of Son Ferragut, House located in the trenches 19 and 19a in S’Illot and Building G4 in Son Fornés). The characteristics of the Alfa Building mark a new departure in terms of size, building techniques and internal organisation37. The walls define a parallelogram with an area of almost 300 m2 which housed a single domestic unit. The 35 36 37 Gasull et alii (1984). Lull et alii (2002). Castro et alii (2003). Figure 14. Hypostyle chamber of Torre d’en Galmés (Menorca) (©ASOME – UAB). entrance, in one of the short walls, gave access to a porticoed rectangular courtyard which was used for production and consumption. There are two similar adjoining rooms at the back of the courtyard. The artefacts found display similarities with the Talaiotic tradition, but anticipate standard elements of the coming centuries that set them apart from the earlier period. The appearance at this time of the first spindleshaped projectiles made of stone for slingshoting and the violent destruction of the Alfa Building suggest that social instability had not been resolved. The situation began to show signs of becoming more stable from ca. 470-450, when the best-known post-Talaiotic settlements were occupied, and were inhabited until at least the second century. There are marked differences between the settlements on Mallorca and Menorca. In 157
THE BALEARIC ISLANDS  FROM STABLE HUMAN COLONISATION UNTIL THE ROMAN CONQUEST  In Menorca, perhaps some hypogea with a com...
158 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figure 15. Taula at Torralba d’en Salort (Menorca) (photo: Felipe Sánchez-Cuenca). Menorca more or less circular houses with a central courtyard were built using the cyclopean technique, sometimes built adjoining others or beside hypostyle halls (Biniparratx Petit, Biniparratxet Petit, Torre d’en Galmés, Sant Vicenç d’Alcaidús)38 (Figs. 13-14), while in Mallorca we find house with straight walls and heterogeneous shapes that do not appear to have been planned in any way (Post-Talaiotic Rooms 1, 2 and 3 of Son Fornés, “Barrio” sector of Son Mas). Walled enclosures proliferate on both islands, however (Ses Païsses, Es Pedregar, Es Rossells, Son Fornés, Son Catlar)39. Post-Talaiotic architecture also includes monumental buildings, to which a political or religious function is attributed. In Menorca, we find the taula enclosures, structures built to an apsidal floor plan that contain the characteristic pillar and cross stone in the shape of a “T” (Torralba d’en Salord, Talatí de Dalt, Torre d’en Galmés, Trepucó)40 (Fig. 15), while the equivalent in 38 39 40 Hernández Gasch (2007). Rosselló Bordoy (1973, 1979), Fernández-Miranda (1978), Plantalamor (1991), Gornés and Gual (1997), AramburuZabala (1998), Lull et alii (2001), Hernández Gasch and Aramburu-Zabala (2005), Aramburu-Zabala and Riera (2006). Gornés y Gual (1997), Fernández-Miranda (2009). Mallorca would be the “sanctuaries”41, with a floor plan that is often reminiscent of the taula, but without the “T” pillar (Son Mas, Son Marí, Almallutx, Antigors, Son Corró, Son Oms A, Sa Punta des Patró, Son Fornés). Funerary structures are many and diverse: hypogea with a complex floor plan (Calascoves, Son Maimó, Cova Monja, Cala Morell), natural cavities (Avenc de Sa Punta, Son Matge, Sa Cometa des Morts, Son Bauçà), rectangular or circular masonry chambers (Son Real, S’Illot des Porros), reused ancient burials (Biniai Nou 2, Cova des Càrritx) and inhumations in pits or cists, sometimes on the ruins of Talaiotic buildings (Talaiot 1 of Son Ferrandell-Olesa, Son Oms)42. In certain cases, the dead were laid on wooden litters or in coffins made from hollowed-out tree trunks (Calescoves XXI, Son Boronat, Son Maimó) that sometimes had bull appliqués (Sa Punta) or contained pottery (Son Boronat). On other occasions collective burial sites containing disarticulated skeletons covered in lime are documented (Son Matge, Son Maimó)43. 41 42 43 Fernández-Miranda (1978). Enseñat Enseñat (1981). Rosselló-Bordoy (1973, 1979), Fernández-Miranda (1978), Tarradell and Hernández Gasch (1998).
158  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figure 15. Taula at Torralba d   en Salort  Menorca   photo  Felipe S...
THE BALEARIC ISLANDS: FROM STABLE HUMAN COLONISATION UNTIL THE ROMAN CONQUEST In Mallorca, pottery assemblages include new varieties of pots with out-turned rim, bowls, truncated-conical vessels, cups and jars, associated with a great variety of appliqués and handles. The clays incorporate vegetable tempers, but the traditional ground calcite is still added. In Menorca, the decorated double-bottomed vessels are striking. On both islands, pottery production was mainly local and still hand made. Imported pottery can be considered marginal until the fourth century, when wine began to be imported in amphorae from Ibiza on a more regular basis. Bronze artefacts include pieces used for politicalideological practices, such as tauromorphic (Fig. 16) or simply horn-shaped figures, images of warriors or gods of war, “little doves”, tintinabulla and bells44. The decorated lead plaques also had a similar function. The metal catalogue is completed with objects made of iron, such as antennae swords, knives, awls and spiral adornments. Stone production concentrated on the manufacture of spherical hammerstones, grinding stones and sling bullets. In the bone industry, it is worth mentioning the taps, possible stoppers made from the end of a bovine femur which usually form part of grave goods. The diet depended more on the products of arable farming. Differences in the size, organisation and content of houses and also the individualisation of grave goods of high social value suggest that economic and political inequalities had become entrenched. The construction of fortifications and the presence of weapons, such as swords and slings, also indicate that violence played an important part in social relations. It should not be forgotten in this respect that the classical written sources mention contingents of Balearic slingers fighting in the Carthaginian armies from at least the end of the fifth century up to the Second Punic War. This implies armed groups with a certain degree of discipline and fighting experience45. The post-Talaiotic or “Balearic” period, the latter an increasingly common term in Mallorcan archaeo- 44 45 Rosselló-Bordoy (1973, 1979), Delibes and FernándezMiranda (1988), Gual (1993). Lull et alii (2001). Figure 16. Bronze bull head from Costitx, Mallorca (photo: Museo Arqueologico Nacional). logy, saw profound transformations from the Talaiotic society that came before it, and the opening up of island communities to a Mediterranean world marked by rivalry between great powers. The Balearic Islands fell within the orbit of Carthage and Ibiza, as we can see from settlements such as Na Guardis46 and the abundance of amphorae originating in Ibiza. However, in the third century Italic productions enter the archaeological record, announcing the advent of new times. The sources tell us that the army of the consul Quintus Caecilius Metellus disembarked in Mallorca in AD 123, putting an end to Balearic political autonomy. 46 Guerrero (2007). 159
THE BALEARIC ISLANDS  FROM STABLE HUMAN COLONISATION UNTIL THE ROMAN CONQUEST  In Mallorca, pottery assemblages include ne...
Marisa Ruiz-Gálvez* The Atlantic Iberia: a threshold between East and West Introduction Just as Fernand Braudel devoted the first volume of his work The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean World in the Age of Philip II to explaining the structural features that define the Mediterranean world and Mediterranean people’s way of life and seeing that world, it is impossible to understand the people of the Atlantic seaboard of the Iberian Peninsula without first making a reference to what we mean by the Atlantic identity. Spain has the second highest average altitudes in Europe after Switzerland. The high Meseta of central Spain has an average height of around 700 m asl, divided in half by the Central Mountain Range, and is surrounded by other high mountains that form a notable barrier to Central-Periphery communications and contribute to the isolation of the Atlantic coastal regions from the interior. From a geological point of view, the Atlantic region of the Peninsula consists of a substrate of granites, gneiss and slate that in combination with the typically rainy climate produce acid soils poor in nutrients, which, with prehistoric agricultural technology, dictates its flexible use and, until the introduction of innovations in farming in the transition from the second to the first millennium BCE, is not favourable for the stabilisation of the population on arable land. I should make it clear that I am not talking about nomadism, but rather a pattern of regular and systematic mobility around a territory. That same geological substrate also explains why the greatest mineral resources of Iberia, in particular tin, but also copper and alluvial gold, are concentrated in the granite and metamorphic massifs of Western Iberia. The third geographical feature that determines the particular characteristics of the Iberian Atlantic population is the remodelling its shores as a result of the Flandrian transgression, which produced flooded valleys, almost fiords, as seen in the Galician rías or the mouths of the Portuguese rivers Aveiro, Monde* Universidad Complutense de Madrid, marisar.gp@ghis. ucm.es go and Tagus or very wide seawater gulfs, as in the case of the combined estuary rivers Guadalquivir and Guadalete, the Vinalopó or the Ria de Huelva outlets (Fig. 1). In conclusion, while the mountains are barriers that make Center and Periphery communications very difficult, the rivers and shores help them, so traditionally, it was easier to travel by sea than overland, and where this was not possible, a few strategic passes that articulate communications through the interior would be of key importance. All these features explain the strategic value both in a profane and in a sacred way, of the topographical features of Western Iberia, that favour and structure movement, and also the fact that they frequently act as landmarks or markers in the physical and symbolic landscape. Absolute chronology and Phases Since the 1996’s monograph devoted to 14C and the chronology of Late Iberian Prehistory1, other works for Western Iberia have taken up and discussed 14C dating2. In keeping with that, this chapter will make a distinction between two main phases, an Earlier Bronze Age, which covers the traditional Early and Middle Bronze Age between 2300/2200-1600/1500 cal BCE (Early Bronze Age), and 1600/1500-1250 cal BCE (Middle Bronze Age) and a Later Bronze Age between1250 and 850 cal BCE. I am encompassing the Early and Middle Bronze Age Phases under a single term –Earlier Bronze Age– because they represent a continuum in the trend towards the invisibility of settlement and the impoverishment of the funerary world that began in early Second millennium cal BCE, and became more acute around 1600 cal BCE. Hence the division between the Early Bronze Age and the Middle Bronze Age is not arbitrary, but acknowledges a sudden change in the archaeological record. 1 2 Castro et al., 1996. Betencourt, 2010; García y Odriozola, 2012.
Marisa Ruiz-G  lvez   The Atlantic Iberia  a threshold between East and West  Introduction Just as Fernand Braudel devoted...
162 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figure 1. Map of the Iberia showing the coast of Portugal, Ría de Huelva, Tartessian Gulf and Gulf of Elche in antiquity. García and Odriozola3 suggest that there was a marked break with earlier practices in the peninsular SW around 1600 cal BCE, with settlement patterns becoming lesser stable, a fact that, as these authors point out, is not an isolated case. Paleoenviromental reconstructions in the NW of Iberia suggest that the climate cooled between 1600 and 1400 cal BCE. This fact was combined with a rainfall decrease that started in the early Second Millennium BC and with processes of erosion caused by human action. As a result, settlements became archaeologically less visible4 Data from other Iberian areas and beyond confirm a phase of cooling in the mid-second millennium cal BCE5. The lower limit of this phase, around the midtwelfth century BCE is determined, less by environmental changes or in the settlement pattern, which continued to be practically invisible, than by developments in the East and Central Mediterranean that 3 4 5 García and Odriozola, 2012. Castro et al., 1999a and b; Martínez et al., 2014; Helama et al., 2013. Fábregas et al., 2003. gradually began to affect processes of reorganisation of the Atlantic region. The Earlier Bronze Age (2300/2200-1250 calBCE) The settlement pattern Settlement in the Atlantic region in the Earlier Bronze Age was generally ephemeral, which would seem to reveal some degree of mobility even at the beginning of this phase. Data in the NW suggest a progressive relocation of settlements on the slopes of high plateaus from the Bell Beaker period onwards (mid-Third millennium cal BCE) and continuity in the material culture and location from this phase to the Earlier Bronze Age, while at the same time the settlement was becoming increasingly “invisible”. Fábregas attributes this invisibility to the absence of systematic programmes of surveying and excavation in the region. This author asserts that there are open-air settlements whose chronology overlaps with that of open-air rock art –petroglyphs– and the open sites are located both in low lying areas as at
162  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figure 1. Map of the Iberia showing the coast of Portugal, R  a de Hu...
THE ATLANTIC IBERIA: A THRESHOLD BETWEEN EAST AND WEST Figure 2. Trastejón and Atalaya (according to Hurtado et al., 2011). mid altitudes, so that these sites belong to the people who carved and codified messages on the petroglyphs, among others, those regulating rights about the use of uplands resources6. This is suggested by the surface dispersion of domestic pottery, some of it with typical Bronze Age features, in places where there were petroglyphs or tumuli burials associated with high pastures and paths and tracks connecting lowland and upland areas. Anyway this does not invalidate the idea of greater instability or mobility in the Bronze Age, since we lack of sites with thick stratigraphies that would indicate stability in sites, although, of course, nobody doubts that the NW area was inhabited at that time. Hence other authors have suggested changes in lifestyles between the Copper Age and the Bronze Age with greater emphasis on herding supplemented by fishing and horticulture in the latter, and that therefore, humid areas were in greater demand7. In Northern Portugal it has been claimed a population increase during the Earlier Bronze Age8 and, indeed, there is some archaeological record, funerary as well as of other kind, but, on the contrary, settlement record is poor, since Copper Age fortified settlements either were abandoned or reduced their size or were even destroyed in the Early Bronze Age and there is scarce investment in lasting structures9. Obviously, people went on inhabiting the same territory as in the previous phase, but evidences point to a less stable way of living than before10. The same is true in other parts of Portugal11. Only two areas in the Atlantic SW seem to record stable population in at least part of the Earlier Bronze Age. One is the Huelva Northern Mountain Range, where there are walled and terraced sites like Trastejón (Fig. 2) and La Papúa, connected with the copper ores and with the control of the main natural routes that connect the area with Southern Extremadura. But there are also smaller open-air sites in the area, such as Castañuelo II and Bujada, although they are also situated in high places where access to agricultural land is difficult. This is confirmed by pollen and soil analysis. These sites were apparently abandoned around 1600-1500 cal BCE and neither El Trastejón nor Chiflón are occupied again until the Late Bronze Age12. Lower Extremadura is the second area with stable settlement. Here, as in other Atlantic areas, the previous Third millennium BCE sites became either destroyed or abandoned. One of the few relatively 9 6 7 8 Bradley et al., 1995. Santos, 2008. Jorge, 2000. 10 11 12 Jorge 2000; Jorge and Rubinos, 2002. Bettencourt, 2000. Rocha, 2001. Hurtado et al., 2011; García and Odriozola, 2012. 163
THE ATLANTIC IBERIA  A THRESHOLD BETWEEN EAST AND WEST  Figure 2. Trastej  n and Atalaya  according to Hurtado et al., 201...
164 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figure 3. Rectangular building of Alange (according to Pavón, 2008) stable settlements was Alange. The site controls physically the ford across the Matachel river and visually, other major passes through the Middle Guadiana and the main routes between this area and the middle of the Guadalquivir valley. Therefore, Alange could reflect a changing strategy of landscape control, more focussed now on controlling key points on the network of communications13. Although a walled enclosure may have existed, domestic structures are scarce, perhaps due to post-depositional factors. Just a couple of huts are documented, dated respectively to between 2040-1660 cal BCE (Beta 68668), in level IV, and between 2200-1740 cal BCE (Beta 68669) 14 in level VI15, although pottery for storage and consumption is abundant. This shows that the site must have been more densely occupied than the structures preserved suggest. A large rectangular building built on a platform would belong to this occupation. According to the record, it was apparently used for storing grain16 (Fig. 3). A final phase of occupation is separated from the preceding phase, after a single date (Beta 68667= 1520-1050 cal BCE), so, it seems to have been a hiatus in the occupation of the Alange site that would confirm that this break in occupation occurred around1600 cal BCE17. Abundant items belong to this phase, amongst them Cogotas-type Meseta pottery with geometric motifs filled with white clay18, but no remains of domestic 13 14 15 16 17 18 Pavón, 1998. Dates that overlap at 1 . Pavón, 1998. Pavón, 2008. García and Odriozola, 2012. Pavón, 1998. structures have been preserved. This may have been due to post-depositional events, or to repeated, but less stable occupation, as happens with the Cogotas sites in the Central Meseta19. The fact is that from the mid-second millennium cal BCE onwards, the lesser visibility of the population is a widespread phenomenon in the Atlantic region. This, at least, is what is suggested by the “pit fields”, that is, storage structures or middens, usually associated with recurrent but brief periods of occupation, which form horizontal instead of vertical stratigraphies. This is the case of the site at El Carrascalejo20, close to the Aljucén river basin, an area that was frequently flooded until the course of the river was diverted in the 1950s, where there are thirty or so of these pits. The pottery, of Cogeces type, that connects the site with the Central Meseta and a 14C date on a short-life sample (1690-1510 BCE) agree to a date in the mid-second millennium BCE for the site, and to a cleared holm-oak wood and scrub scenery. This latter is attributed to the preponderance of bovines within the local livestock21. Small “pit field” sites are known in other Portuguese areas at similar dates22. The funerary record The funerary record mirrors the housing evidence, since, although we know of necropolis, they gradually 19 20 21 22 Jimeno, 2001. Enríquez y Drake, 2007. Duque y Pérez, 2007. Tavares y Soares, 2001; Jorge y Rubinos, 2002.
164  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figure 3. Rectangular building of Alange  according to Pav  n, 2008  ...
THE ATLANTIC IBERIA: A THRESHOLD BETWEEN EAST AND WEST become more “impersonal” between the Late Copper Age and the Earlier Bronze Age, in the sense that they hardly allow us to detect possible vertical differences in the society, nor can we identify a funerary ritual that could be strictly representative of the Atlantic Earlier Bronze Age. Quite on the contrary, burial formulas vary greatly within the same region, from the reuse of Neolithic monuments until a late date, to the use of cists, pits or tumuli, which sometimes vary little from those of earlier periods, while grave goods become progressively simpler23. The characteristics of the latter vary slightly between the NW and SW of the Peninsular. Thus in the NW we cannot really talk about necropolis but of isolated burials, accompanied by metal artefacts connected with the preceding Bell Beaker phase, such as daggers or Palmela points and occasionally items of adornment made of gold, but without the typical Bell Beaker pottery. In view of the acid condition of the Atlantic soils, we just can guess, according to the size of the graves that we are dealing with individual burials, the richest of which could have belonged to high-rank men as they combine male emblems with gold or silver items. These are, for instance the cases in the Atios, (Pontevedra) and Carnota (La Coruña) cist-graves, which contained a copper dagger and gold and silver adornments in the first case and a dagger and an archer’s wrist-guard, in the second24 (Fig. 4). But, with the exception of these cists or the occasional metal grave goods found in burials under tumuli whose absolute dates put them at the dawn of the Bronze Age25, it would be difficult to date many of these burials to the Bronze Age were it not for their radiocarbon datings, since the absence of grave goods and their tumular forms suggest older traditions26. Others contain little more than a characteristic ceramic vessel such as truncated-cone shaped vessels or, in the middle of the second millennium cal BCE, pots with a broad horizontal rim (Fig. 5), and are deposited in megaliths, in tumuli burials or in a pit27, so it seems that symbolic and social strategies are expressed in other ways and not, as in earlier periods, through the funerary ritual. In the SW we can in fact talk about necropolis in the sense of the grouping of a significant number of localised burials within a defined space, sometimes located close to a walled site, as in the case of El Trastejón or La Papúa28, or beside open-air settlements such as Chichina (Seville), el Castañuelo (Huelva) and in 23 24 25 26 27 28 Bettencourt, 2010. Ruiz-Gálvez, 1998. Ruiz-Gálvez, 1998. Betencourt, 2010. Bettencourt, 2010. Hurtado et al., 2011. Figure 4. Earlier Bronze Age cists and grave goods of the NW (according to Ruiz-Gálvez, 1998). some sites of Alemtejo29. In other cases, such as the burials at Las Minitas de Almendralejo (Badajoz), they are thought to be associated with a farm or hamlet dependent on a larger site like Alange30. Most of them are simple burials with little more than a ceramic vessel, rarely decorated, as in Huelva, or in the shape of a flask with grooved decoration, as in Alentejo and Extremadura, and with scarce social differentiation regarding age and sex/ gender. In Extremadura, where skeletal remains are better preserved than in the acid soils of Huelva, the cemeteries seem to contain mainly adults, pottery being associated with male and copper awls with female burials31. In the Huelva burials, the total number of metal artefacts linked to burials is very low: Barely a bronze halberd in Traviesa grave 5 belonging to an adult/old male; some rare daggers or arrowheads in the La Papúa burials; some silver, copper and, exceptionally, gold adornments in El Becerrero or La Papúa, etc. Significantly, in many of these necropolis just one cist stands out as larger than the others, and it is also usually the one that contains more elaborate grave goods. When we can attribute age and sex to the dead buried there, the most elabo29 30 31 Soares y Tavares, 1995. Pavón, 2008. Pavón, 2008. 165
THE ATLANTIC IBERIA  A THRESHOLD BETWEEN EAST AND WEST  become more    impersonal    between the Late Copper Age and the E...
166 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figure 5. Bowls with broad horizontal rim (according to Betencourt, 2010). rate are those of adult males32. So, it seems that we are dealing here with what Hayden33 called transegalitarian societies, i.e. the ones that are not entirely egalitarian but not clearly stratified either. C14 dates place these cemeteries in the early second millennium cal BCE and before 1600 BCE. Significantly, the few decorated potsherds found in these cemeteries belong to the Central Meseta Cogeces type. They help to date the latest life period of these necropolis34, due that in settlements are connected with a more unstable pattern of occupation. This allows us to identify it as an emblem of a male and warrior ideal and, from the type of weapon, we can date them to the Later Bell Beaker/Earlier Bronze period. What is significant about these stelae is the context in which they appear, always linked with points that are physically and symbolically perceived as liminal, such as fords, mountain passes, bodies of water, etc.36 Thus, when we know their exact location, as in the case of those from Collado de Sejos, (Santander)37, Peñatu de Vidiago, Asturias38, Valdefuentes de Sangusín, (Salamanca)39, those of the Sierra de Nave (Beira Alta)40, and a few more41, we see that all of them are located on the boundary of two complementary ecological niches and at points that are perceived as symbolic thresholds or points of transition. Even when the original position is unknown, as in the case of the one from Tremedal de Tormes (Salamanca)42, the Late Latin etymology of the place name Tremedal suggests that it was situated near a subterranean water source. The armed male iconography allow us to think that a group, perhaps its descendants, is evoking a mythical ancestor, and the location of the stele, disconnected from any necropolis, suggests that they are claiming rights, not so much on land, but on the access to critical resources for a livestock economy as the summer pastures. So, it was the control of key points on the axes of mobility and entry what became then the focus of rivalry and display of power (Fig. 6). A recurrent feature in the Atlantic area is, as we have seen, the reuse of Neolithic monuments, or tumular constructions linked to earlier periods, since even the cists of the SW adopt the megalithic form35. But it also seems to point at changes in social strategies from the control of the territory through the tumuli in the Neolithic period and defensive sites and cemeteries in the Copper Age, to the control in the Earlier Bronze Age of those routes and passages that articulated mobility of people, flocks or goods. This would explain two things: On one hand the gradual loss of visibility and symbolic investment in the cemeteries, and the location of stelae and hoards at points imbued with a symbolism that was both sacred and profane. Anthropomorphic stelae and hoards 1) The first group includes a series of freestanding stone depictions, generally with the lower part cut away so that they can be driven vertically into the ground, of variable height but with similar figurative features: a shield-shaped, vaguely anthropomorphic effigy, together with the portrayal of a dagger. 36 37 38 32 33 34 35 García Sanjuán, 1998. Hayden 1995. Hurtado et al., 2011. Hurtado et al., 2011. 39 40 41 42 da Cruz y Santos, 2011. Bueno et al., 1985. de Blas, 2002. Santonja and Santonja, 1978. da Cruz y Santos, 2011. Ruiz-Gálvez, 1998. López et al., 1996.
166  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figure 5. Bowls with broad horizontal rim  according to Betencourt, 2...
THE ATLANTIC IBERIA: A THRESHOLD BETWEEN EAST AND WEST Figure 7. Sword of Entrambasaguas and its find place (according to de Blas, 2011) Figure 6. Anthropomorphic stele from Ataúdes (Guarda, Portugal) (according to Vilaça, 2001). 2) Metal hoards are the second typical feature of the Atlantic area. They are related in a polysemous way, with the control of key points structuring natural routes and in turn, with rites of passage, but they are never linked with dwelling sites or with cemeteries. However, where we know the exact position and circumstances of their find, we can differentiate two kinds of hoards, each of which seems to respond to a different motivation: Those consisting of axes, halberds or some small tool, that is, those that combine objects of different social value –arms and tools– usually appear directly under the ground, under a stone or in a vessel43. This is the case of the hoard found at Roufeiro (Orense), contained in a clay vessel but not associated with a settlement or necropolis44. According to this, it can be interpreted as a profane hoard made of raw material for recasting45. In contrast, isolated swords and daggers appear in caves or rock crevices, i.e. at those physical points, that in many cosmogonies are conceived as holes, mouths, thresholds or entrances to the underworld, that is, as thresholds or liminal points that, as M. Eliade explains46, are the meeting point on an Axis Mundi, between Order and Chaos and between the area won to the nature and occupied by living beings and the wild regions, the underworld. This is the case of the swords from Cuevallusa and Entrambasaguas (Cantabria), recently reviewed by de Blas47, which were found in a cave (Fig. 7), like the one from Forcás (Orense)48. The sword from Sabero (León) was found embedded in a hill overlooking the joining of two rivers, that is, on a crossroads and also a boundary. That could have been also the case of that from Castelo Bom (Portugal), found by chance in a quarry49. Of other swords, such as those of Cea50, and that found in the La Perla sandbank, in Madrid, we just know that they were found close to a river. Although, all of them are isolated finds in the sense that they were associated neither with settlements nor burials, they do not lacked of context, since they were found in places that human beings of the time perceived as boundaries between the world of the living and that of the dead51. Nevertheless, we cannot rule out in this case as in the case of the profane hoards, that a kind of visible landmark 46 47 48 43 44 45 Ruiz-Gálvez, 1998. Comendador, 1995. Bradley, 1990; Ruiz-Gálvez, 1995. 49 50 51 Eliade, 1972: 19. Almagro, 1972 y 1976; Blas 2011. Obermeier, 1923. Castro and Vasco, 1957. Delibes et al., 1982. Ruiz-Gálvez, 1995. 167
THE ATLANTIC IBERIA  A THRESHOLD BETWEEN EAST AND WEST  Figure 7. Sword of Entrambasaguas and its    nd place  according t...
168 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE of perishable material may have been associated to them, as we know in ethnographically recorded cases52. In short, greater mobility connected to a mainly livestock-based economy and whit it, to certain invisibility in the landscape, seems the prevailing trend in the Atlantic area at the Earlier Bronze Age. The Later Bronze Age (1250-825 BCE) Several factors help us to put the upper and lower chronological limits of this phase. These include the collapse of the Mediterranean palatial systems in the mid-thirteenth century BCE and the emergence of a kind of entrepreneur trade in the Central Mediterranean, where there were eastern Mediterranean traders settled from the mid-second millennium BCE. Some were from the Aegean but they also came from Cyprus and the Levant53. This situation favoured the process of opening up new routes and will ended up with the foundation of Phoenician colonies around the late quarter of the ninth century cal BCE. of origin and suggest that, together with technical skills, other forms of knowledge were also being introduced, both symbolic, relating to the representation of power, and practical, concerning agricultural techniques. The result of this interaction would be translated into a greater visibility, population stability and stronger territorial structures in the next phase, as seen below. It should be emphasised that these imports are not always found in the Atlantic area, but sometimes on the Spanish Levant or in the interior of Andalusia. The explanation could be found in the fact that sea routes to the Pillars of Hercules meant that according to winds and currents ships had to sail along the Spanish Levant. Also, there were settlements in these areas that, in contrast to the general panorama, were permanently occupied and were accessible from the coast or by combined coastal and river navigation. From East to West, then, these early imports which, I repeat, I consider to be important because they reveal the presence –seasonal or permanent– of trade diasporas long before Semitic colonial settlements appeared can be analysed as follows: First Phase 1250-1100/000 cal BCE During this phase settlement is still not very visible, because sites are of the pit-fields type, with horizontal rather than vertical stratigraphies, as happened in the Earlier Bronze Age too. However, we do find the first signs of imports that indicate the extension of Mediterranean routes towards the Pillars of Heracles and, more important still, the settlement of foreigners within local communities. Because, more than imports, it is the transfer of know how to local communities as the use of lox wax, rotary techniques, soldering, etc., what is recorded. As in Mycenaean Italy, the transfer of knowledge needed a close contact between master and apprentice, and it suggests a model similar to Curtin’s trade diasporas54. The aforementioned author described trade diasporas as a response to the need of cross-cultural brokers when cultural differences between traders and the local community makes it necessary to have someone who can be trusted to act as an agent, even if a colony as such did not exist. We have very good historical examples of similar situations. I shall begin by setting out the data that support the idea that foreign agents settled on an individual basis amongst the local population, and then I shall propose their possible places 52 53 54 Tatár, 1991; Bradley, 2000. Castellana, 1998; Vagnetti, 1998; Mederos, 2005; RuizGálvez, 2013. Curtin, 1984: 3. The treasure of Villena (Alicante) This is an assemblage of 67 items including a gold and silver set for eating and drinking, as well as ingotbracelets, most of which have been cut although they show signs of use55, sheets of possible gold foil that may have covered the hilts of weapons, an iron ring and an iron object inlaid with gold and another appliqué in amber inlaid with gold. The gold hoard was an accidental discovery. The archaeologist Dr. Soler56 carried out test digs in the finding place, called locally la Rambla del Panadero, a dry riverbed subject to seasonal flash floods, which led to the recovery of the entire assemblage. It was found inside a big urn, similar to the Late Bronze Age pottery (thirteenth century BCE) of the neighbouring site of Cabezo Redondo. The urn was deposited directly in a pit open in the river bend. The place is at a crossroads between two important natural routes. Some months before, another small assemblage of gold items had been recovered in a nearby gravel pit which was also close to Cabezo Redondo57. The site with which both finds appear to be linked is a strategic place overlooking the Vinalopó corridor and the routes between the coast, which was closer then, and the interior of the Meseta Central 55 56 57 Perea, 2001-2002. Soler, 1965. Soler, 1965.
168  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  of perishable material may have been associated to them, as we know i...
THE ATLANTIC IBERIA: A THRESHOLD BETWEEN EAST AND WEST I pottery from the site and then, the set could have been an introductory gift. Even more exotic is the iron item inlaid with gold, as if it were a piece of jewellery, i.e., prized as an exotic raw material, just as happens with one of the daggers in Tutankhamen’s grave goods. Given that the Mycenaean palaces did not developed an iron technology, this item and also the iron bracelet in the treasure of Villena should be dated after the palace collapse and before the introduction of the iron technology in Iberia by the Phoenicians61. The iron item was topped with a doubleended nail, to be inserted a second piece, apparently, a sword hilt62. Figure 8. Find of the Treasure of Villena (Alicante) (according to Soler, 1965) and Upper Andalusia through the mountain passes of Almansa and Caudete58. There are no mineral ores in this area although there are in Upper Andalusia, but there are abundant salt flats, still in use in the fifteenth century AD, as a result of the gradual drying out of a wetland nearby. All these resources explain why the area has been historically devoted to cattle breeding. Twenty 14C dates exist for Cabezo Redondo, with two successive occupations, the first in the Earlier Bronze Age, between 1890-1540 BCE and the second from 1450-1190 BCE, although most of the dates are concentrated between 1600-1300 cal BCE59. The treasure of Villena is possibly a keimelion in the Homeric sense, representing the physical and symbolic capital of a leader and his family (Fig. 8). Its relevance to my point is that the hoard contained both raw materials and symbolic codes that were foreign to the local community. For example, the eating and drinking set of precious metal were not local, either in terms of the hammering technique used to make the bowls and flasks in the set60, or in the actual concept of using precious bowls for banquets. One and the other show an Eastern Mediterranean origin, although it is possible that the garland decoration on the gold bowls reproduces that of the Cogotas In Iberia as well as in the Atlantic area, nails were unknown and pins or rivets were used instead to attach the hilt to the blade of a weapon. However, nails began to be used in Cyprus in the thirteenth century BCE63. A second object consisted of a piece of amber inlaid in gold and, although it has not been analysed, its treatment as an exotic object suggests its foreign provenance, perhaps the Central Mediterranean, outlet of the amber route thanks to the presence of Mediterranean traders on its shores. Finally, the ingot-bracelets with their complex decoration of spikes were made using the lost wax and rotary techniques, neither of which were known in the Iberian Peninsula64. The second hoard, the so-called little treasure of Villena, contains thirty-five pieces of gold, including diadems, ribbons and bell-shaped pendants, the latter similar to those found at Purullena65 in Upper Andalucía, a synchronic site with Cabezo Redondo, and also a fragment of ingot and another of a bracelet with spikes. All this suggests a similar chronology to that of the preceding treasure. This second assemblage could be interpreted either as a goldsmith’s hoard or a keimelion or personal wealth. We shall never know whether both treasures belonged to the same person, or the identity of its owner or owners, but in my opinion66 it is clear that as well the techniques as the exotic raw materials used in both treasures imply that one or more foreigners were settled in the area, and had brought their knowhow with them. This last point is important in view that the technology by which the Villena ingot-bracelet was made stands in the origin of a typical Atlantic gold-work, the so called Villena-Estremoz type. This proves also 61 62 63 58 59 60 Ruiz-Gálvez, 1998 y 2013. Hernández, 2009-2010. Armbruster, 2002-2003: 151. 64 65 66 Ruiz-Gálvez, 1998. Pellicer, 1998. Catling, 1964: 138. Perea, 2001-2002. Hernández, 2001-2002: 214. Ruiz-Gálvez, 1998; id., 2013. 169
THE ATLANTIC IBERIA  A THRESHOLD BETWEEN EAST AND WEST  I pottery from the site and then, the set could have been an intro...
170 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE that, rather than imports, there were foreign codes and techniques the ones which were being transferred and adapted locally into the Atlantic area67. Wheel-made pottery in the Upper and Middle Guadalquivir. Figure 9. Wheel-made pottery from Andalusia A remarkable finding took place in the 80’s at the Late Bronze Age site of Montoro. It consists of two wheel-made sherds from the Mycenae-Berbatti workshop. Unfortunately, the size of the sherds did not allow a reconstruction of their shape, so Podzuweit68, who studied them, could do little more than suggest that they were not LHIIIC because of the good quality of the glaze, and dated them to the thirteenth century BCE from the indigenous context of the find, associated with Cogotas I pottery and conventionally dated to that period. He further speculated with the possibility that the Mycenaean sherds could belong to the LHIIIB (thirteenth century BCE) or perhaps LHIIIA2 (fourteenth century BCE), a time when Mycenaean trade was expanding in the Tyrrhenian Sea. Although the levels above and below those to which the sherds of Mycenaean pottery belong have been dated by 14C, the standard deviation of the samples is very high, making their ranges of probability so wide that they are practically useless in terms of the History of the Mediterranean69. However, they have proved useful for reconsidering other finds of wheel-turned pottery in Bronze Age contexts that had previously been regarded as medieval intrusions or had even passed unnoticed. This was the case of the aforementioned site of Purullena in Upper Andalucía (vide supra). Here we are not dealing with Mycenaean pottery, but with a wheel-made pithos recovered from an indigenous hut with Cogotas I pottery and associated with two 14Cdates, one on carbon (GrN7285 3160±35= 1510-1320 cal BCE) and the other on seeds (GrN7284 3095±35=1440-1260 cal BCE)70. Torres71 has recently compared this pithos with Cypriot jars coming respectively from the Uluburum wreck and the Minoan house XA of the Cretan harbour of Kommos, both dated to the fourteenth century BC. Therefore, the aforementioned author proposes the same chronology for the Purullena pithos, on the basis of a date of 1420-1130 BCE at 1 obtained from seeds72. 67 68 69 70 71 72 Ruiz-Gálvez, 2013. Podzuweit, 1990. Ruiz-Gálvez, 2013; Martín de la Cruz, 2008. Arribas, 1976. Torres, 2008. Oxcal program 3.10. Figure 9. Wheel-made pottery from Andalusia (according with M. Torres). However, as with other containers used for transporting goods, these pithoi often had a very long life and, as I shall argue below, there are reasons for assuming thirteenth century BCE dates73. Other non-decorated wheel-turned pots have been found in indigenous contexts in Upper and Middle Andalusia, such as Montoro itself or Gatas. Perlines74, who has carried out archaeometric analysis, points out that these appear at two different chronological periods, the first associated with Cogotas I pottery (ca. 1300 BCE) and the second, later (ca. 1000 BCE), when Cogotas I pottery was being replaced by others with painted and impressed decoration, leading to the appearance of hand-made imitations of these wheeled potteries. In both cases, the archaeological contexts prove to be older than the first Phoenician colonies, to which the introduction of the potter’s wheel technology is attributed. This is interesting because, as I pointed out elsewhere, this fact, more than sporadic importations, 73 74 Ruiz-Gálvez, 2009. Perlines, 2005.
170  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  that, rather than imports, there were foreign codes and techniques th...
THE ATLANTIC IBERIA: A THRESHOLD BETWEEN EAST AND WEST suggests the settling among the natives and over an extended period of time, of someone who either brings wheel made pottery from abroad or produces it on the site (Fig. 9). The Berzocana hoard (Cáceres) The treasure of Berzocana was discovered by accident in the 1960s in a spot near the sierra of Villuercas75. The assemblage consisted of a very misshapen bronze bowl and two gold torques. The bowl was made using the lost wax method, unknown locally, but well-known in the Levant and Cyprus (Fig. 10). Years ago Almagro-Gorbea pointed to a Near Eastern origin for it76 and Torres77 claims that the bowl was an import of Canaanite/Cypriot manufacture, with good parallels in the hoard found at Jatt in Israel78, whose deposition could be dated to the eleventh or tenth century BCE, although it was possibly in use from the thirteenth century BCE onwards. Also, the locus 1739 of Megiddo VI produced a similar bowl79. The two massifs gold torques belongs to a well known type in Atlantic Iberia, even though they were cast by using a sophisticated casting-hammering and soldering technique80. Their weight, 750 gr. and 950 gr. respectively, is equivalent to 6½ and 8 times the Asia Minor shekel of 11.75* gr.81, an old unit of weight in the Eastern Mediterranean, which was in circulation in Northern Syria, Cyprus and the Central Mediterranean at the Early Iron Age (ca. 1200 BCE)82. Once again the evidence seems to reveal the presence of foreign craftsmen, in this case in the Atlantic area of Iberia, in contexts previous to the foundation of Phoenician colonies. Because only in this way could it be understandable the adoption of foreign techniques to produce something of just locally social value as the torques. However, these in turn represent an accumulation of wealth that was measured by the standard of weight in which the indigenous population would have carried out transactions with the members of those trade diasporas. It is the system used in the Central Italy-Greece-Cyprus-Syria region before the Northern Syria came under the influence of the kingdom of Tyre and Sidon at the beginning of the ninth century BCE83. 75 76 77 78 79 80 81 82 83 Almagro, 1977a. Almagro, 1977a. Torres, 2012. Artzy, 2006b. Harrison 2004: plate 32 nº 4-5. Perea, 1995: 73. Galán y Ruiz-Gálvez, 1996. Parise, 1985; Zaccagnini, 1991; Ruiz-Gálvez, 2003 y 2013. Ruiz-Gálvez, 2013. Figure 10. Treasure of Berzocana (Cáceres) (photo Susana Vicente, MAN.MECD) Place names ending in -oussa Another clue to the presence of peoples coming from Asia Minor and Greece in the Mediterranean far west is a series of place names ending in oussa, which linguists date to the Early Iron Age84, and that are concentrated significantly in three regions: A) the East of Greece and Asia Minor; B) Central Mediterranean C) Iberia. As for instance: Pithecoussa (Italy and North Africa)85, Ichnioussa (Sardinia), Kotinoussa, (one of the islands of Cadiz), Pitioussa (Ibiza), Kromyoussa (Mallorca), Ophioussa (Formentera and an unknown point in Galicia). They all are Eubean names and therefore suggest an ancient Euboean presence in the Mediterranean far west86. I want to draw attention to the fact that, except for Galician place name, whose exact location remains unknown, all of them are islands’ names. This fact suggests a process of navigation by using the islands as steps in a route. Some years ago, both López Pardo and Boardman suggested that Euboeans and Semites may have undertaken joint adventures westwards well before the process of colonization began87. Iconography of Mediterranean ships The petroglyph of Laxe Auga dos Cervos displays two different motifs on the same granite surface. At the top, a group of deer, a very frequent motif in open-air art in this area, have been carved. At the bottom and using a different carving technique, it was depicted a ship, whose characteristics can be easily recognised from its prow in the form of an animal head, and by the image of the open rowers gallery 84 85 86 87 Graciao, 1996. Boardman, 2006. Gracia Alonso, 1996. López Pardo, 2004; Boardman, 2006. 171
THE ATLANTIC IBERIA  A THRESHOLD BETWEEN EAST AND WEST  suggests the settling among the natives and over an extended perio...
172 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figure 11. Image of an “Aegean” type ship in a petroglyph at Auga dos Cebros and its position overlooking the entrance to the Oya bay (according to Costa y de la Peña, 2011, and Google Maps). and the rigging (Fig. 11). It belongs to the type of ship generically referred to as the Aegean type, because it is depicted on Mycenaean pottery of the LHIIIB2 and LHIIIC (1250/1200-1100 BCE), although it has also been found on other surfaces and in different contexts, such as the graffiti in the Carmel area (Israel), the reliefs of Medinet Habu or the graffiti of the Teneida oasis (Egypt)88. More interesting that the ship carving itself, is to understand why it was depicted in this place. The surface on which it was carved faces to the shore and to the cove of Santa Maria de Oya, one of the few bays in this part of the Rías Bajas that extend from the Miño mouth to the Ría de Vigo, a very straight, rocky and dangerous shoreline89. In short, the data suggest the following: 1) that individual Mediterranean trade agents were established amongst the native population, in a model similar to the Mycenaean trade in Central Mediterranean; 2) this process began in mid thirteenth century BCE, when innovations in naval technology, produced ships as the one depicted in Agua dos Cervos, capable of more directional routes; 3) This could have taken place when the palace system was collapsing; 4) All evidences point towards Italy or the islands of the Tyrrhenian Sea as the possible core area of these trade diasporas. In view that, not only the Aegean were settled the Central Mediterranean from the mid-second millennium BCE, but also the Cypriots and possibly North Syrian agents, since thirteenth century BCE describe a Syrian trade quarter 88 89 Artzy, 2007; Ruiz-Gálvez, 2013. Ruiz-Gálvez, 2013; Güimil y Santos, 2013. or karum in Eastern Cyprus, there are no reasons to think that these traders left their Central Mediterranean bases after the palace collapse. On the contrary, techniques, manufactured goods as well the standard systems of weights found at Berzocana suggest that they remained there90. Anyway, the history of colonisation teaches us that trading routes did not emerge ex novo, but, on the contrary, they overlapped and ultimately absorbed the local routes that preceded them. This also seems to be the case here. Because trade diasporas seem to have grown out of a series of natives routes connecting various points along the Atlantic shore of Europe and Northern Africa, by which, metal and other items, people, values and ideas - the latter more difficult to detect archaeologically - could have been circulating previously through the social networks of exchange. This would explain the early presence of a Rosnoën-type sword dating to the Atlantic Late Bronze Age I, in the mouth of the river Lukkus, in Larache (Morocco)91, where centuries later will be established the Phoenician colony of Lixus. This would explain also the finding of leaf-shaped swords deeply embedded into rock crevices or thrown into the waters of certain rivers at points where they were fordable. In either case, the meaning is the same. Fords and rock crevices symbolise a threshold or entry to another form of reality, the underworld, and should be understood in terms of funerary ritual, since the sword is part of the spiritual essence of its 90 91 Ruiz-Gálvez, 2013; Ruiz-Gálvez y Galán, 2013. Ruiz-Gálvez, 1998.
172  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figure 11. Image of an    Aegean    type ship in a petroglyph at Auga...
THE ATLANTIC IBERIA: A THRESHOLD BETWEEN EAST AND WEST Figure 12. Los Cascajos hoard (Logroño). According to Alonso & Jiménez, 2009. bearer. But all of them are also located at strategic points for the control of coastal/inland communications. That is why I have proposed elsewhere, that the deposition of weapons should be understood in the frame of competitive funerary rituals by which the descendants are claiming rights of ascension to rulership and of controlling key points in a communications network92. Of no lesser interest is the fact that most of the swords dating to this phase, the leaf-shaped type, are mainly located in the NW or W of the Peninsula, for example in the rivers Ulla and Sil in Galicia, in the river Órbigo in León, or in stretches of the middle course of the Tagus and the Guadiana, etc., more than in the SW, a region that, from the Orientalising period onwards, will be known as Tartessos. via Salamanca. That is, the point is located on an axis of communication between the Western Meseta and Portugal. Similarly, hoards of scrap intended for smelting may have been put inside ceramic urns or organic containers of leather or textile and deposited directly in the ground, perhaps as I have suggested above, marked by a landmark made of perishable materials. What matters is that they always appear beside crossroads, i.e., at neutral places and therefore, places of exchange. This is the case, amongst others, of the Los Cascajos hoard, with various broken up leaf-shaped swords, as well as spearheads and ferrules, located on the present day boundary between three municipalities and at the foot of a natural path that in the Roman times became the road connecting Burgos with Logroño93 (Fig. 12). The same can be said of swords embedded into the rocks, amongst others, that of Vilar Maior, whose find place overlooks a natural route that in the Roman period became the road from Merida to Astorga Once again, and as in the case of isolated finds of swords, in this phase most of the smelter’s hoards are located in the Meseta or in the NW and W half of the Peninsula rather than in the Guadalquivir area. 92 Ruiz-Gálvez, 1995. 93 Alonso and Jiménez, 2009. 173
THE ATLANTIC IBERIA  A THRESHOLD BETWEEN EAST AND WEST  Figure 12. Los Cascajos hoard  Logro  o . According to Alonso   Ji...
174 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE A second consequence of the reactivation of these Atlantic routes and those that connect the coast and the interior of the peninsula would be to increase the social value, among others, of cattle resources in Western Iberia. Derived of it, stands the process of territorial reorganization, attested by the SW warrior stelae. Although they started to be erected during the leaf-shaped sword phase, they are more typical of the next phase. That is why they will be analyzed next. Second phase (1100/1000-825 BCE) One remarkable feature of this Phase is the greater visibility of human settlement. This resulted of two factors, population growth and greater human stability in settlement sites. As this is not an isolated fact, but is common to the whole of Central-Western Europe, it has to be attributed to the introduction of agricultural techniques and know-how by the Mediterranean agents established in the Tyrrhenian area94. Strategic sites devoted to metal recycling, leather working or just offering landfall facilities on the routes between the Balearic Islands to NW Iberia emerge now on islands, peninsulas and key points, along coastal/inner routes. All of them were located so to control either maritime or overland routes. This proves that in the processes of population growth and stability, local, regional and international routes played an important role95. I shall comment on just four cases that exemplify the features of this latter phase. Middle Portugal hillforts with evidence of smelting, imports and weights at pre-Phoenician chronology A series of small hilltop settlements published by Vilaça96, in the Portuguese Beira and Spanish Extremadura, are set at the end of the route which was at that time formed by the small, deep inlets of the Tagus, Mondego and Aveiro river courses channelling resources from the interior –grazing lands and tin and alluvial gold from the Beiras and North of Extremadura– towards the exterior, and controlling in turn potential agricultural land. In them we find moulds and typical Atlantic Late Bronze Age bronze items –Huelva/Vénat type–. Also tools and iron items and, in addition, bronze weights belonging to multiples or fractions of the 9.4 gr. Mediterranean standard of weight, different then from the 7.9 gr. Phoenician shekel attested in Phoenician contexts such as the factory of Cerro del Villar, Quinta de Almaraz and Cancho Roano. Anyway, and although this unit has been identified as the Syrian shekel97, this is probably wrong, because their shapes (hexagonal, spheroid, bitroncoconic, discoid or octahedron), are unusual for the Syrian and Canaanean Late Bronze Age weights. Also, because the Syrian shekel went out of use around 1200 BC and was substituted at the Early Iron Age in Northern Syria by the microasiatic shekel of 11.75 gr. So, in my view, the 9.4 gr. weights discovered in Portuguese castros are in fact the 9.4 gr. Egyptian qdt, used as the foreign unit of reference of exchange for both North Phoenicia (the Sidonian area) and South Phoenicia (the Tyrian area) in the Early Iron Age. Because, until the mid-ninth century BCE when it was incorporated into the Tyrian Kingdom, Sidon controlled the routes to Northern Syria and Cyprus and perhaps through them, those to the Central Mediterranean. Both units, the 11.75 gr. shekel and 7.9 gr. shekel, have equivalences with the Egyptian qdt, since the latter is approximately 1¼ times the qdt and the former approximately ¾ of a qdt 98. The C14 range of dates, between the eleventh and the ninth century BCE for these Portuguese castros99, suggests that, although nothing proves that the Phoenicians were already there, we are witnessing of a moment of coexistence first, and absorption later100, of a route that connected Northern Syria, Eastern Cyprus and Eastern Greece with Italy and Sardinia, with the Tyrian route itself. This has already been suggested by Boardman101. I stress that if these weights are found in local contexts it is because natives are adopting the unit of value of the foreign traders in order to establish equivalences of value in their transactions with them, and this once again implies the existence of Semites, although not necessarily Tyrian, trade diasporas coexisting with local population. A good example of my point is the hoard at Cabeço de Maria Candal in the Portuguese Beira (Fig. 13). The assemblage, which came to light as a result of a chance find when planting vines, consists of tubular axes, single-bladed palstaves and a chisel, all of them characteristic of the Atlantic Late Bronze Age III metallurgy, as well as an interesting pair of smelter’s tongs of Near Eastern type and very well known in the Levant, Cyprus and Sardinia between the Later Bronze Age and the Early Iron Age. No less interesting is the fact that 97 98 94 95 96 Ruiz-Gálvez, 2013. Ruiz-Gálvez, 2013. Also in Vilaça, 2011b; Vilaça et al., 2012. 99 100 101 Vilaça, 2011b y Vilaça et al., 2012. Ruiz-Gálvez, 2013 and see Rahmdorf 2010. Vilaça, 2011b. Aubet, 2008: 185. Boardman, 1999.
174  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  A second consequence of the reactivation of these Atlantic routes and...
THE ATLANTIC IBERIA: A THRESHOLD BETWEEN EAST AND WEST Figure 13. Maria Candal hoard (Portugal) (according to Vilaça et al., 2012) the alloy of the smelter’s tongs differs from that of the rest of the hoard102. Although the presence of metal hoards is now ubiquitous throughout the Atlantic West, it is significant 102 Vilaça et al., 2012. that finds of carp’s tongue swords tend now to be concentrated in the SW and especially at the fords of the middle-lower course of the Guadalquivir or the Guadalete rivers, right in the middle of the Tartessian gulf103. This leads me to the second point of my argument: 103 Ruiz-Gálvez, 1995. 175
THE ATLANTIC IBERIA  A THRESHOLD BETWEEN EAST AND WEST  Figure 13. Maria Candal hoard  Portugal   according to Vila  a et ...
176 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figure 14. Idealised reconstruction of the hoard found in the waters of the Ría de Huelva (Drawing according to RuizGalvez, 1995. Photo: MAN.MECD.) The presence of Semites in Huelva and the Ría de Huelva weapons hoard Other weights of the same 9.4 g. unit similar to those analysed above, although in lead, come from the town of Huelva, together with an assemblage of Sardinian, Villanovan, Cypriot, Euboean-Cycladic, Attic and Phoenician pottery. Although they come from systematic collection, this did not occur in the course of an excavation104. Therefore we ignore the exact context of such important finds and we can only guess according to the C14 dating, that a trading post could have been at work here, more than a century before the first colonies were set. Among the Phoenician wares there are not redburnished plates of narrow rim, typical of the first Phoenician colonies in Iberia, but on the contrary, others are related to Tyre IV, and therefore, are to be dated prior to the foundation of the firsts colonies. The same can be said of the Attic and Eubean-Cycaldic ware. Among the other ware sampled, there are local stroke burnished ware, Cypriot black-on-red, Sardinian brocche askoide with cerchielli decoration, and a few sherds of Villanovian pottery. Three 14C dates on bone range between 930-830 BCE and suggest a period of around a century or a century and a half during which the port of Huelva was visited by Mediterranean traders before the first Phoenician colonies were set. Some scholars consider that all the aforementioned imports points to a single Phoenician trader105. Others, including myself, believe that the situation was probably more complex and could have involved, at 104 105 González et al., 2004. González et al., 2004. least initially, trade agents from Northern Phoenicia but based on points of the Tyrrhenian Sea, together –why not?– with some local population106, since once again the weight system recorded in Huelva is not the Phoenician shekel of 7.9 gr. attested in colonial contexts from the ninth century BCE onwards. In this context the interpretation of the assemblage of carp’s tongue swords, spears, ferrules, helmets and items of clothing and personal adornment as funerary offering, potlatch or hecatomb, associated with rites of passage and succession to leadership makes sense. The Ría de Huelva is not only a symbolic mouth, that is, a point of transition from one form of reality to another: life and death, but also a physical mouth for the entrance/exit of the rich mineral and cattle resources of the Huelva hinterland. The set of 14C dates allow us to date this water deposit around the tenth century BCE, that is, at the time when a trading post was emerging in Huelva (Fig. 14). So, in this case as in other water findings of carp’s tongue sword, it is not outstanding that they were found in fords or outlets of the most important rivers of the SW of Iberia. On the contrary they mirror a process of territoriality, and control by local elites of those key points that allow access to resources now increasingly demanded107 . SW warrior stelae and the heroic ancestor The so-called Late Bronze Age warrior stelae are characteristics of the periphery of the coastal SW area, where acid soils are more suitable for a mainly livestock economy and where a pattern of stable set106 107 Ruiz-Gálvez, 2013. Ruiz-Gálvez, 1995.
176  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figure 14. Idealised reconstruction of the hoard found in the waters ...
THE ATLANTIC IBERIA: A THRESHOLD BETWEEN EAST AND WEST about 2 m to less than 1 m and its iconography that combines weapons, or weapons plus human figures, chariots, toiletry and musical instruments, must be understood as an emblem, that is, as a symbolic language of power and not as representing true objects. On the basis of multivariate analysis on the various combinations of the emblems they contain, Galán109 identified six groups of stelae associated with specific territories. It is interesting to note that, with the exception of group 1, which is located in Upper Extremadura and the Beiras, the human figure appears in all of them. Also that their composition becomes more complex the closer they get to the SW. Recently Galán and I110, have suggested that the iconography of the stelae echoes the Semitic ideology of the King as Good Shepherd of his patrimonial kingdom and the celebration of the Marzeâh or banquet shared between the gods and the semi-divine ancestors, an aspect that would explain the lyres depicted on some stelae in the SW (Fig. 16). Figure15. Warrior stele of Solana de Cabañas (Cáceres). Photo: Susana Vicente MAN.MEDC. tlement develops a bit late, on the eve of the Iron Age. It does not mean that there were not frontiers and territories in a political sense. Quite on the contrary, the stelae that are not connected either to settlements or to burials convey the process of emergence of territoriality108. They should be understood in connection with groups of cattle herders and the control of such a strategic resource as pastures, claimed by invoking descend of an ancestor, and all of them are located at the boundary of two complementary niches. They are set next to mountain passes and areas traditionally considered frontiers between the main grazing areas. The stelae are carved from stone, and were meant to be placed standing. Their height varies from To this power ideology, based on the image of the king as patrimonial shepherd and widespread in the Eastern and Central Mediterranean after the palace collapse, belong a new male aesthetic of bearded men dressed in thicker and heavier folded robes, that needed brooches and fibulae to be fasten, and the fashion of eating roasted meat instead of stewed meat as in palatial times, among members of a same group of age or class. Fibulae, cosmetic tweezers and rotary spits, depicted in the stelae or recorded archaeologically, reflect the adoption of this ideology in SW Iberia. On the contrary, hooks and cauldrons for eating stewed meat, common in Central and Western Europe are only attested here as scrap for recycling and not as an eating set111. We know that there were Cypriots established in the Tyrrhenian shores at least from the Late Bronze Age and that they were still there at the Early Iron Age. It is then quite possible that there would have been also citizens of Ugarit among the Cypriots, for there are texts that tell us about an Ugaritic colony established in Cyprus. So, there are reasons to think that some Ugaritic citizens would have remained there after the fall of the kingdom of Ugarit and so, that contacts with Northern Syria and now also, with Sidon and Byblos went on until mid-ninth century BCE, when Tyre absorbed northern Phoenicia. I think that it is by this way that the ideology of the Good Shepherd and the celebration of a semi-divine ancestor - the Marz ah - spread to Iberia112. 109 110 111 108 Galán, 1993. 112 Ibid.,1993. Ruiz-Gálvez y Galán, 2013 y Ruiz-Gálvez, 2013. Ruiz-Gálvez, 2013; Ruiz-Gálvez y Galán, 2013. Mederos, 2005; Ruiz-Gálvez, 2013. 177
THE ATLANTIC IBERIA  A THRESHOLD BETWEEN EAST AND WEST  about 2 m to less than 1 m and its iconography that combines weapo...
178 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figure16. A. Bronze figurine of a lyre player of the Late Geometric Crete (Shellby White & Leon Levi Collection). B. Possible image of Marzeah on a Cypriot stand with wheels (British Museum). C. Warrior stele of Zarza Capilla (Badajoz) and detail of the lyre depicted (Figure taken from Ruiz-Gálvez & Galán, 2013). Semites in local hillforts I will end up with a brief comment on the recent publication of a temple and other structures in the castro of Ratinhos, in inner Alentejo, close to the junction of two tributaries of the Guadina river. These were built using an oriental building module, what implies the presence in the castro of an architect, perhaps as an introductory gift (Fig. 17). The 14C dates proves that the temple was built in the late ninth century BCE, at the time of the setting of first Phoenician colonies in the West. So it seems plausible that the temple, as well as the adjoining building and the huts, all of them made by using the same modular pattern, were the result of the coexistence of some Phoenicians within the local community. However, and in view that the temple was devoted not to the Tyrian god Melkart but to Asherah and Baal, the Sidonian divinities, these Phoenicians could have been Sidonians and not necessarily Tyrians113. This last, would come full circle the process that began at the early Late Bronze Age with the presence, perhaps on an individual and informal basis, of agents from Northern Levant-Cyprus-Tyrrhenian Sea, which I have suggested here through the analysis of five case studies. 113 Berrocal et al., 2012.
178  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figure16. A. Bronze    gurine of a lyre player of the Late Geometric ...
THE ATLANTIC IBERIA: A THRESHOLD BETWEEN EAST AND WEST Figure17. Plan of the sanctuary-building of the castro of Ratinhos (Portugal) (according to Berrocal et al, 2011). Final Coda In the Bronze Age/Iron Age transition, a script of Semitic characteristics was used on stelae of SW Iberia, although we know nothing about the language to which such writing gave support. In NW Iberia on the contrary, we know nothing of the language spoken by its population until the Roman Conquest. Which language or languages did the populations of the Atlantic west speak? Firstly it should be remembered that the spoken and the written language do not always coincide, as in the case of India, where English is the language of culture in which the speakers of the numerous official languages and dialects understand each other. Neither do the names of individuals, gods or places necessarily reflect ethnicity. For example, the former president of the Philippines, Corazón Aquino, was not white, nor did she speak a word of Spanish despite what might be inferred from her name. Many other similar examples, such as that of Charles Taylor, the genocide president of Liberia, with an English name, but African and black, invite us to be prudent when little information has been preserved about pre-Roman names. Nevertheless, at the dawn of History, on the basis of inscriptions of place names, personal names and deity names preserved in the region between the Duero and the Tagus –Lusitania– of the NW and adjacent areas of the Western Meseta –the Late Iron Age Gallaecian Vaccean and Vetton areas respectively– they seem to have spoken Indo-European languages, that shared certain features and that were different and more archaic than those of other Indo-European languages of inner Iberia, such as the Celtiberian. 179
THE ATLANTIC IBERIA  A THRESHOLD BETWEEN EAST AND WEST  Figure17. Plan of the sanctuary-building of the castro of Ratinhos...
180 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Could these IE languages have been spoken in the Bronze Age also? What ethnic and linguistic effect could have had the Semitic presence on the Atlantic area? They are all, of course, rhetorical, unanswerable questions. However, we can speculate about the idea that the people that inhabited the Atlantic coast communicated with each other, which would have meant a common language, based on the routes travelled, the way of seeing and of marking the landscape, the liminar connotation of certain places etc., all of which are characteristic of the Atlantic West. All this suggest a similar worldview and common language, shared at least by the elites, who were the ones that travelled and communicated with each other. Some time ago and on the basis of the changes in transport and techniques that took place in the Copper Age, I proposed that we could understand the spread of the IE languages in the Atlantic area, as a kind of vehicular language for interaction among peoples that moved more easily by sea than by land114. Such process of spread would have lasted several millennia of contacts, sometimes peaceful, others violent. I wrote then115, that I wasn’t in fact suggesting anything new, as, in essence, my point was not very different of what Hawkes once proposed when he minted the concept of cumulative Celticity. I went on suggesting, that such process could have led either to a phenomenon of diglossia, where the elite would have spoken a language differentiated from the common people, or after some time passed, to the adoption of those IE languages by the entire population. 114 115 Ruiz-Gálvez 1998: 333-335. 106. Ibid., 1998.
180  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Could these IE languages have been spoken in the Bronze Age also  Wha...
4 iron age: the final process to urban life
4  iron age  the final process to urban life
Martín Almagro-Gorbea* The Lusitanians The Lusitani or Lusitanians is an interesting people representing a new ethnic root identified in the Prehistoric Western Europe. The Lusitanians inhabited the Western Atlantic areas of Iberia, which was the finis terrae in Ancient times. Its fame is due to their wars against Rome1, but, aside from this fact, it is one of the most interesting ethno-cultural groups of Pre-Roman Iberia, since these people, located in a marginal area of Europe, preserved very archaic elements, as changes and innovations arrived more spread out in time, and their cultural and linguistic elements still existed after having disappeared in the central areas of Europe, more prone to dynamism and innovation2. Posidonius and Strabo already identified the “archaic” characteristic of Lusitanians, since they maintain many Bronze Age traditions with no other parallels in Western Europe. The same panorama can be seen when observing their language and religion, more primitive that the rest of Celtic Hispania, since they maintain many archaic IndoEuropean elements, that have been considered as CeltoItalic. Therefore, Lusitanians are essential to understand the evolution of Indo-European cultures and languages in Iberia and the relation between Celtic and Italic languages in Western Europe, with clear implications for the understanding of European Prehistory, though its study requires and interdisciplinary methodology, combining Archaeology, Linguistics, History, Ethno-history, and Paleogenetics. From a geographical point of view, Lusitania corresponds to the Western Atlantic areas of Iberia, different from the res,t due to its silicate land, suitable for herding and rich in gold and tin. These areas were occupied by Celtic peoples, more primitive than the Celtiberians and the rest of the Celtic peoples of the center and North of Iberia, since they lived further from the urban cultures of the Mediterranean. Ancient Lusitania extends throughout the whole central inlands of Portugal. It includes all the silicate areas from the Tajo River to the Cantabric region, though the pressure of Celtiberi, Vaccaei and Vettones towards the * 1 2 Real Academia de la Historia, anticuario@rah.es. Schulten, 1940; Pérez Vilatela, 2000; Alarcão, 2001; Almagro-Gorbea, 2009 The “archaism” of Lusitania was maintained until Medieval times, as evidenced by De correctione rusticorum written by Martin Dumiense (510-580 d.C.) and still continues almost to our days (Moya-Maleno, 2014). middle of the I millennium B.C. reduced its territory to the West of a theoretical line that goes from Gijon to Merida. This territory includes the Portuguese regions of Minho, Douro, Tras os Montes, the Beiras, Estremadura, Ribatejo and the Upper Alentejo as well as the Spanish territories of Galicia en the western areas of Asturias, Leon, Zamora, Salamanca and Caceres. The evolution of material culture Lusitanians were a part of an Atlantic substratum common to Vettones, Vaccaei, Astures and Gallaeci, the last one considered as part of Lusitania by Strabo (III,3,3), fact that is ratified by Archaeology and Linguistics. In these areas, after abandoning the Copper Age fortifications3, a discontinuous occupation of the territory must have occurred, with the presence of unstable cabins, as is documented in other Bronze Age Atlantic Cultures. The sequence of the Bronze Age shows a continuity since the Bell-Beaker culture4 that constructs a substratum where the first warrior elites can be identified, documented by the presence of “Carrapata”-type halberds and short tongued swords. Weapons and instruments offer the technological changes of the Atlantic Bronze Age5 and weapons appear on the warrior stele (Fig. 1A-E) and in ritual deposits in rocks, caves and rivers6 (fig. 2), though no tombs have been identified. During the Late Bronze Age, since the end of the II millennium B.C., the first hill-forts or “castro” settlements, naturally and artificially fortified, begin to appear7. The castros evidence a stable occupation and control of the territory, normally reduced to the surrounding valley and the communication routs, presenting a scarcely hierarchical and complex society with a growing demography with the consequent growth of conflicts over the control of pastures and metallurgical production, a rising economic system within the Atlantic Bronze Age. 3 4 5 6 7 Cardoso, 2007: 266s. da Silva, 1986; Almagro-Gorbea y Ruiz Zapatero, eds., 1993; Vilaça, 1995; González-Ruibal, 2007; Cardoso, 2007: 325s.; Ruiz-Gálvez, vid. supra, p. 161s. Brandherm, 2003; Id., 2007. Ruiz Gálvez, ed., 1995: 25s.; Vilaça, 2006a. Martins y Jorge, 1992; Vilaça, 1995; González-Ruibal, 2007.
Mart  n Almagro-Gorbea   The Lusitanians  The Lusitani or Lusitanians is an interesting people representing a new ethnic r...
184 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE A B C D E Figure 1. Lusitanian stelae of Bell-Beaker tradition: A, Longrovia, Portugal; B, Valdefuentes de Sangusín, Salamanca. Lusitanian stelae of the Later Bronze Age: C, Baraçal, Portugal; D, Robleda, Salamanca.
184  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  A  B  C  D  E  Figure 1. Lusitanian stelae of Bell-Beaker tradition  ...
THE LUSITANIANS ca12. During the Late Bronze Age, the Lusitanian stelae represent V-shaped shields between a sword and a spear, such as the steles of Baraçal and Robleda (Fig. I,C-D). The Lusitanian steles with a representations of the deceased appear from Galicia to Andalusia, where examples are more complex, throughout the silicate and herding territories where the Lusitanian inhabited and their language was spoken, with its characteristic place names and personal names. This is the area which belonged to the Lusitanians until the Roman Conquest. This millinery tradition of stelae ends up turning in to the creation of Galician-Lusitanian warrior statues, sculpted under Roman domain during the last century B.C.13 (Fig. 5A). Figure 2. Funerary? hoard from San Esteban del Rio Sil, Orense. The Late Bronze Age is characterized by carp’s tongue or Huelva type swords (Fig. 2), splendid golden torques and helmets, such as the helmet of Rianxo (Fig 3), and trunion and socket axes, whose distribution evidences the presences of tribal territories8. From the end of the II millennium B.C., proto-colonial contacts introduced articulated spits, elbow fibulae, and iron knifes9, traded for metals such as gold and tin. Bronze weapons and the banquet set10 and over more than 125 Lusitanian warrior stele11 indicate a hierarchical social organization that can be traced back to the Bell-Beaker society. The Lusitanian stele, more or less anthropomorphic, reflect a mythical conception of a “heroized” ancestor, following the tradition of megalithic stele. The oldest examples present Bell-Beaker and Early Bronze Age type halberds and swords, such as the stele form Longroiva in Portuugal and Sangusín in Salaman- From the Iron Age onward, during the VIII to the V century B.C., Atlantic bronze objects stop circulating and the Castro Culture appears14. This culture is characterize by the concentration of people in “castros” surrounded by walls with circular houses (Fig. 4A-B), which originate in the Bronze Age, since rectangular buildings did not appear until Romanization. Contacts with Tartessos introduced double spring fibulae and reticulate with inner polishing and “Carambolo” type ceramics in the Southern areas, as well as a rich goldsmithing objects, though the inner Lusitania was relatively isolated from Atlantic contacts and the “Vía de la Plata”, the inner rout that communicated the Western Central Plateau with the Gulf of Cadiz15. The distinction of Lusitanians from other peoples is confirmed by the absence of cultural elements characteristic of the Central Plateau, such as Cogotas I-type ceramics during the Recent Bronze Age, elements of the Culture of Soto de Medinilla during the Late Bronze Age and the beginning of the Iron Age, and the combed ceramics and “verracos” sculptures characteristic of the Vettones. In the last centuries B.C., Celtiberian horse fibulae associated to the gentilic system did not reach this area.16 This fact indicates the existence of a very deep ethno-cultural frontier, which was maintained until the last centuries B.C., which is also evidenced by their language and religion. The “Castro” Culture reaches its peak during the II century B.C., with the widespread use of iron and the potter’s wheel, spread from South to North. The tribal territories were hierarchically organized with a main city, the citania or cibdad (Fig. 4C-D), though small fortified “castros” remained in rural areas, in occasions placed in small maritime peninsulas (Fig. 4A). The proto-urban structure of these cities is equivalent to the Celtic oppida 12 13 8 9 10 11 Monteagudo, 1977: tipo 20B y 31C, 34A, 35A y 35B y 36C; Coffyn, 1985; Senna-Martínez, 1995. Vilaça, 2007; Almagro-Gorbea, 1998. Almagro-Gorbea, 1998; Harrison, 2004; Díaz Guardamino, 2010 Galán, 1993; Celestino, 2003; Harrison, 2004; Díaz Guardamino, 2010: 84-85; Vilaça, ed., 2011a. 14 15 16 Cardoso, 2007: fig. 260. Schattner, ed., 2003. da Silva, 1986; González Ruibal, 2007. Vilaça, 1995: f. 40-41. Para la Vía de la Plata, Almagro-Gorbea et al., 2008a. Abarquero, 2005: 203s. (Fig. 89; Romero Carnicero et al., 1993; Ruiz Zapatero and Álvarez-Sanchís, 2002; AlvarezSanchís, 2003. Horse fibulae, Almagro-Gorbea y Torres, 1999. 185
THE LUSITANIANS  ca12. During the Late Bronze Age, the Lusitanian stelae represent V-shaped shields between a sword and a ...
186 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE areas and communications routs, while the garden and the house corresponded to women. This social-economical organization was based on the communal exploitation of fields, characteristic of the Bronze Age, previous of the idea of privet property introduced by the gentilic organization in the Late Iron Age21. Similar traditions are present in different Indo-European peoples, such as the Vacceai (Diod. V,34,3), Celts from Ireland, Scotland and Wales, Slavs and Germans (César, b.G. 6,22,2)22. In this society of warrior-herders there was a clear division of labor among gender. Men were tied to herding, hunting, war and livestock pillaging, like in other archaic Celtic cultures, such as the Irish fionna23. Woman took care of the house and the garden (Strabo III,4,17; Justinus 44,3,7), which were inherited by the family women, since it was their task, while men received livestock, similar to the Pictons, whose inheritance was also transmitted by woman. Figure 3. Golden helmet from Leira or Rianxo, La Coruña. of the Central Plateu17, though they are contemporary to the advance of the Roman Conquest from South to North. During this phase new ideological and religious ideas appear, evidenced by the presence of domestic gentilic sanctuaries18 and the Galician-Lusitanian warrior statues (Fig. 5A), representing Founding Heroes or social chiefs. Furthermore, golden torques (Fig. 5B) and some Lusitanian silver hoards, with Vaccean influence19, prove the existence of social classes and a plutocratic elite, to whom Astolpas, father-in-law of Viriatus belonged to (Diodorus 33,7). Social Organization Posidonius and Strabo (III,3,7) refer to some very archaic customs of Lusitanians, that explain why their language and primitive beliefs and social structures survived. The Lusitanians belong to an Atlantic Bronze Age substratum20, with an economy mainly based on herding that existed form megalithic times. During the II millennium B.C. it was complemented by metallurgical activities, characteristic of the Atlantic world, and the extraction of gold from rivers, as well fishing and shell-fishing off the coast lines. These traditions maintained an archaic Indo-European warrior-herding societies specialized in the defense of their livestock and the control of pasture This extremely articulated territory (Fig. 6) was inhabited by small tribes. The inscription on the Roman bridge of Alcántara (CIL II,760) lists the populi who inhabited between the Tagus and the Douro Rivers24. Many of the names of these peoples are Lusitanian, while others have a Celtic origin. The people of these Lusitanian territories refer to their “castros” when they wrote their personal names in inscriptions, tradition documented at the Western side of a theoretical line that runs from Merida to Gijon25. To the East, the personal names of Celtiberians and related peoples offer the gentilic epithet of a family clan in the plural form of the genitive26; to the West, it was writted a sign C, interpreted as refereeing to a castellum or “castro”27. Each “castro” had also a specific deity for the whole collectivity, possibly considered as their Founding Hero as is, for example, Teutates among the Celts28. Consequently, the personal names and deity names confirm that Lusitanians had a different social organization if compared to Celtiberians and related peoples of the Central Plateau, who tended to extend to the West29. These testimonies precise the ethno-cultural border of the Lusitanians, though it varied through time. During the VII century, a Tartessian colonization established 21 22 23 24 25 17 18 19 20 da Silva, 1986: 33s. For warriors, Schatner (ed.) 2003; da Silva, 1986: 291s.; for sanctuaries, Id., 299, lám. 22 y 132. Raddatz, 1969: 279, lám. 94. Ruiz-Gálvez, 1998; Cunliffe, 2001. 26 27 28 29 This communal exploitation of fields remained in some areas of Western Iberia until the XX century; cf. Costa, 1981, 151, 339s.; Id., 1983, 147s. D’Arbois de Jubainville, 1880; MacDowell, 1986: 89s.; Meitzen, 1895: 211s.; Costa, 1983: 173-174; etc. D’Arbois de Juvainville, 1981: 173; McCone, 1986. Alarcão, 1988: 41; García Alonso, 2003.We must consider the Lusitanian ethnic names for Paesures, Pallantienses, Selium, Elbocoris, Aeminium, Sallaecus, Ammaea y Lancienseses; and Arabrigenes, Interannienses, Meidubrigenes, Seanoci, Tapori, Transcudani, Vivemenses y Araducta.are considered as Celtic Untermann, 1987 González, 1986. Albertos, 1988; Pereira, 1982; Almagro-Gorbea, 1995. Blanco, 1959; de Hoz, 1986a: 39s.; García Fernández-Albalat, 1990: 112s., 123s.; Almagro-Gorbea y Lorrio, 2011. Almagro-Gorbea, 1996b.
186  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  areas and communications routs, while the garden and the house corres...
THE LUSITANIANS Figure 4. A, Castro of Baroña, La Coruña; B, Reconstruction of a neighborhood from the Coaña castro, Asturias (after A. García Bellido); C, Castro of Monte Mozinho, Portugal. D, Plant of the citania of Sanfins (after A.C.F. da Silva). a series of factories in peripheral areas, such as the Turduli Veteres (Mela III,8; Plin. NH, IV,130) and the Turduli Barduli, and in the V century the Celtici and the Vettones extended up to the Almonte and Salor rivers, until Rome stopped their expansion during the II century B.C. The Lusitanians maintained a primitive Bronze Age structure of small groups of warriors dedicated to ambushes, guerilla warfare, and pillage. Bronze Age swords indicate the existence of individual combat between champions. Strabo (3,3,6) refers to their anachronic use of a Bronze Age panoply for initiation rituals. The panoply was formed by a small concave buckler with no handle, a linen cuirass, a leather helmet, a short dagger and darts with “bronze points”, proving its ritual archaism. Their main weapon would be the spear, as was for the Celtic Gaesati, and the Italic, Doric and Lacedaemionian peoples. Lancea is a Hispanic-Celtic word after Varro (l.l. XV,30.7) for spear, used in place names as Lancia (Florus, Epit. II,33) and in ethnic names as Lancienses (Plinius IV,118). This warrior society preserved ancestral Indo-European rituals, since they were organized by classes depending on age and phatries since the Atlantic Bronze Age. These warrior phatries lived as latrones or badits, with initiation rituals and other traditions of a pre-urban herding-warrior societies (Diodorus V,34,6; Strabo III,3,5; Apianus Ib. 56-57, 67-70; Orosius 5,5,12), such as the Irish fionna30. Young men dedicated their time to hunting and war far from their home to test their 30 García Fernández-Albalat, 1990; Ciprés, 1990; Peralta, 1990. Para los fionna, McCone, 1986. 187
THE LUSITANIANS  Figure 4. A, Castro of Baro  a, La Coru  a  B, Reconstruction of a neighborhood from the Coa  a castro, A...
188 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE valor (Diodorus V,34,6), until Rome ended this way of life. This tradition was a way of controlling the demographic surplus and of obtaining power and loot, usually livestock. Phatries were lead by a charismatic leader, gifted with “supernatural” prestige, to whom the warriors were bound by a sacred oath or devotio (Ap., Ib. 56-57, 67-69, 71; T. Livius 25,17,4; id. 38,21), tradition maintained until Viriatus and Sertorius31 in the I century B.C. These chiefs can be identified with the warriors depicted on Lusitanian stelae and with Fionn, leader of the fionna, a hero of extraordinary infancy, gifted with magical powers since he belonged to the sidh or Other World, who married the goodness Earth. This warrior society, originally from the Bronze Age, presents an organization comparable to other Indo-European comunities previous to urban life32. Warriors carried out gymnastic games, ritual combats and sang when attacking their enemies (Apianus Ib. 71; Diodorus 5,34, 33,21; Strabo 3,3,7), such as the Lacedemonions (Tucid. 5,69,2; 5,70), the Roman Salii (Aen. 7, 723-4) and the Vedic warriors33. Strabo (III,3,6) compared their lifestyle with that of the Lacedaemonians, since they ate in order of age and prestige (Str. III,3,7), same as Galli (Ateneus 4,152), Dorians and the primitive Roman curia. Among these ritual traditions we must highlight the initiation rituals in saunas built in the “castros” and oppida34 and the ritual deposit of weapons until Roman times (Suet., Galba, 7,12). This archaic character of the Lusitanians explains it resistance to the civilized world, that has survived in rural areas almost until our day, as Martin Dumiense exemplifies in De correctione rusticorum. A primitive language: “Lusitanian” The personality of the Lusitania is confirmed by its language, called “Lusitanian”. There are only 5 inscriptions in Lusitanian written in Latin alphabet and some Lusitanian words in other inscriptions from roman times, and therefore it is one of the most interesting linguistic testimonies of Iberia35 (Fig. 7). Lusitanian is an ancient western Indo-European language, different from the up to day known Celtic languages and with similarities to italic languages in some of its characteristics. The most evident archaism is the presence of the initial p-, original of the Indo-European *p-, that differs Lusitanian from the Celtic languages s.e., as Celtiberian, which have lost the initial and intervocalic /p/. This initial p- subsists in place names, rivers names, people’s names, personal names and dei31 32 Figure 5. A, Lusitanian warrior from Lezenho, Portugal. Golden torques from Burela, Lugo. 33 34 35 García Fernández-Albalat, 1990: 238s.; Etienne 1974. Benveniste, 1969, 1: 222s.; McCone, 1986; id. 1987; García Fernández-Albalat, 1990: 207s. Jeanmaire, 1939; Brelich, 1962: 34, 53. Almagro-Gorbea y Álvarez, 1993. Prósper, 2002; Wodtko, 2010; Vallejo, 2013.
188  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  valor  Diodorus V,34,6 , until Rome ended this way of life. This trad...
THE LUSITANIANS Figure 6. Lusitanian peoples between Douro and Minho rivers (after A.C.F. da Silva). ties names (Fig. 7), that therefore can be associated to Lusitanian36. The classification of Lusitanian is controversial. Etymology of some deities names and words has been related to Italic languages, such as Cossue (Consus in Latin), Segia (Seia in Latin), Iovea(i) (Iovia in Marrucinian), Pala (Pales in Latin), comaiam (Gomia in Umbrian), porcom (porcum in Latin, pig), taurom (taurum in Latin, bull) oila<*owila (ovis, ovicula in Latin, sheep). It also offers the ablative in –id and a archaic copulative inde,37 similar to Germanic languages. Many linguists consider that Lusitanian and Celts are tow sister Indo-European languages38, while other authors includes Lusitanian as a archaic Celtic language39, as indicated by the etymology of their place and personal names. Place names and personal names reflect the personality of Lusitanians40 and indicate the same 37 38 36 Such as the place name páramo (Untermann, 1987; Ballester, 2004), hidronymys Palantia and Pisoraca, ethnic names such as Paesuri and Pallantienses in lusitanian, los Praestamarici Gallecian, the Polibedenses and Bletissama for Vettones, the Pelendones in Celtiberian; anthroponymya Pintius-Pintamus or Pissoracus (Untermann, 1965: 19; Albertos, 1983: 867s.; Villar, 1994); te epithits of deity names such as Toudopalandaigae y Trebopala (Prósper, 2002: 43s.). 39 40 Prosper, 2002: 355s. Prósper, 2002; Id., 2010; de Bernardo, 2002; Wodtko, 2010; Vallejo, 2013. Untermann, 1987: 67s.; Id., 1997; Prosdocimi, 1989; Ballester, 2004. Untermann, 1965: 19s.; Id., 1985; Albertos, 1983; AAVV, 2003. Boutius and Camalus are common to Vettones, Lusitanians and Sotuthern Gallaecians; Pintius, Reburrus, Tanginus and Viriatus spread from Lusitania to Asturias. Ambatus, Calaetus, Segontius and Tritius are celtic (Untermann, 1965; Albertos, 1983; Abascal, 1994; AAVV, 2003) 189
THE LUSITANIANS  Figure 6. Lusitanian peoples between Douro and Minho rivers  after A.C.F. da Silva .  ties names  Fig. 7 ...
190 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figure 7. Geographical dispersion of Lusitanian epigraphy, place names and ethnic names starting in P-. frontier (Fig. 8, 9) than the plural genitive related to gentilic Celtiberic elites and the expansion of the Celtiberian horse fibulae41. In effect, this linguistic substratum extended throughout the Northwestern quadrant of the Iberian Peninsula and coincides with other cultural elements, such as bronze weapon hoards in rivers, and ritual sacred stones. This fact indicates that all of them belonged to the same Proto-Celtic system that existed since the Bronze Age. Some elements of this substratum remained in the Central Plateau, such as ritual sacred stones, ritual saunas and place names, ethnic names and personal names starting with Pthat indicates the affinity of the Lusitanian to the Celtic populations of the Center and Northern areas of Iberia. Consequently, linguistic and cultural elements that characterize the Lusitanians are so ancient that they could be earlier than the differentiation between Italic and Celtic and the formation of the Celtic languages. 41 González, 1986; Almagro-Gorbea y Torres, 1999. This hypothesis would explain the common elements that Lusitanian shares with Celtic and Italic languages, as well as its archaic Indo-European character, preserved until the Romanization in the Western regions of Iberia, a substratum that disappeared in the Central Plateau and the North of Iberia during the expansion of the Celtiberian language and culture. Religion and rituals Lusitanians had an archaic Indo-European religion. Their deities, evidenced by epigraphs found to the West of the line between Gijon and Merida, in occasions in rock shelter sanctuaries, is related to Celtic religion, while some deity names are related to Italic ones. Their deities seem to be asexual numenes, previous to the anthropomorphic idea of Celtic gods42. Their relation to Celtic gods is con42 Kruta, 2000: 575.
190  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figure 7. Geographical dispersion of Lusitanian epigraphy, place name...
THE LUSITANIANS Figure 8. Dispersion of Lusitanian personal names (after Vallares, 2013, modified). firmed by the etymology of their most important deities43, though they seem to be more archaic that those of the Celts. Bandua is considered a deity related with the devotio or sacred bound and a protector of society, since it is associated to epithets such as Aetobrigus, Lanobrigae, etc, related to the “castros” and it is represented with the iconography of Fortuna-Tyché in the ritual bowl of Band(ua) Araugel(ensis). Cossus was a warrior god related to an onphallic stone, whose epithet Oenaecus is related o the oenach or Irish juridical assembly. Navia or Nabia was a deity linked to water, which acted as an access to the sidh, or the Other World, and its epithet, Tongoe, is related to oaths. Reve, and its epithet Larauco, and is associated to the mountains dedicated to Jupiter. Coronus would be the deity of the warriors assembly, such as Quirinus (*co-wiri-no-) in Rome and Herjann, epithet of Odhinn, “leader of the armies” and protector of the Germanic community. Other divine epithets are also known, such as Toudopalandaigae and Trebopala, alluding to “the Stone”, or “the Altar stone” located in an axial rock used for sacrifices that was the residence of the deity. An inscription from the sanctuary of Cabeço das Fraguas (Portugal) records the sacrifice of a bull, a lamb and pig, similar to the archaic Roman suoevetaurilium or the Indian sautramani, sacrifices documented on ritual bronzes.44 Lusitanian funerary rituals are unknown, but they would be similar to those of the Atlantic Bronze Age. This tradition was different respect the cremation ritual belonging to the Urnifield and Celtiberian Cultures45. The ritual deposits of weapons in waters46 could be related to these ancient funerary rituals, hat were carried out until Roman times (Suet., Galba, 7,12), since water was the access to the Sid or Other World, as indicated by 44 43 Blanco, 1959; Unterman, 1985; de Hoz, 1986a: 39s.; García Fernández-Albalat, 1990: 109s.; Olivares, 2002; Prósper, 2002. 45 46 Schattner y Santos, eds., 2010. Para los bronces rituales, Armada y García Vuelta, 2003. Cruz, 1997; Cardoso, 2007: 383s. Torbrügge, 1971; Bradley, 1990; Ruiz Gálvez, 1995: 25s. 191
THE LUSITANIANS  Figure 8. Dispersion of Lusitanian personal names  after Vallares, 2013, modi   ed .     rmed by the etym...
192 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE the Limia river, considered the pass towards the Underworld in Antiquity (Strab. III,3,5; Silius Italicus 1,236; id. 16,476-7; T. Livius Per. 55; Florus, 1,33,12; Apianus Ib. 74; Plutarcus Quest. Rom. 34; Plinius N.H. 4,115; etc.). Primitive ritual rocks are very characteristic47, extending throughout the whole Northwestern quadrant of Iberia, reaching Guipuzcoa and part of the Iberian Mountain Range. This dispersion is similar to the other cultural and linguistic elements commented. Some ritual rocks have steps to ascend to the altar placed on top. They were also oracle rocs to see the future, in axial places related to the Lars Vials, deities related with Celtic beliefs in the Other World, to which Martin Dumiense alludes to (De correct. rust. 8). Another interesting characteristic were the warrior initiation rituals in saunas with hot stones and baths in cold water, the so-called “pedras formosas” of Gallaecia (Fig. 10), related to Celtic and Italics parallels and also to the traditional saunas in Northern and Eastern Europe. Strabo (III,3,6-7) also refers to ritual banquets and bloody sacrifices, carrying out hecatombs and sacrificing goats, prisoners (Plut., Quest.Rom. 88) and horses to a warrior deity, named Ares, identified with Mars in Roman epigraphy48, and in Bletisama (Ledesma, Salamanca), a man and a horse were sacrificed in the ritual to sign peace (Livio, per. 48)49. Origin and Ethnogenesis of the Lusitanians The archaic characteristics of the Lusitanians pose a problem when trying to understand when and how the Atlantic regions of Europe and Iberia in particular fell under the influence of Indo-European cultures. The western regions of Iberia, far from the Mediterranean, maintained ancestral ways of life, different from those of the civilized world of Antiquity. Among these communities a “proteceltic” substratum remained, common to Lusitanians and Gallicians, but can also be seen in Vaccaei, Vettones, Cantabri, Astures, Turmogi and Pelendones50. Archaeological, linguistic and religious data as well as historical and ethno-archaeological references allow us to reconstruct the cultural system and ethnogenesis of Lusitania. Its material culture corresponds to the Atlantic Bronze Age; and its language and religion show a very archaic Indo-Eropean character, originated suring the Bronze Age, some of whose elements can be related to the Celtic world of the Iron Age. The absence of massive human movements and notable cultural changes from the Early Bronze Age until Romanization confirms a continuum, coherent with their archaic Indo-Europe- an character in its social structure, language and religion, which can be considered as “protoceltic”. In consequence, Lusitanians are an Indo-European people originated, at the least, during the Bronze Age. The cult of sacred rocs, associated to solar cult, is documented since the Bell-Beaker Culture. Offerings of weapons in caves and sacred rocks can also be tracked down to the Bell-Beaker society51, evidenced by deposits of “Carrapata” type halberds and tongued daggers and short swords52. Furthermore, the oldest tombs with weapons and the first warrior stelae also belong to the Bell-Beakers, as are for example the stelae of Longroiva and Sangusín (Fig. 1A-B), though they continued existing until the Iron Age53 (Fig. 1E). Weapon deposits (Fig. 2) and ritual rocs and saunas (Fig. 10) also coincide with the dispersion of the Lusitanian linguistic substratum that conserved the initial p-, illustrated by the dissemination of the word páramo (Fig. 7). This coincidence evidences that these archaic linguistic (Fig. 7, 8), social and ideological (Fig. 9) elements correspond to the same cultural system, whose origin goes back to the Bell-Beaker Culture54. This polymorphic cultural substratum extends throughout the whole Northwestern quadrant of the siliceous area of Iberia, from the Atlantic Ocean to the Iberian Mountain Range, and from the Cantabrian Sea to the Guadalquivir River Valley in the Southwest. Its characteristics and continuity allows us to consider it as “protoceltic”, since it was the substratum of the Celtic populations of the Center, West and North of Iberia, until the presence of a strong Celtiberian influence after the V century B.C:, when the expansion of the Celtiberian people began, whose ethnic roots came from the Urnfield Complex55. According to this hypothesis Lusitanians can be tracked down to the Bell-Beaker people, during the III millennium B.C., process that helps to understand the ethnogenesis of the Celts of Central and Western Europe. During the Late Bronze Age, around 1200 B.C., the Urnfield Culture (1400-800 a.C.) enters through the Northeast of Iberia and reaches, through the Ebro Valley, Celtiberia towards the end of the II millennium B.C. This hypothesis explains why the Celtiberic culture and language have a origin related to the Celts in Central Europe56. From c. 600 B.C. the Celtiberians expansion assimilated the previous Atlantic Bronze Age substratum identified as “Lusitanians”, process that explains the differences and affinities between Celts and Lusitanians as well as the ethnogenesis of the Celts from the Center, North and West of Iberia. 51 47 48 49 50 For Ulaca altar type stones, Almagro-Gorbea and Jiménez, 2000; For the ritual saunas, da Silva, 1986: 53s.; AlmagroGorbea and Álvarez, 1993; for Oracle stones, Almagro-Gorbea, 2006. Encarnaçao, 1975; Olivares, 2002. de Hoz, 1986a: 48. Almagro-Gorbea, 1996b; Id., 2009. 52 53 54 55 56 Valera 2007: lám. 5,2-3; Almagro-Gorbea, 1996a; Vilaça, 2006a; de Blas, 2001: 117s. Harrison, 1974. Almagro, 1966: 108, lám. 30; Cardoso, 2007: 337; Celestino, 2001; Harrison, 2004; Días Guardamino, 2010. Gallay, 2001; Kruta, 2000: 123s.; Brun, 2006. Lorrio, 2005 Ruiz Zapatero and Lorrio, 1999
192  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  the Limia river, considered the pass towards the Underworld in Antiqu...
THE LUSITANIANS Figure 9. Dispersion of Lusitanian god names (after Vallares, 2013 and J.C. Olivares, 2002). The continuity of Celtic people since the Bronze Age also seems evident in Ireland. Goidelic Celtic, documented since the V century A.D., preserves a mythological cycle that can be tracked down the Bronze Age and some settlements such as Emain Macha, the court of the Ulster Kingdom, which existed since the Late Bronze Age57. Therefore, these myths and its culture can be traced back to the Atlantic Bronze Age (2000700 B.C.). Equally, “Lepontic” is a Celtic language from the North of Italy58, that corresponds to the Golaseca Culture (900-450 B.C.), derived from the Canegrate Culture of the Late Bronze Age (1400-1200 B.C.), that belonged to the Urnfield Culture of Central Europe59. All these cultures and its peoples were Celts, as the cultures of Hallstatt (800-500 B.C.) and La Tène (500-50 B.C.), whose Celtic character was signaled out by Herodotus and other classic authors. Since the Urnfield Culture (1400-750 B.C.) proceeds, without 57 58 59 Raftery, 1994: 75; Waddel, 1995. Lejeune, 1971; Eska, 1998. De Marinis, 1988; Id., 1991 interruption, from the Tumulus Culture (2000-1400 B.C.), it must also be considered a “Protoceltic” population. In consequence, all the “Protoceltic” languages and peoples of Western Europe can be traced back to the Bell-Beaker Culture, which would be the origin and the substratum of all the Celtic languages and cultures of the Iron Age. The process of ethnogenesis of the Celts began in the III millennium B.C., according to the cultural and archaeological data, parallel to what has been documented in other Indo-European cultures, such as Greeks, Italics or Germans, whose roots go back to the II millennium B.C. According with this hypothesis, we must definitely exclude the traditional identification of the Celts only with the cultures of the Hallstatt and La Tène. The end of the Lusitanians The end of the Lusitanias is far better known. Celtic place names in Seg- and –briga, Celtic personal names, and the gentilic names in genitive plural document a West- 193
THE LUSITANIANS  Figure 9. Dispersion of Lusitanian god names  after Vallares, 2013 and J.C. Olivares, 2002 .  The continu...
194 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figure 10. Ritual Sauna of Briteiros, Portugal, with the cold bath to the left and the laconicum at the rear. ern expansion of the Celtiberians, until it was suddenly stopped by Rome. A new social structure appears associated to this expansion: the gentilic clientele substituted the ancestral social structures preserved since the Bronze Age among the Lusitanians. Because of this, Strabo (III,3,7) considered the Lusitanians as the most primitive people of Iberia, due to its archaism, rather than the Celtiberians, who he considers togâtoi or civilized (Str. III,2,15; 4,20). The Lusitanian (155-139 B.C.) and Sertorian Wars (82-72 B.C.)60 marked the end of the Lusitanians. Since the II century B.C. they had become the most combative people of Iberia, after almost having reached a state-like organization, with more urbanized oppida, evolving in to a chiefdom society. Capable of efficiently countering an army as powerful as Rome´s, they laid pressure upon the Southern rich lands of the Turdetani and the Guadalquivir Valley, countering Rome´s advance from South to North, while they tried to conquer Western Iberia. Their primitive groups of latrones or “shepherd-warrior” of the Bronze Age (Strab. III,3,5-7; Diod. V,34,6) evolved into symachiai or warrior confederations, with organized armies of up to 25000 men, who fought against Rome, since they opposed 60 Almagro-Gorbea, ed., 2009: 224s. their expansionist politics. Their leaders were elected chiefs warriors, such as Caesarus, Punicus and Viriatus, who had a large amount of tactical experience, gained in the wars against the Romans, though readapting their traditional tactics of “guerilla warfare”. Viriatus was not a “shepherdwarrior” of the Bronze Age. He had the capacity of organizing and leading an army of thousands of men while controlling cities and large extensions of land. This leads us to conclude that the Lusitanians had almost reached a state-like organization, inspired by Turdetani, Celtiberians and Romans, though in the northernmost and wildest areas Romanization scarcely had any effect before the I century A.D. Therefore, Lusitanians, who were part of an Atlantic Bronze Age tradition, are a people with a great cultural personality in European Prehistory, since they preserved very archaic cultural and linguistic elements in the “cultural island” of the Western finis terrae, where many elements have been preserved until our day through folklore. The interdisciplinary study of this culture, having combined Archaeology, Linguistics, History, History of Religions, Ethno-archaeology and Paleogenetics, contributes to the knowledge of the Indo-European expansion throughout Western Europe, the origin of the Celts, and the complex processes of ethnogenesis of ancient Iberia.
194  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figure 10. Ritual Sauna of Briteiros, Portugal, with the cold bath to...
Gonzalo Ruiz Zapatero* The Urnfield The work carried out on the Late Bronze Age groups in Germany since the end of the 19th and the first decades of the 20th century created the notion of Urnenfelderkultur or Urnfield Culture, which are cremation groups involving the burial of the ashes inside urns under pit fields. Such pit fields can be identified in almost all the countries of Central Europe with expansion in every direction. This is a cultural and chronological concept that has carried enormous weight in archaeological research up until the present day1. Apart from the cremation ritual, the Urnfields are characterised by their open-air settlements, continental style hoards and typical pottery with grooved decoration.2 Today, the extent of the civilisation des Champs d’urnes, to use the French term, is very far-reaching, from the Middle Danube region - from where the first cremation groups emerged in the 15th/14th century B.C. – to the North-East of the Iberian Peninsula and from Belgium and the Netherlands to the North of Italy. A vast complex of regional groups, essentially defined by the rite of cremation, that is hard to see as being evidence of a cultural unit and/or of belonging to a “people”. The explanations for such an extensive distribution through Europe have traditionally been attributed to diffusionism with diverse variable factors, waves of peoples or continuous displacements of small groups over short distances. In other cases contacts and exchanges have been seen between neighbouring groups and in other situations, the expansion of a religious phenomenon that is linked to the new cremation rite. The expansion throughout SW Europe by the RhineSwitzerland-Eastern France group (R.S.F.O.) brought these elements to the Iberian Peninsula. The first works undertaken by Bosch Gimpera at the start of the 20th century defined the Urnfields as the basic cultural component of the Late Bronze Age in the NE of the peninsula, an era with an ever-increasing level of detailed periodisation.3 Its cultural content has been changing: from the old migratory models we have moved towards taking into consideration small inputs by the population that introduced the ritual of crema* 1 2 3 Universidad Complutense de Madrid, gonzalor@rghis.ucm.es. Sorensen and Rebay-Salisbury, 2008. Brun and Mordant, 1988. Lópex Cachero and Pons, 2008. tion and the pottery and metallurgy traditionally associated with the continent, in addition to other cultural innovations. 4 The Urnfields of the Iberian Peninsula do not comprise a homogenous culture or “civilization” stretching throughout the North-East but rather a patchwork of regions that have developed locally. The unequal presence of the new rite and the different economic, social and ideological changes that arose in the Peninsula depends on each area and its regional and cultural backgrounds. Foreign elements impacted on the native populations of the Bronze Age that, still adopting and absorbing stimuli from Europe, were the protagonists of the historical developments seen in the Late Bronze Age and the Early Iron Age. Earlier visions of the Urnfields expanding throughout the middle of Europe were completely exaggerated. However, the more recent independent interpretations that question the protagonism of the phenomenon of the Urnfields, reducing it to the level of a ritual and to its accompanying material objects, fail to offer a plausible explanation of the combination of cultural changes that took place during the final centuries of the 2nd millennium and the first centuries of the last millennium B.C5. The key issue is, in short, why and how the cremation rite spread, together with its associated funerary objects 6; and what economic, social and cultural transformations took place in the communities of the North-Eastern Iberian Peninsula. The mosaic of archaeological groups in the Middle Bronze Age (1500-1200 B.C.) of the NE of the peninsula is not completely defined, however it does reveal a population model offering scattered hamlets, wooden huts, silos and pits for storage and, in some areas, wellestablished bronze metallurgy. Small communities of hamlets made up of by a few, self-governing family units with little social differences, even though in areas such as the Segre-Cinca Group, the emergence of a fledgling individual power base can be observed. New cultural elements are easy to identify among these Middle Bronze Age communities whose origin stems from the other side of the Pyrenees: a) pottery 4 5 6 Maya, 1998, Ruiz Zapatero, 1983-85, 2005 and 2009. Junyent, 2002: 28-32 and López Cachero, 2011. Pons, López Cachero and Mazière, 2012.
Gonzalo Ruiz Zapatero   The Urnfield  The work carried out on the Late Bronze Age groups in Germany since the end of the 1...
196 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figura 1. Map of the Iberian Peninsula and the territories with Urnfields presence and influences. with button-shaped handles, b) multilegged bowls, c) edged axes and d) some triangular-bladed daggers with rivets. In various places such pottery and metal objects are linked and, in general, their distribution covers two large areas: the Segre Valley from the Pyrenees to the River Ebro and the Eastern region of Catalonia spreading inland. The new cultural elements reveal clear parallels with prototypes found in the North-Western Mediterranean Arc (Polada and Roine cultures) and in particular from Southeast France7. All this proves that at the end of the Middle Bronze Age there were close relations and frequent movements between both sides of the Pyrenees that, in turn, demonstrated a good knowledge of the best land-based routes and most suitable mountain passes. The fluidity of population movements during the Middle Bronze Age helps understand the arrival of the first Urnfield elements and why the same routes of penetration more or less continued to be followed. 7 Ruiz Zapatero, 1997. The organisation of the phases or stages of the Late Bronze Age in the North-East has, on one hand, followed the French periodization established by J. Guilaine (1972) and subsequently developed in detail, and on the other, the outline of Almagro-Gorbea (1977b) who adopted the German terminology regarding the typological evolution of peninsula grooved pottery. The main problem continues to be that both attempts have been somewhat complicated and, to a certain extent, artificial due to various reasons. Firstly, there are hardly any good stratigraphies on settlements that allow for the construction of detailed sequential typologies. Secondly, the cemeteries have not, in general, been the object of rigorous serialisation studies as frequent superpositioning of tombs does not exist and there is a lack of clear diagnostic elements prior to the Early Iron Age. Thirdly, the ideal solution of a radiocarbon chronology with an independent value is handicapped because the range of C14 dating continues to be reduced to establish sequences in all the different areas. And lastly, we have to add that radiocarbon calibration has
196  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figura 1. Map of the Iberian Peninsula and the territories with Urn  ...
THE URNFIELDS significantly increased conventional historical dates. This does not present any difficulties for the early stages however it does cause a problem in that it raises the end of the Bronze Age and thereby causing a décalage with the historical dating of the Mediterranean colonial importations in the Iron Age. Traditional trust in the importations has resulted, on many occasions, in disregarding radiocarbon dating, in addition to which there is little help from the famous calibration table between 800 and 400 cal. B.C. (the Hallstatt plateau) that deducts chronological accuracy. As a result of all this and in the light of the limitations to the archaeological record available in many of the areas dealt with, I have opted to establish long periods that offer historical developments in each of the areas, even where this means stretching some of the chronological horizons. Only an extension to the C14 date bank can solve this. The dating of cremated bone remains, carrying out tests on duplicated samples (carbon-bone remains from the same tomb or two separate bone samples from the same tomb), as has been successfully done for the Urnfields of Western Belgium8, comprise, without a doubt, the way forward for future research. Thus the burial sites themselves can be directly dated and trustworthy sequences constructed that overcome the inaccuracies of a type-chronology that is based on pottery and/or metal objects. This would require specific, multi-scale projects at the level of tombs, cemeteries and entire regions. Early Urnfields / Late Bronze Age II (1300-1100 cal. BC / 1100-900 BC) A view from the perspective of the settlements may help complement the reading of the burial record. Broadly speaking, we find a clear regional diversity that differentiates between the coastal areas that run from the mountain passes of the Eastern Pyrenees to the delta of the River Ebro and the inland region of the Segre-Cinca fluvial complex. On one hand, we find small villages of huts in the Ampurdán region and in southern Catalonia originating from earlier Bronze Age local communities. On the other, the huts built in isolated pits or those forming small farms and hamlets in the Vallés-Maresme with a long history that goes back to Neolithic times. Lastly there are the villages built around a central area with stone architecture found in the Segre-Cinca and Bajo-Aragón regions, a prototype urban model whose roots date back to the indigenous periods of the Middle Bronze Age or even earlier. 8 Mulder de et al., 2007. In the Ampurdán, the village of La Fonollera in the Late Bronze Age (1100-900 BC) comprised a group of huts constructed from light materials with stone plinths. The huts have a rectangular ground plan with rounded corners and a small surface area, around 6-12 m2. They have well-built fireplaces and display a differentiated use of space. The household implements show strong similarities between the different domestic units. The dwellings of the type found in La Fonollera comprise the first permanent hamlets in the extreme NE of Catalonia. In Southern Catalonia some findings also seem to record the existence of this type of small hut villages, as is the case of El Coll de les Forquetes de Prades and Boella near Reus. On the coastal plains and in the valleys of VallésMaresme, the small groups of sunken huts (“ditch huts”) are a type of exclusive settlement, always looking for more fertile land such as the sites at Can Cortés and Can Piteu-Can Roqueta. At this last site, we can see small structures with a fireplace, benches or basements, storage pits and a gabled roof supported by two interior pillars. The open-air silos for grain storage located in the vicinity of the huts have been well-studied regarding their capacities, and two sizes have been identified: the small or family-sized silos and the larger ones that allowed for storage of grain beyond what was used for own consumption. The similarities between the huts could explain small segmented groups scattered around the countryside, for which the cemetery would serve as a focal point, representing the visualisation of the community in the countryside and the physical expression of the cohesion and identity of the group. The existence of large silos could also support the start of some form of differentiation based on intensified agricultural activity and on the control and management of surpluses but, as the cemeteries indicate, the differences would not be very pronounced. However, there is still insufficient knowledge regarding the organisation of agricultural production and the operation of the silos linked to the family huts. The villages with rectangular stone houses and a central area characterise the plains and terraces of the Bajo Segre-Cinca region. The sites are typically located on hill-tops, such as Genó or at the end of promontories such as Carretelà. More comprehensive and interesting information comes from the village of Genó (Aitona, Lerida) situated on a small mound beside the River Segre and occupied during the 11th century BC. The settlement is in the shape of a horseshoe and comprises a row of 18 terraced houses with a central area, probably for communal use to keep livestock at night and for carrying out other group activities. The houses have a rectangular ground plan and are built with stone walls cemented 197
THE URNFIELDS  signi   cantly increased conventional historical dates. This does not present any dif   culties for the ear...
198 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figura 2. Village of Genó: A, ground plan showing the detail of the interior of the houses; and B, attempted interior reconstruction. (A, after Maya and Cuesta, 1989; and B, after Bosch and Santacana, 2009). with mud; interior wooden posts would have helped support the low flat roof. The usable surface area was around 35-40 m2. All the dwellings had similar dimensions and the parity between the domestic implements would suggest a rather egalitarian community. The only exception is House 2 as it is larger, with a fireplace made of large fixed slates –the only one in the village– and its metallurgy workshop revealed the diverse remains of casting bronze activity. In addition, the pottery items offered the greatest variation and the highest number out of all the dwellings. As a result of this, House 2 could have been the metallurgist´s house and the head of the most important family in the community and hence possibly revealing that this is the start of an emerging process of social differentiation. The complex organisation of these villages is in addition the first sign of the existence of cisterns such as that at Regal de Pídola. These first Late Bronze Age communities were small in demographic terms, with probably between 40 and 100 inhabitants, as regards the villages of Segre-Cinca such as Genó, Carretelà and Montefiu that had 20-25 houses. Similar data can be imagined for the villages of the Ampurdán and Southern Catalonia and possibly lower figures – small groups of a few families – for the groups of huts from the Vallés region. As a result, it seems that regions such as the Bajo Segre or the Vallés had a relatively high population density. In the first case, with villages that controlled good agricultural land in the valley floor and in the second case, through a population model comprising very scattered farmhouses and hamlets as the case of Can Roqueta demonstrates. The first settlements from the Late Bronze Age were, in some cases, very short-lived so that it was not possible to build a cemetery of a certain magni- tude – as has been suggested for Genó – and in others, the cemeteries established were so small that it is difficult to identify in archaeological terms. This fact could help understand why there are no large cemeteries during the earliest phase of the Late Bronze Age. In addition, this period of change and transformations at the end of the 2nd millennium B.C. saw the start of burials using a diversity of mixed rituals prior to the wide-spread use of the cremation cemeteries throughout the NE of the peninsula. This diversity also existed in the South of France9. In short, the settlements of small communities from the start of the Late Bronze Age built dwellings that were structurally very similar and with the same organisation of the domestic space. The unequal control and access to manufactured metal implements is not very pronounced between the different domestic units, however the existence of small amounts of bronze deposited in some tombs might suggest otherwise. The emergence of some individuals that acquire greater status and power could be the most significant social phenomenon of the time. The weapons and warrior panoply mentioned earlier and the bronze hoards from the end of this era would be the most unequivocal expression of the process. However this only affected certain areas.10 As a start, if we take the funeral rite itself, the scenario offered by the era of the Early Urnfields (1100900 B.C./ 1300-1100 cal. BC) is the least complex11. On one hand, we find the continued existence of the diverse manifestations of the collective inhumation 9 10 11 Dedet, 2004. Ruiz Zapatero and Rovira, 1994-96. Ruiz Zapatero, 2001: 261ss..
198  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figura 2. Village of Gen    A, ground plan showing the detail of the ...
THE URNFIELDS Figura 3. Grave goods from the cemetery at Can Missert (Tarrasa, Barcelona). Early Urnfields period. rite, in caves or more recently in megaliths. These are the “old rituals” that above all continued in mountain regions and more marginal areas. On the other hand we see the tentative implementation of cremations in urns - the new ritual - and the creation of cemeteries in the “open” areas of the Segre and the Vallés. Lastly, we see a combination of funerary traditions that mix the old rites with the new to create “mixed rituals” such as cremation in a cave or the tumular inhumation on a collective and individual basis. These cases are the minority of burials, somewhat exceptional but typical at times of crisis and cultural change. The geographical distribution of these funerary patterns reveals that the new customs for dealing with the dead were not widely adopted. There are many and varied factors involved in the spread of the new funerary ideas, but doubtless the different weight of the cultural backgrounds and the greater or lesser importance of the cremation groups have a lot to do with the diversity of the burial record of the time. We only know about a few burials from the oldest phase of the Urnfields, essentially in the centre of the coastal depression of Catalonia and in the Lower Segre-Cinca river valley. The analysis of the grave offerings reveals two essential characteristics: 1) the uniformity and simplicity of the funerary implements, where the usual practice was one cinerary urn, often with a pottery lid or a flat stone and it seems that there was no standardised production of pottery for the funerary rite, and 2) the reduced use of metal as a grave offering. Very few tombs include any bronze artefacts. Thus in the earliest phase of the cemetery at Can Missert in Tarrasa, the most commonplace is the funerary urn for all grave offerings and only in very rare exceptions would a level of wealth be added. Only tomb 18 contains special grave offerings: a needle with a bronze circle head, two globe-shaped vases and a tapered bowl. However it is rather hard to establish to what extent this tomb belonged to an individual that was prominent due to their greater status. 199
THE URNFIELDS  Figura 3. Grave goods from the cemetery at Can Missert  Tarrasa, Barcelona . Early Urn   elds period.  rite...
200 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE The cemetery at Can Piteu-Can Roqueta12 –the best known to date in the entire NE of the Peninsula with 1,058 tombs– the majority of the tombs from the Late Bronze Age (1000-750 B.C.) have no grave offerings other than the cinerary urn. Only a few burials, 7% of the total, include metal objects and are usually limited to one or two bronzes. Some relate to personal hygiene and toilet – shaving razors and tweezers – and others are linked to adornments and clothing: rings, bracelets, buttons and some other items. There are around twenty tombs containing animal sacrifices. It seems that the family groups are self-governing and the lack of symmetry seen in the grave offerings is not significant. This would suggest some differences in status but it is very difficult to define the personal sphere of the individuals. In short, as has also occurred in the Languedoc region, it would appear that a type of community organisation prevailed at Can Piteu-Can Roqueta in which some families have greater influence and status but always within the strict boundaries of the community. And even so, the social distance is very hard to discern. In the Lower Segre-Cinca the tombs from the oldest Late Bronze Age cemeteries follow the same line in terms of the lack of disproportion in the grave offerings. In general, the few tombs known in the Ancient Urnfields point to a fairly egalitarian society, that had few material possibilities to identify differences in status. On the other hand, we have highlighted that the lack of weapons found in hoards and tombs – the few we know about are broken ancient pieces of foreign origin that are out of context– represents the reduced level of conflicts of that time. However, we must not forget that the long swords such as those at La Llacuna, the Hemigkofen-type sword in Zaragoza –a mould to cast this type was found along with other moulds in the village of El Regal de Pídola–, the Dasice-type knife from Tarragona, some spearheads (Can Sadurní and Can Xamanet, Barcelona) and, forming part of the transition to the following phase, the cnémide (shin plate) in the hoard at Llavorsí and the blade of a carp’s tongue sword, all remain linked to elite individuals with efficient combat weapons and doubtless were also symbols for exhibiting power. Such war elements, as in other areas of the European Late Bronze Age, would only have reached a very limited number of individuals within each community and even, perhaps, not all the communities of the period. But beyond all doubt it appears that the bronze was an element of status and social distinction. The communities from the earliest days of the Late Bronze Age were cultivators of cereals and 12 Carlús and Lara, 2004, Carlús et al., 2007, López Cachero, 2006. breeders of goats, cows and pigs even though there is little or no information available in some areas. However, it appears evident that the cultivation of cereal crops continued from the Middle Bronze Age, as barley (Hordeum vulgare) and bread wheat (Triticum aestivum /durum) continue to be the predominant species, especially on the plains of the SegreCinca complex13. These plants complement each other well and reflect a widely established model throughout the North-Western Mediterranean arc. There is also millet (Panicum miliaceum L.) that could have been introduced from South-Eastern France. It is possible that simple ploughs were used, suggesting the earlier introduction of influences from the Polada Culture. Leguminous plants would have been a secondary crop at least including lentils (lens culinaris), peas (pisum sativum) and vetches (Lathycus sp.). We do not know if any crop rotation system was practised. In addition acorns were gathered, rich in proteins and flours and these would have been a good substitute for cereals during bad harvests. In some locations, use would have been made of wild grapes. Agrarian life revolved around the dry arable lands immediately surrounding the villages and hamlets with perhaps some vegetable gardens cultivated close to the rivers. The most important herds were for breeding goats and cows, depending on the area, and some pigs. Cereal grain was stored in large receptacles inside the houses on the Western plains and in silos in pre-coastal and coastal areas. As regards food we have relatively comprehensive information from the village of Genó: the analyses of the waste content of some of the pottery vessels give an idea of whole range of products that were prepared on, stored in or eaten off them14. Some revealed traces of beer which others contained dairy products, animal fats (soups or marinated meat), blood, acorns, cereal flour and bee honey and in one case, the use of a type of blackberry jam. This, in addition to the cereals eaten in the form of cakes or porridge, provides us with an outline of a diet that is more varied than traditionally imagined. In Genó some bread baking ovens have been conserved and each house had various grinding stones on which to prepare the flour. The finding of large vessels beside the fronts of the houses reveals a system to make use of rain water so that a reserve supply would be available. In future, studies of the forms of diet carried out using isotopes and the possible intra-group differences –identifiable from an imbalance in the access to rich and regular food– will be the key to carrying out social 13 14 Alonso, 2000. Juan-Tresseras, 1998.
200  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  The cemetery at Can Piteu-Can Roqueta12    the best known to date in ...
THE URNFIELDS Figura 4. Types of dwellings in the different regions of the NE of the peninsular. readings. The social characterisation of the communities is best discovered, as in other European Urnfield regions, through the funerary practices that reveal an ideological transformation.15The first cremation cem15 Fokkens, 1997. eteries represented a clear break with the old inhumation rituals of the Middle Bronze Age that took place in independent communities based on kinship. In the cemeteries of the Late Bronze Age, each individual –although there remain doubts over whether the entire population was buried– was allowed to be visible as ancestor, including children, despite of different 201
THE URNFIELDS  Figura 4. Types of dwellings in the different regions of the NE of the peninsular.  readings. The social ch...
202 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figura 5. Radiocarbon chronology of Middle Bronze Age and Late Bronze Age sites showing the earliest dates of the first cremation burials (after López Cachero, 2011 with additions). tombs. The cremation tombs with clear separations between them expressed, in some way, the emergence of individuality, even though the group element is not forgotten, as the continued use of the cemeteries symbolised the solidarity of the group and its continuity in the territory. In fact, the cemeteries emphasised the local communities as significant social units and the authority of parental groups gave way to the authority gained by individuals at the heart of autonomous nuclear families. Unfortunately we are unable to explore the basic differentiating criteria of the funerary rite: the age and gender – due to the difficulty in identifying these elements from cremated remains– and we can only make an estimate of the individual’s status through the grave offerings. The lack of symmetry in the grave offerings is very tenuous but surely tomb 18 at Can Missert, as well as the metallurgist´s house in Genó, seem to represent the start of a tentative social differentiation within fairly egalitarian communities as no “rich” grave offerings exist. A similar idea is expressed by the few bronze artefacts that started to be deposited in hoards from the end of the period, a practice that increased in the following phase. What is particularly relevant is the new ideology that converts every individual buried in flat or tumular tombs in an ancestor. The establishment of genealogies in the cemeteries and the capacity of gaining power and status depending on personal skills points to the appearance of a gentilician system. This is a system that has a correlation with the settlements that have domestic units of nuclear families. The gentilician “ideological revolution” thus becomes the key to the future expansion of the funerary rite and that rite comes from the other side of the Pyrenees. In other words, the ritual of the Urnfields is the ideological expression of the new societies even though, in demographic terms they are scarce with numbers possibly ranging from less than 50 up to more than one hundred units. The impact of the Urnfields is difficult to evaluate. However there are a series of issues that do help outline the most plausible scenario. It is true that the first grooved pottery predates the cremation cem-
202  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figura 5. Radiocarbon chronology of Middle Bronze Age and Late Bronze...
THE URNFIELDS etery, through what we know to date (see Fig. 5), but the fact remains that we are talking about a few generations, perhaps 4 or 6, over that period. And this can, in part, be explained by the time needed to create large cemeteries and to help understand the cases of mixed rituals that we have seen during the transition period. It is very likely that the first groups to enter through the Pyrenean passes of the Alto Segre or the Eastern coastal strip, during their first movements to access new lands, did not create substantial cemeteries. It was only with time and over the course of a few generations that the new ritual started to prevail. 16The few radiocarbon dates available for the first cremation burials do not establish a fixed point in the time in which cremation is introduced, and it is simply better a transition –or rather transitions depending on the areas with different variations– either shorter or longer. It has been suggested, thanks to information on some Central European cemeteries that it usually takes at least two generations to fully adopt the new ritual and furthermore this would not take place at the same time at a regional level.17 Also the grooved pottery of the Urnfields is hard to disassociate from the cremation ritual that accompanies it always. On other hand, the strength and expansive capacity of the new ritual is ideological with the emergence of a new social gentilician organisation that starts to prevail on the indigenous backgrounds of the old Bronze Age populations. This not only fits well with the continuity, depending on the area, of the forms of subsistence and the diversity of the population with strong local roots but also with the introduction of new types of metals and pottery. All this suggests the arrival of small, reduced-size groups that are able to leave their imprint without comprising the majority of the population. New paleogenetic studies may be able to shed some light on this. The European distribution of the Haplogroup R1b-U152 (Y-DNA) has been compared with that of the Urnfields complex although this may also include subsequent Celtic migrations.18The density of the R1b-U152 is much higher in Northern Italy and radiates outwards from there. The change gradually extended like the waves from throwing a stone into water and well adapts to the idea of individuals moving over short distances over a more or less prolonged period of time. As such, this pattern of change would not be predominant in any place, even though population movements in the Second Iron Age have contributed to its current distribution, as has been clearly discovered in central Anatolia (Galatians). It is true that in the case of the Iberian Peninsula, R1b-U152 is 16 17 18 Ruiz Zapatero, 2001: 264-66. Rabay-Salisbury, 2012: 21. Manco, 2013: 180s. much wider-spread throughout the territory that the greatest extent of Urnfields however this could be explained by subsequent movements of Celtic groups towards the South and South-West of the peninsula. Such a capacity for expansion is also relevant when exploring the linguistic dimension. We know nothing about the language(s) spoken by the peoples of the Urnfields on the Iberian Peninsula however due to their geographical distribution and the subsequent linguistic panorama in Europe, it is quite likely that it stems from the Indo-European Family of languages (IE).19 It is worth remembering that the only case where there is a very plausible relation between a group of Urnfields –Canegrate, Northern Italy or rather, the direct evolution of the Golasecca group– and one language is Lepontic, the oldest known Celtic language. Late Urnfields / Late Bronze Age III (1100-900 cal. BC / 900-700 BC) In the second phase (Late Urnfields or the Late Bronze Age III), a series of changes took place that developed some of the trends observed at the start of the Late Bronze Age. The population of this stage continued the earlier models and, above all, strengthened the stability of the settlements that –on many occasions– demonstrated long-term occupation with long stratigraphies. In the Ampurdán region and bordering districts, hamlets of huts continued to exist –although there have been few excavations– and there does not appear to be any hierarchy in the governance of the population. In the Vallés, the tradition of farmhouses and small hamlets of huts excavated from the ground was more prolonged, maintaining the model of a scattered population. Meanwhile, in the south of Catalonia the first stable villages with a stone architecture, such as the types found at Molá and La Mussara, substituted the groups of huts of the previous stage. On the Western plains of the Segre-Cinca the villages with central areas and stone houses continued to represent the general norm. This village model would spread to the Bajo Aragón, where the best example can be found in Cabezo de Monleón. It is unfortunate that the data on the domestic implements of each occupied unit throughout the entire NE of the Iberian Peninsula is very scarce and the information on settlements with various welldocumented dwellings even more so. The village of Cabezo de Monleón allows us to reconstruct a village located on the flat top of a small hill. It had 58 houses distributed in two rows, leaving a central 19 Villar and Prósper, 2005, de Hoz, 2009. 203
THE URNFIELDS  etery, through what we know to date  see Fig. 5 , but the fact remains that we are talking about a few gene...
204 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figura 7. Urn decorated in the Mailhacian style from the Agullana cemetery (Gerona). Figura 6. Male (tomb 170) and female (tomb 207) grave goods from the Agullana cemetery (Gerona). area between at one end of which there was a natural pool for the collection of water. The population could have been around 250-300 inhabitants and the ground plans and internal organisation of the houses reveals a high level of uniformity. The dwellings had a rectangular floor plan, with surface areas of between 25 and 40 m2 and were organised into three areas: a hall, a main living area with fireplace and a larder or store room at the back. The relative uniformity in the presence of fireplaces, ovens, benches and pits or stores in some corner of the halls indicates, as has already been pointed out in the stone dwellings of the Segre-Cinca, the independence of the domus and the importance of the nuclear family as a fundamental institution. No notable differences can be seen between the household equipment, although it is possible that two of them contained a small textile workshop and a small flour mill and another two rooms that could have served as small metal-working areas due to the presence of casting ovens and the remains of moulds. It would appear that in all cases, such artisanal activities took place within the family environment. The Tarragona village of Barranc de Gàfols offers a similar scenario with an excellent archaeological record. It seems that during this stage, both the huts of the Ampurdán and the Vallés-Maresme in addition to the stone and mud houses of the Segre and Lower Aragón, maintain symmetries as regards domestic implements. However this does not necessarily mean that these were egalitarian communities as social distances could be identified through other aspects of daily life for example, the capacity for grain storage and other food resources. Furthermore, there are few villages or hamlets that have been extensively excavated so as to allow social readings to compare domestic units. The burial records of this phase extend and generalise the use of cremation in spite of different existing regional traditions. The cemeteries of this era offer a series of shared ritual features and other characteristics that are specific to each, as indicated for the Segre-Cinca group. These differences would seem to indicate that the community of each settlement is able to reaffirm its own cultural features and this changes the uniform image of the earlier period. It suggests that the social dependence for the reproduction of the system is losing or has already lost the structural nature of the Early Urnfields. This social fracture also impacts on the composition of each community insofar as the study of the better known cemeteries –Els Castellets de Mequinenza and Roques de Sant Formatge– proves that the different separate funerary sectors were each operating simultaneously. This fact suggests that within each village there were family groups able to express the links that united them, independently of whether these translated or not into a greater or lesser level of collective economic autonomy. The first cremation cemeteries represent a significant change for various reasons. Firstly, because they represent an individualised and standardised treatment of, at least, the majority of the population. Secondly, because the fact of cremation distances the living from the dead in a way that is different to the inhumation rituals: in the cremation rites the physical presence of the ancestors in the region was not as important as the sense of belonging to the community and from there arisen rights, privileges and status. Thirdly, they represent the “removal” of the dead from the settlement and the creation of an unobtrusive space for them, visible from the settlement itself and likely to be visited by the members of the
204  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figura 7. Urn decorated in the Mailhacian style from the Agullana cem...
THE URNFIELDS community; in some way the existence of the cemeteries is one further element in the social construction of the landscape. Lastly, cremation is innovative because it could be suggested that the rites of cremation and post-cremation serve as technologies for commemoration as the cremation favours different forms of commitment to the material aspect of death. The general trend found in the cemeteries of this period is that from a beginning that comprised simple tombs and standardised grave offerings (a cinerary urn in addition to a bowl and/or some bronze artefact for the “wealthiest”), we see the creation of a phenomenon of greater social complexity with burial structures involving more investment in work and a progressive differentiation in the grave offerings and sacrifices all of which herald the changes to take place in the Early Iron Age. In the Ampurdán region, this process is clear to see in the cemetery at Agullana. It is suggested that in the phase Agullana I (900-800 B.C.) few tombs contained metal and this appeared to be distributed more or less equally between tombs for men and women. However in phase II (800-700 B.C.), the number of tombs containing bronze artefacts increased and the first iron objects appeared, especially iron knives that are very closely related to shaving razors. The increase and diversification of metal objects demonstrates easier access to the distribution networks, the increase in purchasing power and the growing willingness of certain individuals to distinguish themselves with the acquisition of prestigious commodities. Even for the individual of the T-397, an iron knife, spearhead, dagger, belt plate and swivels brooch would be sufficient to claim the status of the “hierarch”. And this, without a doubt, symbolises the process of social internal differentiation within the community of Agullana prior to the intensification of the exchanges with colonial Mediterranean agents. In the Vallés, the cemetery at Can Piteu-Can Roqueta offers the same phenomenon. Following phase I (cal. 1000-750 B.C.), with a social structure that would appear to be fairly egalitarian, small imbalances are perhaps simply expressions of differences in status or the role within the same family unit. However at Can Piteu II (750-700 B.C.) we see the appearance of new pottery and some accompanying swivels brooches and bowls, and towards the end of the phase, the first knives appear in the tombs and “double clip” brooches that anticipate the arrival of a new era that is linked to colonial Mediterranean trade. The differentiation between parental groups is increasing. In the Southern Catalonia and the Lower Aragón some cemeteries offer very similar social readings. In Molá it is possible to identify an important so- Figura 8. The cremation: A, dead body placed on the wood pyre; B, body on the ustrinum covered in wood; and C, replica of the positioning of the dead body on the ustrinum of the cementery at Pí de la Lliura before being covered with firewood (after Pons and Solés, 2008) cial basis with tombs containing no metal or having any burial structure. However, a small segment of the population was buried in the centre of the cemetery in tombs with complex structures. And lastly there is a larger group with metal grave offerings including iron knives representing individuals with greater social status. At the cemetery of Coll del Moro del Gandesa, in the oldest Ia phase (800-725 B.C.), the diverse tumular structures only include simple grave offerings with a cinerary urn in addition to a few examples where bronze bracelets have been added. However in the following phase Ib (725-650 B.C.) grave offerings are increased with the presence of bracelets and towards the middle of the period we start to see small sacrificial goblets accompanying the urns. This is a tentative indigenous differentiation that precedes the far-reaching changes of the following phase with the introduction of Phoenician trade into coastal areas. Lastly, regarding inland regions, on the plains of the lower river courses of the Segre-Cinca, the evo- 205
THE URNFIELDS  community  in some way the existence of the cemeteries is one further element in the social construction of...
206 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figura 9. Cremation burials from the Late Bronze Age: A, double tomb at Pí de la Lliura (E85a-E85b); B, tumular structure with central cistern, perimeter ring and stela, C, tumulus with eccentric cistern, raised elevation and headstone (A, after Pons and Solés; B and C, after Santacana, 2005). lution of the cemeteries offers similar characteristics with the exception that their isolation from the colonial influence of the Mediterranean coastline produced less drastic transformations in the burial implements. At Roques de San Formatje, Lower Segre, more than 300 tumular structures have been identified however there were only approximately one hundred recorded grave offerings. Phase I (900-800 BC) showed no metal grave offerings placed in any tomb, which is fully in line with the trend of the rarity of bronze objects in burials from the Late Bronze Age II. In phase II (800-750 BC) barely any tombs contained bracelets and/or rings. The paucity of deposited bronze helps understand the development of small stone tools and even the existence of polished stone axes in some tombs. Figura 10. Types of cremation tombs from the cemetery at Can Piteu – Can Roqueta (after López Cachero et al. 2006). From the line of the Ebro, some tombs and small cremation cemeteries and the typical grooved pottery are evidence of incursions by small groups or the flow of cultural elements from the Urnfields of the North-East towards the South, impacting on the lands of the East until reaching the South-
206  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figura 9. Cremation burials from the Late Bronze Age  A, double tomb ...
THE URNFIELDS Figura 11. Distribution of the main animal species according to reproduction ratios and mobility. The main trend in the consumption of meat by the area is shown in red. The orientative proportional values of cows, sheep, goats and pigs during the initial phases of the Late Bronze Age in Eastern Catalonia. East20. These are clearly intrusive minority elements within the period of the final stages of the Valencian Bronze Age. On one hand this concerns grooved pottery found in local Bronze Age settlements such as Castellet de Borriol, Tabaià and La Mola d’Agres (Alicante) that could date to around 1000 BC. Or perhaps it denotes exchanges or exogamic practices. And on the other hand, we find groups of small tumular burials and a predominance of cremation flat tombs, such as Salzadella and El Boverot and a few 20 Lorrio, 2009-10, Rafel et al., 2008: 258-62. larger-sized cemeteries such as Peña Negra-Les Moreres (Alicante) where there were little more than 30 tombs in phase I of the Late Bronze Age, and La Loma del Boniche that already dates from the Early Iron Age. To the south of Vinalopo river there are no more cemeteries: instead we find more or less isolated tombs. The recently re-studied cremations group of the Late Bronze Age of the South-East (Qurénima)21 reveals isolated cremations with traditional Urnfield pottery together with decorated bracelets, necklaces 21 Lorrio, 2008. 207
THE URNFIELDS  Figura 11. Distribution of the main animal species according to reproduction ratios and mobility. The main ...
208 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figura 12. Bronze artefacts; A, distribution map showing weapons and bronze hoards (Late Bronze Age); B, hoard at Sant Martí d’Empúries; and C, hoard at Ripoll (A, after Rafel et al. 2008; B and C, after Bosch and Santacana, 2009). and specific types of beads that all point in the same direction. The arrival of small groups of cremation peoples, as from 900/850 BC, seems to be the most convincing explanation for this. Agriculture continued to be arable with a predominance of barley, various types of wheat and millet, and secondary crops of legumes while flax was probably cultivated for artisan use (textiles).22Cereals represented, by far, the most important crop with a high level of ubiquity in the settlements (80%-90%). On the lowlands of the Segre-Cinca, the density of the population created a network of villages separated by short distances (5-6 kms) representing the value of the arable cultivation of the dry lands. We have no information regarding metal agricultural implements –except for a fragment of a sickle with a button shaft from the hoard at Sant Martí d’Empúries– and the flint “sickle-elements” replaced the metal. It is very likely that the plough was used as from the middle of the 2nd millennium BC and an iconography of possible ploughing activity on pottery from Camp Redón 22 Alonso, 2000, Albizuri et al., 2011. (Mailhac I) supports its use during this period. Grain was stored in silos excavated out of the ground in the Eastern areas and in the Catalonian hinterland, while large pottery containers kept in the storerooms of the houses was the generally-used system in Western regions. The storage capacity of the silos from the Late Bronze Age (900-2800 litres) represents a significant growth compared with previous stages with many silos exceeding the average consumption of the family unit that was estimated at 1000-1500 litres per annum. As a result, a surplus was generated for possible exchanges. Stock-breeding continued to see a predominance of cows in the pre-coastal and coastal areas with sheep and goats in the inland regions and on the Western plains of the NE of the Peninsula.23 The theoretical importance of the meat produced by this essential stock-breeding trio as regards DNR emphasises the value of cows, almost twice that of goats and the lack of importance of the pig. The methods of slaughter together with an increase in the age of 23 Albizuri et al., 2011: 22-25.
208  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figura 12. Bronze artefacts  A, distribution map showing weapons and ...
THE URNFIELDS Figura 13. Llavorsi bronze hoard and graphic showing its typological composition. (after Gallart, 1991, amended). killing for cows and pigs, demonstrates a specialisation in stock-keeping and probably an increase in the use of secondary products. The horse is barely present however could have played a relatively important role as an animal for riding and pulling carts. Some contexts furthermore reveal symbolic representations for equine remains. The emergence of the cart has not been archaeologically proven however is very likely. The production of bronze artefacts rose judging by the increase in the number of moulds found in the settlements of the Segre-Cinca and Bajo Aragón, the emergence of bronze hoards and the growth in the quantity of metal objects included in the grave goods. It is hard to characterise the technology used in metallurgy however it has been suggested that the furnace chamber and the lost wax casting technique could have been introduced. The analyses show binary copper alloys with a high tin content, very similar to those from South-East France, and the stone moulds are more sophisticated. Many bivalves mounds now show both components carved. Sometimes however we could do worse than leave technology behind and think of bronzesmiths as working under almost magical conditions, as indeed we have been invited to do by many ethnographic and historic cases. The hiding of bronzes is not very prevalent but at least 8 hoards and some more lost finds, testify to the trend of accumulating metal objects for different purposes, even though none appear to have a votive or ritual meaning. All are concealed in dry earth or rock and date from between 1100 and 800 cal. BC and their distribution marks out a long path along the River Segre and its tributaries as well as another two less important areas: the River Ter and the Catalonia coastal plain.24The hoards are of various types: a) “personal”, with completely new or almost unused items such as the one at Sant Aleix containing 17 bracelets; b) “trader” or pedlar for recycling metal, using obsolete items, such as those found at Ripoll and Font Major or at Llavorsí, the biggest of them all containing 148 pieces and 7.38 kilos of bronze that included broken and/or unused items 25, and lastly, c) hoards specifically used by the metallurgists, as in the case of Serra de Monderes that are completely made up of plano- convex smelted bronze pieces. However, it was recently suggested that many hoards responded to a fragmentation of structured pieces and as such are far from the traditional idea of hoards of scrap metal for recycling. An useful idea perhaps for exploring in the lands of North-Eastern Iberia. The most recent finding at Sant Martí d’Empúries –a set of 8 tools with axes, a chisel and a fragment of a button sickle, some intact and others broken– is interesting as it originates against a backdrop of habitation, even though hidden in the hollow of a rock. In general, the majority of the foreign pieces originate from workshops in the Centre-East of France that by means of the Rhone and the Languedoc, following well-established circuits and transported by itinerant metalworkers, reached the passes of the Alto Segre and Eastern Pyrenees. The combination of moulds from Cantaperdius, along the course of the Segre, includes among others, moulds for daggers, swords and needles of the types widely spread throughout 24 25 Ruiz Zapatero and Rovira, 1994-95, Rafel et al., 2008: 248s. Gallart, 1991. 209
THE URNFIELDS  Figura 13. Llavorsi bronze hoard and graphic showing its typological composition.  after Gallart, 1991, ame...
210 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figura 14. Idealized composition of the community at the cemetery of Molá (Tarragona). Individuals without metal grave goods (pale yellow), individuals in complex burial structures with positions of privilege (orange) and individuals with greater status with richer metal objects (red) (after Ruiz Zapatero, 2001, redrawn). the different regions of Central Europe26. And this would suggest that some bronzesmiths, perhaps specialists in creating objects of prestige, were familiar with or brought with them patterned moulds of a Central European design that contrast with the dozens of “simple” moulds (axes, rods, arrowheads, chisels...) found among the many villages of the Segre, Middle Ebro and Lower Aragón. There was, anyway, a far-reaching connectivity for the movement and transportation of products and materials, even over long distances. We do not, however, know about the specific mechanisms that made this possible. It seems clear, judging by the overall lack of bronze objects in tombs and its rare presence in domestic contexts that the metal was a form of accumulating “wealth” and weapons and adornments were seen as elements of prestige and marks of social status. The tools, personal adornments and some weapons present in the cisterns prove the value of bronze, its “hoarding” and use through continuous recycling and the scrapping of obsolete or unused 26 Rovira, 2004. pieces. This could have been undertaken by specialist metalworkers as suggested by the workshop found in one of the houses in La Colomina in the Segre Valley or the concentration of moulds in some villages such as El Roquizal del Rullo (Lower Aragón). One last reflection: remember that we do not exactly know the reasons for the hiding of bronze artefacts and that even their content is not a representative sample of the types of metals in circulation. As suggested by Bradley27 one possible, more in-depth exploration of this issue would be a contextualised study to correlate the types founds in hoards and those manufactured in foundry moulds. We should view the hoards as part of a wider investigation into the distribution of metal and not disassociating them from the discovery of isolated finds and the bronze deposited in tombs. In this period there is forewarning of two general trends. First, a growing sustainable demographic identified through the increase in the number of settlements and the total number of tombs, the inten27 Bradley 2013: 129.
210  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figura 14. Idealized composition of the community at the cemetery of ...
THE URNFIELDS Figura 15. Centre of Aldovesta (Tarragona): A, Ground plan showing the different functional areas and the “fortified” store; B, geographical situation; C, amphorae; D, attempted reconstruction of the centre; and E, operation of the site as port-oftrade to store Mediterranean imports and their redistribution to inland villages. (A and C after Mascort et al. 1991; B and E, the author; and D after Bosch and Santacana, 2009). sification in agriculture and stock-breeding and the capacity to occupy new areas (the Middle Ebro valley and incursions into the Levant). Second, a greater evidence of permanent settlement on the land by human groups that in turn translates into an increase in the structures for grain storage and milling and the ongoing occupation of settlements and use of cemeteries. Some communities reached 200-300 inhabitants, counting the number of dwellings of the larger villages, even though estimates that are based on the cemeteries demonstrate that the small hamlet groups and families scattered through farmhouses continued to comprise the majority of the population. This is evidenced by the 82 burials at Pí de la Lliura over a period of 200 years or slightly more. The characterisation of the demographic structure of these small communities is difficult because the cremated remains do not permit an accurate anthropological analysis. However from recent works such as that at Pí de la Lliura a slightly strange perspective emerges. In the sample of identifiable individuals, there is a strong presence of children (37%) and of young people aged between 7-12 years (4%), while sub-adults (20%) and undefined adults (+20%) do not appear well-represented. The high rate of infant mortality, with values of over 50%, was a constant factor and if we take note of the values of other contemporary European groups, where life expectancy at birth was extremely low (17-20 years), we have an approximate idea of the short lifespan of these populations. Regarding social organisation, the limited access by individuals to the “wealthier” grave goods, demonstrates groups with scant social distance even though, once again, it must be remembered that we are long way away from truly understanding the value of the funerary implements. What is true is that despite the general similarities between them, some tombs already stand out due to their bronze artefacts while others stand out for having no grave offerings, not even a cinerary urn. Early Iron Age Groups in the tradition of the Urnfields (cal. 750/700-500 BC) As from the end of 8th century BC the regional groups of the Urnfields in the NE of the peninsula underwent their own periods of evolution, showing a clear difference between the groups of the coastal areas (Ampurdán, pre-coastal Catalonian depression, Bajo Ebro and Bajo Aragón) and those of the hinterland (Segre-Cinca and Medio/Alto Ebro). The Mediterranean colonial influences, first the Phoenicians (7th century BC) then followed by the Greeks, essen- 211
THE URNFIELDS  Figura 15. Centre of Aldovesta  Tarragona   A, Ground plan showing the different functional areas and the  ...
212 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figura 16. Ground plan of the fortress at Els Vilars (Arbeca, Lerida). tially from the focal point of Ampurias, profoundly transformed the settlements of the Late Bronze Age. Throughout 6th century BC, such transformations lead a process of acculturation that crystallised in the formation of Ancient Iberia. Cave occupation in the Ampurdán region was abandoned and there was a multiplication in the number of hut villages that followed the tradition of the Late Bronze Age, seeking secure settlements. The stratigraphies of settlements such as Sant Martí d’Empúries and the Illa d’en Reixac document the first Phoenician importations, and, to a lesser extent, Etruscan and Greek imports, prior to the founding of Ampuries. From 580 BC, following the decline in the Phoenician agents, there was an increase in Greek products, the emergence of the first Iberian pottery and a reduction in wheel-turned products. On the central Catalonian cost and the lands of the pre-coastal depression –in particular, the Vallés– there was spectacular growth in the number of settlements. The hut villages and their accompanying silos continued to follow the local tradition and it was only the appearance of Mediterranean imports that indicated the arrival of a new era. In the Penedés region, the groups of huts were the norm but eventually, new villages emerged, such as Olérdola that were located in defended positions and provided with fortifications. By the end of the period, the hut settlements had started to decline to be replaced by defended villages with houses built of stone. An important network of villages developed in the southern region of Catalonia and particularly in the area of the Lower Ebro in the wake of the Phoenician colonial factor that was very active along its coastline. Some communities tried to profit from the Phoenician trade, taking advantage of their strategic positions between the coast and the more inland regions. The best example is that of Aldovesta, in which a small group served as a gateway community, accumulating colonial products for their redistribution inland. Sant Jaume (Mas d’en Serra) was another centre of local power that used to control Phoenician colonial exchanges. The contacts with the Phoenicians were intensive as revealed in the case of the cultual building of Turó del Calvari (625-575 BC) It comprised a singular structure with a rectangular ground plan and a double apse, with a solid stone base and adobe elevation divided into two spaces that probably included an upper floor. In the interior
212  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figura 16. Ground plan of the fortress at Els Vilars  Arbeca, Lerida ...
THE URNFIELDS were found the remains of “portable altars”, incense burners and an extensive range of luxury pottery that included Phoenician importations and imitations. The singular building was an expression of the strong Orientalized influence on the cultural background of Urnfields tradition with an outwards appearance that united religion, ideology and power. One generation on, many villages were abandoned or destroyed, coinciding with the end of Phoenician trade. The Lower Aragón continued the tradition of stable villages in settlements with a central area or “grouped houses” dating from the Late Bronze Age. These were concentrated throughout the small valleys of the tributaries of the River Ebro, such as La Loma de los Brunos and Azaila. The standard construction involved rectangular houses with tripartite floors. The estimated populations varied between 60 and 300 inhabitants. The region was a crossroads of routes influenced by the Mediterranean coast –Phoenician amphorae, red varnished pottery and very characteristic metal objects such as double clip brooches and iron knives– and by the Segre-Cinca, in turn spreading elements towards the Eastern edge of the Plateau and the valley of the Medio Ebro. In the 6th century BC arrived Greek productions with its black and red figures pottery, other black varnished pottery and Etruscan kylix. In all the coastal areas, the transformations arising from the colonial Mediterranean impact could be most clearly seen in the burials. The cremation cemeteries were standard practice and, in general, their size increased along with the diversity of tombs and the amount of grave offerings included in the same. Phoenician pottery vases, such as those type La Cruz del Negro and others, became part of the grave goods at richer tombs together with a wider range of new metal elements. These items were in abundance at the majority of the tombs as is well demonstrated by the final phase of Can Piteu-Can Roqueta. Similarly were deposited iron knives, items of clothing and adornments such as snake-shaped brooches, belt plates and pins, and other items related with Mediterranean symposium such as roasters and simpulae – and, finally as an unequivocal indicator of status, pieces of horse bridles. Significantly there are no weapons. In 6th century BC we come across the “warrior’s tombs period” that also existed in the SE of France. These were usually small groups of tombs with grave goods including both offensive and defensive weapons, adornments, scarabs and metallic dishware. Llinars del Vallés, Granja Soley and Can Canyis are examples some of these tombs of “warrior aristocrats” whose collections of arms exhibit swords, spears with their tips, helmets and cnémides (shin plates), in ad- dition to typical elements from the Mediterranean symposium - roasters and metallic dishware - as well as personal adornments including brooches and belt plates that heightened the “beauty of the warrior”. During the middle decades of this century, productions of wheeled pottery started to become generalised until the emergence of Paleo-Iberian pottery and the configuration of the Ancient Iberian Period as the cemetery at Mas de Mussols in the area of the Lower Ebro reveals. In the inland areas, the scenario is more diverse. In the Catalonian hinterland, in particular the Solsonés, the Marlés group with its strong native roots, received some importations, Phoenician amphorae, red varnished pottery, double clip brooches and some Greek artefacts that date back to the end of 7th century and 6th century BC. In the Pre-Pyrenean territories, some cemeteries from the transition between 8th century and 7th century BC demonstrate strong contacts with groups from the Upper Garona on the other side of the mountain range, operating in a more closed world far beyond the stimuli of the Mediterranean. On the plains of the Segre-Cinca, the evolution of the groups from the Late Bronze Age lead to the emergence of territorial, power-based centres that were well-fortified, such as Els Vilars, an impressive fortress whose construction started in 8th century BC and whose long occupation of some four centuries is an example of the transformation of the last groups of Urnfields into the Ilergetes people of the Iberian Age. A solid fortification with quadrangular towers reinforced with a ditch and “chevaux-de-frise” defences, protects a narrow group of terraced houses distributed in a radial pattern around a central area presided over by a large cistern that had various constructive phases. A numerous community with some central power in the hands of a local group that exploited a surrounding expanse of land with an active economic life in which the raising of horses seemed to play a special role. At the end of 7th century BC and the start of 6th century BC, few colonial importations had reached the villages and cemeteries of the region: a prelude to the Ancient Iberian Period. The upper reaches of the Ebro river, to the West of the Sierra de Alcubierre on the left and the River Aguas Vicas to the right, the lands in the centre of Ebro Basin created their own character, influenced by the Urnfields groups of the Segre-Cinca and the Lower Aragón. This is the group of the Early Iron Age from the Middle Ebro valley with an Urnfields28 tradition. The first settlements with Urnfields elements are found in the best known village, the Alto de la Cruz of the Cortes de Navarra. Following the 28 Royo, 1990. 213
THE URNFIELDS  were found the remains of    portable altars   , incense burners and an extensive range of luxury pottery t...
214 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figura 17. The “warrior’s tombs” period from C16 B.C. with the accompanying panoplies and pottery equipments at Granja Soley and Can Canyis, compared with the French site at Corno Lauzo (after Ruiz Zapatero 1983-85 redrawn). initial phases of the Middle Bronze Age with round houses, the beginning of 9th century BC saw villages being built with rectangular houses and the typical tripartite division and pottery that included the conspicuous grooved pottery. This was a village that could house around 300/350 inhabitants distributed between neighbourhoods comprising blocks of attached houses. El Cabezo de la Cruz (Zaragoza) also offers also a superpositioning of settlements that started from 9th century BC and embraced the entire Early Iron Age until its Iberianisation. We do not know any ancient cemeteries in the region however it is very probable that this is more due to a gap in the research than its real absence, as the ancient elements of the Cortes de Navarra lead us to think that the cremation ritual of flat tombs in pits or in tumular structures should accompany the other elements of the Urnfields. In fact the known cemeteries date from later on, not appearing before 8th – 7th century BC, such as La Atalaya that is associated with the final phases of the Cortes de Navarra, La Torraza and El Castillo de Castejón29 The economy of the groups of the Early Iron Age consolidated earlier strategies as well as incorporating significant new elements connected with the colonial Mediterranean phenomenon. These included the introduction of iron metalwork, the potter’s wheel and wine. The introduction of iron seems to be due, in essence, to the actions of the Phoenician agents.30 In areas such as the Lower Ebro, the first manufactured 29 30 Ruiz Zapatero, 2007. Ruiz Zapatero et al., 2012.
214  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figura 17. The    warrior   s tombs    period from C16 B.C. with the ...
THE URNFIELDS iron goods and the Phoenician importations appear simultaneously and the same probably occurred in the other regions. However it is possible that the first iron in the Ampurdán region, such as the Agullana knives (750-700 cal. B.C.) was as a result of its transportation from the South-East of France where it had already appeared at the end of 8th century BC within pre-colonial contexts. Both approaches are possible and there is little more that can be said with certainty. The first local production of iron came later, throughout 6th century BC. The general spread of iron implements and above all their regular use as agricultural tools is already a phenomenon that dates from the Iberian period. Agriculture consolidated the system for producing surplus cereals, clear to see from the silo capacity in the areas of NE Catalonia where the values vary between 1,400 and 3,300 litres. This represented a noticeable increase compared to the situation during the Late Bronze Age. The introduction of the grapevine indicates a southerly origin judging by the Western Phoenician amphorae that predominate in the Catalonian settlements31. Some of the flat spouted amphorae were also used to store beer. The harsher and poorer lands had a predominance of sheep and goat herds with the presence of pigs appearing to follow an upwards trend. The emergence of elite individuals with complete panoplies is accompanied by the elements associated with the Mediterranean symposium such as roasters, metallic dishware and simpulae. The communities of the Early Iron Age demonstrate clear imbalances in the funerary equipments that prove increasingly hierarchical social and gentilician systems of organisation. From the right-hand border of the Middle Ebro region, penetrations by small groups took place towards the Eastern edge of the Meseta from relatively early dates as proven by small settlements similar to Fuente Estaca (8th century BC) or cemeteries such Herrería that lays claim to a much earlier dating but which unfortunately is not linked to any diagnostic archaeological material. The influences of the Middle Ebro, in the latter case, brought together the tradition of the groups from the Segre and the Bajo Aragón and established the initial phase of Celtiberian cemeteries around the end of 7th century and the beginning of 6th century BC. In relation to this phenomenon it would be suggestive to put forward the origin of the Celtiberian language. But in the event a Celtic Indo-European dialect was spoken by an Urnfields groups from Western Catalonia and from the Middle Ebro at the end of 9th century and 8th century BC, it could be said that the influence of this group was a decisive factor in the emergence of the Early Celtiberian Period on the Eastern Meseta. As such it would then have been possible for such a Celtic Indo-European language to have formed the background from which the Celtiberian language was born32. It has been pointed out33 that on the right-hand border of the Middle Ebro there are two clear linguistic bases: one is “Southern Indo-European” and the other Celtiberian. It is very tempting to associate the first with the arrival of the elements of the Urnfields in the centre of the Ebro Basin around 8th century BC or a little earlier, and the second with the Celtiberian expansion from the edge of the Iberian mountain range towards the centre of the valley in 4th century BC. This would leave various centuries between one occurrence and the other as has been suggested by paleolinguistics. 32 31 Buxó et al., 2010. 33 Ruiz Zapatero and Lorrio, 1999: 34. Villar, 2000: 433. 215
THE URNFIELDS  iron goods and the Phoenician importations appear simultaneously and the same probably occurred in the othe...
Alberto J. Lorrio* The Celtic peoples Iberia is one of the Celtic territories par excellence. This is confirmed by the information provided by classic sources that explicitly indicate the presence of peoples with a Celtic heritage in the inland regions of Hispania such as the Celtiberi and the Berones, and, in the Western lands of the Iberian Peninsula, such as the Celtici in the South-West on one hand, and diverse peoples with Celtic affiliated in the North-West on the other. The Celtiberi or the Celtici, have names that leave no doubt as regards to such links. Others probably would have been Celts even though Greco-Latin authors have not been explicit in this regard, as is the case with the Olcades, Carpetani, Vettones, Vaccaei, Astures, Cantabri, Turmogidi, Autrigones, Caristi, Varduli and, perhaps also, Lusitani. The majority of these peoples occupied the centre, west and north of Spain, while the Lusitani and Celtici preferred to settle in the area that is presentday Portugal (Fig.1.A). Abundant epigraphic documents clearly demonstrate the existence of, at least, a Celtic language in the peninsular territory, the Celtiberian language. Such testimony focuses on the Eastern Meseta and the valley of the Upper and Middle Ebro, in other words on Celtiberian and adjacent territories. Lusitanian, on the other hand, is an archaic Indo-European language that would have been spoken in the Western Iberia and shares some common elements with the Celtic sub-family. The study of personal names, place names and theonyms similarly allows for a Celtic Hispania to be identified in the centre and west, whose territory is defined by a characteristic anthroponomy of the Indo-European type that permit a differentiation between certain regional groups and by the presence of the -briga place name, the most prevalent in Celtic linguistics (Fig. 1.B). Archaeological record is essential to analyse the formation of the Celtic world of Iberia, establish the cultural processes that lead to its gestation and ulterior expansion, and characterise the different Hispano-Celtic groups. The increase in recent decades of knowledge of the Late Bronze Age and the Iberian Iron Age have allowed progress to be * Universidad de Alicante, alberto.lorrio@ua.es made in the interpretation of the material culture of the Celts and their relationship with other related fields, such as Linguistics and Religion. This allows the chronological framework to overcome that has traditionally limited the archaeological study of the Hispano-Celtic groups to historical accounts by classical sources from the end of the 3rd century to the 1st century BC. History of the research and origin of the Iberian Celts The first studies on the Iberian Celts date back to the erudite tradition of the 15th to 18th centuries, which focused first on Greco-Roman antiquities, and then on prehistoric monuments, studying and collecting relics from the past. In the 19th century research focused on literary sources and on linguistic studies. H. d’Arbois de Jubainville (1893 y 1894) put forward the Ligur theory, according to which this Indo-European people had colonised the West before the Celts. He also mentions the Celtic elements of Hispania based on classical literary sources and onomastic. From 1850, we start to find records of the material culture that must have accompanied the Pre-Roman peoples cited by the literary sources. At this time the first cemeteries on the Meseta dating from the Iron Age were excavated and field research started in the most important cities (oppida) and hillforts (‘castros’) of Celtic Hispania1. A new stage, up to the 1940s, saw a notable increase in archaeological excavations, among which we can highlight the Celtiberian and Vettonian cemeteries and ‘castros’ of the Eastern and Western Meseta, while in Extremadura, Galicia and Asturias interest grew in the excavation of Pre-Roman settlements. We also see the first attempts to explain the presence of the Iberian Celts by integrating linguistic information with archaeological documentation. A. Schulten, P. Bosch Gimpera and M. Almagro studied 1 About the historiography of the Celtiberians and the Hispanic Celts, vid. Lorrio, 2005: 15-31. A general overview, in Almagro-Gorbea, 1991; Almagro-Gorbea et al., eds., 2001, and Lorrio and Ruiz Zapatero, 2005.
Alberto J. Lorrio   The Celtic peoples  Iberia is one of the Celtic territories par excellence. This is con   rmed by the ...
218 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE the Celts in the Iberian Peninsula in successive works. In his work on Numantia (1914), and based on literary sources, Schulten gives his personal reconstruction of the ethnogenesis process of the Celtiberians, which was used as the basis for subsequent studies by Bosch Gimpera, suggesting the existence of several invasions, or a single, slow and gradual invasion within the general context of the Urnfield Culture. The third stage covers the period up to the 1970s that is characterised by the advances made in linguistic studies. In 1946, A. Tovar described some of the fundamental features of the Celtiberian language that allowed for its inclusion among the Celtic languages. M. Lejeune, U. Schmoll and J. Untermann, whose most emblematic work is the Monumenta Linguarum Hispanicarum, of which volume IV is concerned with Celtiberian and Lusitanian inscriptions (1997). This renewed approach did not transfer to the archaeological research of the Celtic world due to the difficulty in relating Hispanic materials with those from the other side of the Pyrenees, which explains why from the 1940s onwards no attempts were made to produce new archaeological overviews and interpretations. The old theories of Bosch Gimpera and Almagro were repeated, an approach that changed from the 1960s to the work of German archaeologists such as E. Sangmeister, K. Raddatz and V. Pingel, who occasionally studied the Celtic issue. During this stage we can highlight the work of W. Schüle, Die Meseta Kulturen der Iberischen Halbinsel, published in 1969, whose influence on Celtiberian studies was a determining factor in the 1970s and 1980s. The 1980s saw an increase in the excavations of cemeteries, settlements and, to a lesser extent, sanctuaries, at the same time as there was a refocusing of the studies on the Celts of Hispania. This new approach identified the regional sequences that explain the processes of its formation and its characteristics and differences compared to the rest of Celtic Europe. These studies integrated archaeological and linguistic data with the classical sources, in spite of the difficulty in understanding the historiography of Celtic Europe that is bound to a false perspective being unable to evaluate the personality of the Celts of Hispania and other peripheral areas. One issue of renewed relevance is the explanation of the origin of the Celtiberians and the other Hispanic Celtic peoples, a topic that forms part of the celticisation of the Iberian Peninsula. Except for the laudable attempts by Sangmeister and Schüle, this subject had not been reviewed since the theories of Bosch and Almagro, with research coming to a halt after their major archaeological syntheses. This resulted in extreme viewpoints from some researchers that have linked, up until recently, the celticisa- tion to the ‘latenisation’ of the Iberian Peninsula, by relating the arrival of the Celts with the Iberian elements of La Tène culture. It even led to a rejection of the presence of the Celts in Hispania, by considering such contributions as insufficient2. In the mid1980s, M. Almagro-Gorbea proposed a cross-disciplinary perspective to analyse the Celts of Hispania, again integrating this archaeological data with the literary sources, linguistic evidence and even, with ethno-anthropological traditions3. Having criticised traditional invasionist models, he suggested regional processes of ethnogenesis, pointing out the difficulty of all the Celts of Hispania coming from the Urnfield Culture. For this reason, he sought their origin in a ‘proto-Celtic’ substrate ranging from the Bronze Age to the beginning of the first millennium throughout the west and north of the Iberian Peninsula. This means setting the origin of the Celts back to the third millennium BC and locating the roots of the formative process that eventually led to the Celtic peoples in the Bell Beaker culture and in the Atlantic Bronze Age4. This origin explains its extensive presence throughout Western Europe and its internal variations due to ancestral traditions. The Celts known from classical sources and their archaeological remains would be the result of a long process of progressive or “accumulative” celticisation that explains its cultural variety, even though they possibly spoke related languages and upheld similar ideas regarding life and its values, a fact that differentiates them from other peoples of Antiquity. Such approaches have contributed to the explicit recognition of the personality of the Iberian Peninsula in the Celtic world, while accepting the existence on the Iberian Peninsula of some Celts with their own identity before the influences of La Tène culture. The Iberian Celts display a material culture that perfectly differentiates from that of the Central European Celts of Hallstatt and La Tène cultures, which explain the difficulty in understanding it using traditional approaches. Throughout the 1st millennium BC and largely due to their contact with Tartessians and Iberians, at least a part of those peninsular Celts assimilated elements of Mediterranean origin such as weaponry, the potter’s wheel, urban planning or writing, even though the existence of Northern Pyrenean stimuli is well documented, given the presence of influences from the Urnfield groups in the area, all of which would justify the mixed nature -Celtic and Iberian- alluded to by the classic writers as regards the Celtiberians5. 2 3 4 5 Mainly, Lenerz-de Wilde, 1991. Almagro-Gorbea, 1992; 1993; 2001: 99 ss. Vid. equally, Koch, 2013. Ruiz Zapatero and Lorrio, 2007.
218  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  the Celts in the Iberian Peninsula in successive works. In his work o...
THE CELTIC PEOPLES Figure 1. A, Map of Hispano-Celtic ethnic groups. B, Basic division between Indo-European and Iberian linguistic areas in the Iberian peninsula, with Late Iron Age-Roman epigraphic evidences for different indigenous languages. C, Processes for the ethnic, cultural and linguistic configuration of the Celtiberians; D, The development of the Celtiberian culture (B, according to Almagro-Gorbea et al. 2001; C, according to Lorrio and Ruiz Zapatero; D, according to Lorrio, 2005). This archaeological evidence permits an analysis of the ethnogenesis of the Celtiberians, despite the difficulties involved in the use of this term prior to the time it was created by the Greco-Latin writers. Their interest is evident, as it concerns one of the few cases in which all the sources analysed coincide in highlighting its Celtic character, at least during the time of the Wars with Rome. Thus the appearance of certain elements of material culture, settlement, burial ritual, ideology or socio-economic structure that are the 219
THE CELTIC PEOPLES  Figure 1. A, Map of Hispano-Celtic ethnic groups. B, Basic division between Indo-European and Iberian ...
220 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE characteristics of the Celtiberian world throughout its evolutionary process, allow for its initial moments to be individualised, placing it on the high lands of the Eastern Meseta towards the 7th and 6th Centuries BC or even earlier. In this sense, as we will see later, it would be appropriate to use the term ‘Celtiberian’ referring to the archaeological cultures that are situated on the lands of the Upper Tagus - Upper Jalón and Upper Douro rivers, on the Eastern Meseta and in the Iberian Mountains, from the formative stages onwards (Fig 1.D). The continuity heralded by means of the cultural sequence in this sector of the Meseta allows for a correlation to be made between archaeological evidence and historical and ethnical evidence (Fig. 1.C) given its individualisation in a territory that almost entirely coincides with that which the classic writers have attributed to the Celtiberians, people that, as we have indicated, were thought of as Celtic. Celtiberian was spoken in this area, at least during the historical period, and is the only language that has been identified as unequivocally Celtic in the whole of the Iberian Peninsula (Fig. 1.B). On the other hand, the finding of elements that may be considered as being Celtiberian in areas that are not strictly Celtiberian could be seen as an indication of celtiberianisation and, as such, the start of the Celtic influence on those territories. This, more than making an association between significant ethnic movements must be seen as an intermittent phenomenon with a cumulative effect that is linked to the imposition of dominant groups, albeit in a reduced number, local migrations and even the acculturation of the indigenous substratum. As a result, the geographical spread of some elements such as the horse brooches or some typically celtic weaponry, for example the bidiscoidal type daggers, could be interpreted as signs of such expansion and as a consequence of the celticisation process. This is furthermore documented by the distribution of the ethnic personal names Celtius and Celtiber and their variants, and of some characteristic place names. From the linguistic point of view, this is demonstrated by the emergence of texts in the Celtiberian language outside the theoretical extent of Celtiberian territory, which was largely based on the Central Plateau or Meseta, but also in more remote areas such as Extremadura. Obviously this does not exclude that there may have been Hispano-Celts other than the Celtiberians, as seems to be confirmed by the literary sources with respect to the Berones and the Celtici, according to Pliny (III, 13-14) of Celtiberian origin, or that this process of celtiberiacisation occurred in areas where there had previously existed a Celtic component that is difficult to determine. This scenario is particularly complex in relation to those ethnic groups whose formation is known through Archaeology, those which are not expressly deemed as being Celts according to the classic sources and those whose spoken language was unknown or, as occurred with Lusitanian, whose Celtic character is far from being unanimously accepted. Within the Celtic world as thus understood, there is variation in time and space and as such, it is not possible to see it as something uniform and “simple”. It is a reality whose recent discoveries demonstrate a significant level of complexity. The Celtiberians The Celtiberians are one of best known of the Celtic peoples in Iberia6. The first reference to Celtiberia is within the context of the Second Punic War as told by Polybius during the early stages of the siege of Saguntum in the spring of 219 BC. From that time, mentions of Celtiberia and the Celtiberians are abundant as they were one of the leading protagonists of the warlike events of the 2nd century BC, mainly the so-called Celtiberian Wars that culminated in 133 BC with the destruction of Numantia and its submission to Rome. They played a prominent role in other military episodes from the 1st century BC, such as the Sertorian Wars. Literary sources present the Celtiberi as a mixed population of Celts and Iberians according to Posidonius, Diodorus, Appian and Martial, although according to Strabo the Celts as the more dominant group in this blend, thereby coinciding with conserved linguistic, onomastic and archaeological evidence. The term would have been created by the classic writers to give a name to a group of people who were hostile towards Rome, that could have referred to the Celts of Iberia, in spite of the fact that the Celtiberians, as we know, were not the only Celts on the Peninsula. The Celtiberians were people with a Celtic language and culture whose cultural characteristics are fairly homogenous, as demonstrated by its art, social organisation and religious beliefs. During its final stage it developed an important urban culture, while its state epigraphy became prominent through indigenous and Latin texts, the numerous hospitality tessera and the large number of coins minted in bronze and silver. The Celtiberians would have been an ethnic group, similar to the Gaul or the Iberians, as they incorporate entities of a lower category, such as the Arevaci, Belli, Titii, Lusones and Pelendones. The analysis of such ethnic groups, and the regions they occupied through the localisation of their cities, allows us to establish certain limits for Celtiberia that 6 A summarised overview regarding the Celtiberians can be seen in the works of Lorrio, 2005 and 2008; Jimeno, ed., 2005; and Burillo, 2007, that contain the above bibliography.
220  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  characteristics of the Celtiberian world throughout its evolutionary ...
THE CELTIC PEOPLES in no way should be seen as being unmoveable, that spanned the high lands of the Eastern Meseta and the right bank of the Middle Ebro Valley. Today, invasionist viewpoints that link the formation of the Celtiberian group with the arrival of successive waves of Celts from Central Europe are totally rejected as the necessary corroboration from archaeological data has not been found. More recent approaches, such as that defended by M. AlmagroGorbea, A. Lorrio and G. Ruiz Zapatero suggest we should look for their origin in the Indo-European cultural background, widespread throughout the Late Bronze Age at the start of the 1st millennium BC, to the West and North of the Iberian Peninsula. Even though their expansion was halted on reaching the mountain range of the Iberian System, the future Celtiberia, comprising peoples originating from the Urnfields of the Ebro Valley, was a phenomenon that dates to around the 9th or 8th centuries BC, which is known as the Proto-Celtiberian period. The data from some cemeteries such as phases I and II at Herrería (Guadalajara) or that at San Pedro, in Oncala (Soria)7 is extremely interesting as it suggests dates that are very early, prior to the start of the Iron Age, for the arrival of these influences. During the Early Celtiberian period (c. 650/600450 BC) the high lands of the Eastern Meseta and the Iberian Mountains recorded significant new developments, some of which would end up characterising the Celtiberian Culture in its more advanced phases. The first permanent settlements in this territory now emerge, generally of the type known as “castro”, fortified settlements, situated on easily-defended hills and sometimes protected by walls (Fig. 2.1)8. The houses were rectangular, with a stone socle and mud brick (adobe) elevation. The adjoining walls were closed to the outside to form a rampart, and doors opened onto the interior of the hillfort. This documented central area that could be interpreted as a street or square is an urban layout originating from the NorthEastern Urnfield Culture. This model would be the type of Celtiberian dwelling that continued up until the Late period (Fig. 2.2). The largest settlements barely had a few hundred inhabitants, with no noticeable hierarchical organisation of the land resulting in small, fairly homogenous and self-sufficient communities. The basis of their economy would have been predominantly agriculture and livestock. Despite different types of evidence gathered coinciding in demonstrating the eminently pastoral nature 7 8 About the ancient phases of the cemetery at Herrería (I-II), vid. Cerdeño and Sagardoy, 2002: 31 s. About the cemetery at San Pedro, vid. Tabernero et al., 2010. Cerdeño and Juez, 2002; Álvarez-Sanchís, Jimeno and Ruiz Zapatero, eds., 2011. of the Celtiberian economy, subsistence agriculture was also practised. This allowed for the population in general to become more settled with only some of its members being on the move with their livestock during certain periods of the year. The increase of the hillforts reveals a growing instability, a consequence of demographic increase and the need to defend its pagus, that was usually a valley or small territory arising from the predominance of livestock, partly due to its move to new pastures to avoid the arid summers on the plains of the Meseta and the harsh winters of the mountains, and the resulting tensions over control of the grazing lands. This process favoured an increasingly hierarchical social organisation, in turn giving rise to the emergence of elite warriors that evolved into hereditary gentiliate clans, in a process that ran parallel to the ruling elites of the Iron Age in the North-East. This period also sees an increase in the cremation cemeteries, the first examples of which date a little earlier as demonstrated by the above mentioned exemples at Herrería and San Pedro. Through these ancient excavations we have found out about the internal organisation of some cemeteries, with tombs lined up in rows. Recent works however at the cemetery of Inchidero (Aguilar de Montuenga, Soria)9 suggest a greater level of complexity as its initial phase shows the alignment of the tombs, dating back to between the end of the 7th / start of the 6th centuries and the middle of the 5th century BC. It also reveals a reorganisation from that time with its rows of stelae that would continue through the Celtiberian period up to its more advanced phases (Fig. 2.12). In other cases, such as at the cemeteries at Molina de Aragón and Sigüenza (Guadalajara), the tombs appeared covered with tumular stone structures. Some of these cemeteries, such as the one at Carratiermes (Soria), had been in use from the 6th to the 1st centuries BC or even later; the tombs appeared to be distributed into two burial sectors, separated by a distance of around 200 m, with the oldest tombs in the central area of the zone from which the majority of the units excavated originated10. The grave offerings reveal groups with an emerging social differentiation and a ‘warrior’ component indicated by some tombs containing weapons, including long spearheads. Recent findings even suggest the exceptional use of the sword during this era. During the Early Celtiberian period we find a collection of pottery and new metal objects -many already made of iron- with no antecedents in the traditions of the local potters and metalworkers. The important activity of the bronzesmiths can be highlighted, with 9 10 Arlegui, 2012. Argente et al., 2000. 221
THE CELTIC PEOPLES  in no way should be seen as being unmoveable, that spanned the high lands of the Eastern Meseta and th...
222 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figure 2. Celtiberians. 1, View of the hill-fort of El Ceremeño during the Middle Celtiberian period; 2, Celtiberian house with tripartite division; 3, idealised reconstruction of the oppidum at Numantia; 4, silver brooch from Driebes; 5, hospitality tessera from Contrebia Belaisca; 6, denarius from Sekobirikes; 7-8, Numantine pottery with symbolic decoration; 9-11, cemetery at Carratiermes: breastplates and military equipment; 12, rows of stelae at the Luzaga cemetery; 13-14, cemetery at Numantia: horse brooch and signa equitum; 15, Numantine pottery with a scene depicting cadavers; 16, helmet at Muriel de la Fuente; 17, sanctuary at Termes (1, according to Cerdeño and Juez, 2002; 2, according to Ruiz Zapatero; 3, according to Jimeno; 4, according to Raddatz, 1969; 5, according to Almagro-Gorbea, 1991; 6, photo Real Academia de la Historia; 7-11 and 13-16, photo A. Plaza, Museo Numantino; 12, photo Cerralbo Museum; 17, photo A.J. Lorrio).
222  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figure 2. Celtiberians. 1, View of the hill-fort of El Cereme  o duri...
THE CELTIC PEOPLES a good number of varied objects relating to clothing and personal adornment. Some of these were manufactured in local or regional workshops, such as certain styles of brooches (those decorated with spiral form patterns and the flat-back brooches), some types of belt buckles and different sorts of breastplates (Fig. 2.9-10), all of which made an exclusive appearance in the Eastern territories of the Meseta. The analysis of the material culture of the cemeteries and settlements of this early phase of Celtiberian Culture similarly demonstrates the existence of contributions of diverse provenance and a variety of cultural traditions: the South of the Peninsula, the Eastern and the SouthEast territories and the Ebro Valley. This latter area is considered as being essential for an understanding of the arrival of the funerary ritual of cremation, together with its urns and the settlements with a central street that are characteristic of the North-Eastern Urnfield culture. Similarly we can include the placement of infant inhumation within the settlements, a characteristic ritual of the Urnfield groups of the North-East to which the centre of the River Douro basin bears witness through the ‘Soto’ culture that would come to be general practice in the Iberian world. A new period developed as from the 5th century BC, known as the Middle Celtiberian period (c. 450225/200 BC), during which we can observe a consolidation in the settlements of the areas of the previous phase and the incorporation of new territories such as the right bank of the Middle Ebro Valley. The hillforts increased in size and the ‘castro’-type settlement was maintained. The urban layout became widespread with its streets and central square. New defensive elements were adopted such as double walls and rectangular towers, while the ditches were larger than during the preceding phase, some with examples of the characteristic fields of sunken stones (chevaux-defrise), already discovered in the Early Iron Age in the ‘castros’ of the northern mountains of Soria. Furthermore, the number of settlements grew, as did the cemeteries, some of which display the characteristic rows of stelae. The number of tombs in some of the cemeteries suggests this, even though in many cases, given the prolonged period of use of these cemeteries, also include tombs belonging to the earlier or later phase, which, as it concerns old excavations, is not always possible to determine. The number of burials varied significantly from one cemetery to another: at Aguilar de Anguita, around 5,000 tombs were excavated, in Luzaga around 2,000, Gormaz offered some 1,200 burials, Osma and Quintanas de Gormaz exceeded 800, in Almaluez, 322 tombs were documented, while Alpanseque and Arcóbriga offered around 300 graves and La Mercadera some 100. This is able to provide us with information regarding the size of the communities linked to these sites. During this phase, the cemeteries reveal the growing social differentiation, with the appearance of tombs of aristocrats whose grave offerings comprise a large number of artefacts, some of which could be considered as being exceptional. This includes bronze weaponry (helmets, breastplates and shields) or wheel turned pottery. This important development initially appears to be limited to the region of the Upper Henares - Upper Tajuña, tributaries of the River Tagus, as well as the southern lands of the province of Soria corresponding to the Upper Douro and the Upper Jalón Valley. This was a region with a wealth of livestock, the control of the salt resources that were still in use up until a few years ago, the production of iron, and enjoyed a privileged geographic situation being a natural route from the Ebro Valley to the Meseta. The wealthiest tombs contain antenna-pommel or ‘frontón’ type swords (Fig. 2.11), spearheads, shields, breastplates (cuirass-discs), and even a helmet. These objects demonstrate a strongly hierarchical society in which the wealthiest tombs are linked to aristocratic groups. Alongside these, we can often find horse harness, one further sign of the category of the individual accompanying them. On the highest level we find tombs offering a host of weaponry that includes helmets, shields and bronze breastplates, truly breathtaking pieces, and horse harness. These would be the tombs of warrior horsemen or equites that were members of the ruling elite of the community. Lower down we find warrior tombs containing rich weaponry made up of swords, knives, spears and shields. A third row of tombs with weapons includes poorer grave offerings with just spears and shields and occasionally, a sword. The vast majority of the burials correspond to the mass of the rural population, with no armaments and diverse levels of ‘wealth’. An analysis of the weaponry and the remaining metal objects (brooches, belt buckles, etc.), in many cases recovered from the tombs, clearly illustrate the diverse influences of Celtiberian Culture during its Middle phase: Northern Pyrenean, arriving via the Ebro Valley; from the Meseta, specifically the lands of the Middle Douro and possibly from the Vettonian area surrounding Ávila, as well as inspiration from the Mediterranean most likely from the Southern and Eastern regions of the Peninsula. However, a significant portion of these objects, given their characteristic typology, were surely produced in metallurgy centres situated on the Eastern Meseta, despite the fact that we have scant information in this regard. Notwithstanding this, the 5th and 4th centuries and, to a lesser extent, the 3rd century, would see a high level of development in Celtiberian metalwork. Proof of this is the appearance in grave offerings from the east of the Meseta of new types of weapons, in many cases, locally manufactured and often displaying rich Damascene decorations. 223
THE CELTIC PEOPLES  a good number of varied objects relating to clothing and personal adornment. Some of these were manufa...
224 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE One finding of exceptional interest is the collection of ‘Hispano-chalcidian’ helmets that were discovered in Aranda del Moncayo (Saragossa), possibly genuine ‘Hispanic’ or perhaps Celtiberian creations that reflects the intense and active mercenary participation in the South of Italy11. The large number of helmets, hard to determine, but could be between 10 and 20 examples, together with the place and distribution of the findings and the presence of other unique objects, such as breastplates that formed part of the same hoard, suggests a singular interpretation for the find. The remains of other helmets of the same type in cemeteries or in addition to votive hoards, such as that at Muriel de la Fuente (Soria) (Fig. 2.16), discovered in a unique fluvial setting12 –about 200 metres from the source of the Avión River, in the spring of karstic origin of La Fuentona–, along with the finding at Aranda de Moncayo, suggests that they perhaps originate from a possible sanctuary within a prominent Celtiberian oppidum and this clearly demonstrates its strong symbolic meaning. The Late Celtiberian period (the end of the 3rd – 1st century BC) was a period of transition and profound change, in which the trend towards an increasingly urban way of life predominates. Relating to this process of urbanisation would be the likely emergence of writing, already recorded in the middle of the 2nd century BC in the celtiberian minting (Fig. 2.6). However the diversity of alphabets and their rapid increase lead us to think that it was introduced earlier from the southern and eastern Iberian regions. Similarly, this process decisively contributed to the development of the Celtiberian art, such as working with precious metals (Fig. 2.4)13, bronzework (Fig. 2.13-14), coins representations (Fig. 2.6) and the production of wheel turned pottery, above all the monochrome and polychrome Numantine pottery (Fig. 2.7-8 and 15). At the same time a hierarchical process of land planning was developed, in which the urban character of the oppida is defined more due its functional meaning than its architecture, even though public buildings did exist. The application of orthogonal urban models can be seen in Numantia (Fig. 2.3). A unique case is that of La Caridad de Caminreal (Teruel) in the Jiloca Valley. This city was constructed on the initiative of the Romans at the end of the 2nd century BC and was destroyed during the course of the Sertorian Wars. It is laid out on a grid system with perpendicular unpaved streets offering pavements, a water supply and drainage channels running between rectangular insulae, such as the so-called ‘Likine House’, a Hellenistic-Roman mansion of sizeable dimensions. These are centres that mint coins carrying their name, the most 11 12 13 Graells, Lorrio and Quesada, 2014. Graells and Lorrio, 2013. Raddatz, 1969. important of which are made of silver and are the expression of a more complex social organisation, with a senate, magistrates and standards to regulate public law. The oppida such as Numantia and Termes may have had a few thousand inhabitants -around 1,500-2,000 have been calculated for the city of Numantia-, in some cases, as occurred in Uxama, with more than one burial site for the population. Excavations at the cemetery of Numantia have revealed 155 tombs14 arranged into zones with spaces in between with less density and even the absence of burials altogether. The oldest, that date back to the end of the 3rd century or the start of the 2nd century BC, occupy the central area, while two other more recent groups, that date prior to 133 BC, are arranged around the first group, with significant changes in the characteristics of the grave offerings. The tombs in the highest row show characteristic elements such as weaponry and, above all, horse and rider brooches (Fig. 2.13) and standarts or signa equitum (Fig. 2.14). Other cemeteries linked to oppida are those found at Uxama, Termes and Arcobriga15. In other cemeteries, weaponry disappeared, however this seems to have been restricted to certain areas of Celtiberia and could probably translate into changes in funerary ideology and in the ways in which social status carried weight. Jewellery hoarded in family treasure troves or community hoards and not in the burials, replaced weaponry as the element of status (Fig. 2.4). Furthermore and according to literary sources and the pottery from the oppidum of Numantia, the Celtiberians practised a funerary rite that was destined for warriors fallen in combat: the ritual of laying out the corpses to be devoured by vultures, considered as sacred birds (Fig. 2.15). A relevant contribution linked to the Celtiberian sanctuaries comes from the identification, on the summit of the acropolis of the Celtiberian oppidum at Termes (Soria), of a templum dating from the 2nd century BC, and underneath, a hut whose origin dates back to the initial phases of Celtiberian Culture. All this is located beside a omphalic rock with a bóthros or ritual shaft. This sacred complex within the arx of Termes (Fig. 2.17) represents the heroon or shrine of the founder of the settlement, the Founding Hero16. This polyadic Temple clearly predates Roman domination, as records on the “urban” origin and ideological development of the Celtiberian oppida identify Celtic traditions alongside an evident HellenisticRoman acculturation in the forms of worship. The records offered by Greco-Latin writers and the epigraphic evidence allow an in-depth examina14 15 16 Jimeno et al., 2004. Lorrio and Sánchez de Prado, 2009. Almagro-Gorbea and Lorrio, 2011.
224  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  One    nding of exceptional interest is the collection of    Hispano-...
THE CELTIC PEOPLES tion of this final phase of the socio-political structure of the Celtiberians. They reveal organisations of a supra family-type, socio-political institutions such as senates or assemblies, or those of a non-family type, such as the hospitium or clientship, as well as ethnic and territorial entities emerging for the first time. They also offer important information regarding the wealth of the Celtiberians garnered from livestock, as they were frequently required to pay taxes through the provision of ‘sagos’, or woollen blankets, horses and even ox hides. The various paleontologic analyses that exist for the Celtiberian region attest that a variety of animal herds existed: from the early stages of the Celtiberian Culture, goats have been identified and in lesser proportions, cows, pigs and horses. The analysis of the trace elements found in human remains in the cemetery at Numantia has provided interesting information regarding the diet of the Numantians: rich in vegetable components with a predominance of nuts (acorns) and poor in animal protein. The importance of the agricultural activity must have varied widely between the different regions of Celtiberia, giving rise to intensification as from the more advanced phase of the Celtiberian Culture. The cultivation of cereal crops played a determining role, according to the diverse types of analysis and the records of the Greco-Latin writers. The finding of remains of leguminous crops suggests crop rotation and perhaps the cultivation of fodder crops for livestock. The practice of irrigation is known via an exceptional document such as the Latin bronze of Contrebia, dating to 87 BC. This document refers to an artificial water channel crossing lands acquired by another community, leading us to think that the practice of intensive cultivation already dates from the start of the 1st century BC. The findings of different types of agricultural implements such as ploughshares, sickles, hoes, hand hoes, pruners, pitchforks, etc., record the different agricultural tasks undertaken: preparation, sowing, gathering, transportation and maintenance. Throughout the 2nd century BC, the Celtiberians were the protagonists of one of the main episodes involving the clash, destruction and absorption of the Celtic world by Rome, the so-called Celtiberian Wars17, that had a huge impact on Roman society throughout a good part of the 2nd century BC by causing continuous defeats in the face of a theoretically inferior enemy. The final episode was called the Numantia War and lasted over 20 years. The long duration of the conflict and its severity has been explained by diverse factors. On one hand, for the Celtiberians the war was a phenomenon of great social relevance that affected and conditioned their entire cultural system and would be a means to 17 Lorrio, 2009. achieve prestige and wealth. This explains the frequent raids on neighbouring territories and the presence of mercenaries in the service of, among others, Carthaginians and Romans, a fact that allowed them to become familiar with the military tactics inherent those peoples. On the other hand, during the first years of the conflict, the Romans did not appear to have a particular interest in the conquest of Celtiberia, as the majority of the confrontations took place on the periphery of their territory and, on many occasions, the generals mobilised more to obtain a plentiful bounty and personal gain than for strategic reasons. This would explain the difficulty in consolidating a stable frontier that, for a long time, was the Celtiberian flank of the Middle Ebro Valley. Another factor was the inexperience of the Roman troops that were often demoralised due to continuous defeats. It was only the military genius of Scipio Aemilianus, the conqueror of Carthage in the Third Punic War who, having disciplined the army and with a disproportional level of deployment, made the conquest of Celtiberia possible with the destruction of Numantia in the summer of 133 BC. This did not however avoid significant revolts occurring throughout the Celtiberian territories at the start of 1st century BC. The Celtiberians and Celtiberia still played a key role in subsequent events such as the Sertorian Wars that formed part of the civil conflicts of the later Roman Republic. However the domination of Rome on Celtiberia had already been consolidated and would culminate in the 1st Century AD when the ancient Celtiberian oppida of Bilbilis, Vxama, Termes, Numantia and Ercavica had already become Roman cities, some even being raised to the rank of municipium. The Central and Western Meseta: Vaccaei and Vettones To the West of the Celtiberians we find the Vaccaei spanning the sedimentary plains of the central river basin of the Douro Valley. These were one of the most educated populi of the Meseta, according to Poseidonius, and already appear cited by the literary sources in the year 220 BC during the campaign by Hannibal on inland Iberia. They were also prominent actors in wars of the conquest of the Meseta by Rome, as confirmed by the campaigns against Cauca, Intercatia and Pallantia during the Celtiberian Wars18. The cultural background to this region is represented by the ‘Soto de Medinilla’ group (c. 800-400 BC) that defines the Early Iron Age19. The people 18 19 For a recent summary regarding the issue vid. Sanz and Martín Valls, 2001; Sanz and Romero, eds., 2007; Romero and Sanz, eds., 2010. Romero and Álvarez-Sanchís, 2008: 657 ss. 225
THE CELTIC PEOPLES  tion of this    nal phase of the socio-political structure of the Celtiberians. They reveal organisati...
226 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE from the ‘Soto group’ offer the first stable settlements with prolonged occupation. Their settlements had round houses built of stone and adobe (Fig. 3.1) and they developed an intensive arable economy on the fertile ground of the valley floors. They shared a more or less homogenous material culture, with a well-standardised tradition in pottery and initially bronze metallurgy, that subsequently gave way to iron. We have no information regarding the funerary ritual, which would seem to discount the existence of cremation cemeteries. There is controversy surrounding the origins of the Soto world in the Middle Douro Valley. On one hand, the discontinuity regarding the tradition of the Late Bronze Age (Cogotas I) has been highlighted and, on the other, links have been sought between the Urnfield groups of the Ebro Valley, especially with Cortes de Navarra. In the latter case, this might confirm the Celtic background of the Soto, but southern influences have also been perceived in some of their most typical traits. The communities of the Soto maintained strong features of identity until the end of the 5th century or the start of the 4th century BC, the time in which the effective ‘celticisation’ took place and the Vacceans group began to form. The emergence of the Vaccean culture is characterised by the appearance of the first cremation cemeteries, previously unknown in the region, a settlement pattern based on the oppida, true cities, on a vast area, and the widespread use of iron metallurgy and ceramics painted on a potter’s wheel. Unlike their Celtiberian neighbours there is no indigenous epigraphy or any minted coinage. However, we do know about some treasures that were discovered within domestic contexts in Pintia (Fig. 3.7), Pallantia and Roa, linked to times of insecurity. Different types of jewellery such as necklaces, bracelets, bangles, pendant earrings and rings were hoarded along with a large number of silver coins of Celtiberian origin20. Vaccean settlement was concentrated, linked around large urban nuclei, which were usually between 5 and 20 hectares, however some may have exceeded 40 hectares. They have large spaces between them and no hierarchy, following a population model that appears to date back to the 4th century BC21. The largest Vaccean oppida would have had a population of a few thousand inhabitants, between 1,500 and 5,000, many more than the previous modest communities of the ‘Soto group’. The Vacceans cities, of which the most prominent are those of Pallantia, Rauda, Cauca, Pintia 22 (Fig. 3.2) and Septimanca, 20 21 22 Delibes et al., 1993. Sacristán, 2011. Sanz and Velasco, eds., 2003. display walls of adobe and wood with deep ditches, extensive residential areas and suburbs beyond the walls, with districts for craftsmen such as Carralaceña in Pintia, with potter’s workshops and large ceramics kilns (Fig. 3.6), areas for depositing rubbish, etc. The streets were fairly regular, and divided up the housing into blocks, made up of rectangular houses, although unfortunately we have few details on the Vaccean urban planning due to a lack of extensive excavations. In urban centres, such as Viminatio, Brigeco and Amallobriga, the aerial photograph allows a regular layout to be identified, with at least one long street bisecting other perpendicular streets. The houses were rectangular, with adobe walls covered with mud, internal compartmentalisation and grass-covered roofs, opening out to the streets that are sometimes paved and have a central drainage channel, as seen at Melgar de Abajo (Valladolid). A certain degree of variation can be seen in the characteristics of the domestic units and their internal organisation, with single floor dwellings alongside others, more complex, with examples in Pintia (Fig. 3.3-4) and Rauda. In Las Eras de San Blas de Roa (Burgos), the Vacceans city of Rauda, one such dwelling has been recorded as relating to the most prominent sector of the population (Fig. 3.8), dating from between the end of the 3rd century and the middle of the 2nd century BC. It has a rectangular ground plan, with wooden posts and adobe walls, opening on to a street with an entrance portico, five rooms of different sizes and a basement. It has a larger noble area in the front of the building and other areas devoted to culinary work and storage to the rear, with a large kitchen, and other smaller associated rooms including a wine store, a well-known feature in Numantia23. We have less information about the sacred areas, although in the village of Plaza de Castillo in Cuellar (Segovia)24, what would appear to be a sanctuary for domestic worship has been identified dating from the 5th century BC. These urban centres were authentic city-states and literary sources stress the importance of these Vacceans oppida when they indicate that the Roman campaigned against specific cities, or make allusions to the councils of elders and assemblies that had the capacity to choose leaders and make declarations of war. It has been thought that the fundamental basis of its economy was the extensive cultivation of crops as mentioned by Diodorus according to whom, “every year fields are divided up for their cultivation giving each individual the fruits of their joint labours”. This has resulted in the assumption that the Vacceans had a communal agrarian system. However 23 24 Abarquero and Palomino, 2012. Barrio, 2002.
226  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  from the    Soto group    offer the    rst stable settlements with pr...
THE CELTIC PEOPLES Figure 3. Vaccaei. 1, Dwellings and grain stores in the village of El Soto de Medinilla; 2-7, Pintia: 2, aerial view showing the position of the oppidum at Las Quintanas with the suggested urban layout, the cemetery at Las Ruedas and the industrial area at Carralaceña; 3, reconstruction of a dwelling with a loom and ovens; 4-5, view of the “dining area” and domestic pottery originating from the same; 6, kiln 2 at Carralaceña; 7, treasure from Padilla 3; 8, noble building at the oppidum of Rauda; 9-13, cemetery at Las Ruedas: 9, Monte Bernorio-type dagger and swordbelt, with Damascene decoration, from tomb 28; 10, pommel of a Monte Bernorio-type dagger with a symbolic decoration; 11, stela with zoomorphic decoration; 12, cremated remains and two brooches from tomb 89; 13, grave offerings and sacrifices at tomb 127b, belonging to a girl from the upper class (1, according to Sanz and Romero, eds., 2007; 2-3, and 6, according to Sanz and Velasco, eds., 2003; 4-5, and 13, according to Romero et al., 2009; 7 and 9, according to Sanz and Martín Valls, 2001; 8, according to Abarquero and Palomino, 2012; 10-12, according to Romero and Sanz, eds., 2010). 227
THE CELTIC PEOPLES  Figure 3. Vaccaei. 1, Dwellings and grain stores in the village of El Soto de Medinilla  2-7, Pintia  ...
228 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE perhaps this should rather be seen as a response to exceptional historical circumstances, defined by the war against the Romans, even though communal traditions were preserved in the Sayago (Zamora) shire until the start of the 20th century. Raising livestock played a key role in the Vaccean economy, above all the breeding of cows and sheep, as well, to a lesser extent, pigs and horses, the latter being related to the all-important Vaccean cavalry. The consumption of adult deer is noteworthy among the hunting activities carried out. Their funeral culture was characterised by cremation cemeteries, of which unfortunately we only know of around six of these. The best studied is the cemetery at Las Ruedas, situated some 300 m outside the city of Pintia25 (Fig. 3.9-13). The community buried at Las Ruedas, with almost 300 tombs excavated, reveals a large chronology from the end of the 5th century BC to the end of the 1st century AD, with a radial model of occupation of the cemetery ground and a clear pattern of social differentiation, evidence of highly hierarchical society. The summit would be occupied by the equestrian elite, such as tomb 75, a Vaccean chief with 25 pieces of grave offerings: metal objects with a high value such a dagger with Damascene decoration, a caetra or short round shield, two spearheads, a knife, a very complex horse harness and a decorated bone handle; the rest were pottery containers and there were also some animal offerings buried. Below this, we have identified another two rows of tombs rich in numerous objects, imported elements and symbols of authority, especially weaponry. The majority of burials have grave offerings containing simple weaponry, pottery and glass adornments. The lowest row comprises burials without grave offerings, with the cremated remains deposited directly into excavated pits. On the other hand, the cemetery must also have been a place of worship for the living as surmised from the existence of external markers for the graves or stelae (Fig. 3.11) and the fact that the tombs were not superpositioned. The weaponry recovered at Las Ruedas is a good example of the peculiar nature of the Vaccean world, with its characteristic short daggers with scabbards, on occasions with rich Damascene silver decorations (Fig. 3.9-10), small round shields, both of Monte Bernorio type, and some swords of Miraveche type –so called because such artefacts were recorded for the first time as coming from two cemeteries in the provinces of Palencia and Burgos–. Some tombs offer evidence of funerary banquets relating to the consumption of food as well as goblets, bowls or crater for the alcoholic drinks, mainly wine (Fig. 3.13). There were metal items relating to the cooking of meat, sometimes in miniature, such as iron griddles, tongs and knives, as well as faunal remains, predominantly lamb. These dining habits have similarly been documented in domestic environments, as seen in the ‘dining area’ in Pintia dating from the Sertorian era (Fig. 3.4-5), where its aim was surely to highlight the key role of specific individuals at the same time as strengthening alliances with or gaining support from the other social classes26. We also know about other rituals such as the inhumation of children (aged less than one year) under the floors of the houses. The ritual deposit of domestic animals has also been recorded, such as at the mentioned house in Roa. These related to the funerary practices of the Ebro Valley and the latter instance, of the Mediterranean region. The other was the exposure of the corpses to vultures, a practice reserved for warriors fallen in combat and there is good degree of textual and iconographic documentation within the Celtiberian group, regarding which there is possible evidence in the cemetery at Pintia. In this way, in general, the funerary world of the Vaccaei takes us back to the burial traditions of the Celtiberian region and, as such, strengthens the idea of acculturation stemming from the eastern lands of the Meseta. The Roman writers located the Vettones on the plains and mountain ranges of the Western Meseta and especially between the Tormes, Douro and Tagus rivers. The Vettones were one of the most important populi of Celtic Hispania27, and predominantly committed to stockbreeding. In this region, with the disappearance of the Late Bronze Age group of Cogotas I, there followed another, still little-known stage, characterised by castle settlements, such as Los Castillejos de Sanchorreja (Ávila) and El Berrueco (El Tejado, Salamanca), in the highlands, and by open settlements typical of the ‘Soto group’ (the Early Iron Age group in the Middle Douro Valley), on the lands closest to the River Douro. The mountain communities demonstrate an establishment on the land, unknown up until now, and were receivers of importations and products from the Tartessian world (Fig. 4.1-2), of the South of the Peninsula, who in turn were shaped by trade with Phoenician traders established on Andalusia’s coastal regions. Worthy of note are the ‘El Berrueco bronzes’, representations of female divinities of ‘orientalizing’ origin (Fig. 4.1), but also ritual dishware and jewellery (Fig. 4.2) and the model for their characteristic sculptures of bulls 26 27 25 Sanz, 1997. Romero et al., 2009: 242 s. Álvarez-Sanchís, 1999; 2003 and 2008, ed.; Sánchez Moreno, 2000; Barril and Galán, eds., 2007.
228  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  perhaps this should rather be seen as a response to exceptional histo...
THE CELTIC PEOPLES and wild boars. Throughout the 5th century BC a significant transformation took place on these western lands of the Meseta: on one hand, an abandonment or transfer of part of the most important centres, and on the other, a drastic decline in the exchanges that had arrived from the South, caused by the collapse of the Tartessians. At the start of the 4th century BC we see a series of developments that have been attributed to a process of celticisation, whose origins should be sought for within the Celtiberian region. These changes can be summarised in the increase in fortified settlements, many of them with a new ground plan and much larger than those of earlier times; the expansion of the cremation ritual and cemeteries containing weaponry; and innovations in the material culture that included the generalised use of iron metallurgy and the first ceramics made on a potter’s wheel. This archaeological group has been called Cogotas II and also “Verracos (wild boars) Culture” due to its characteristic crude zoomorphic sculptures worked in granite that are very much prevalent throughout the entire mountain area of this region. The huge reorganisation of the social landscape in the 4th century BC continued up until the 2nd century BC. The land seems to be the new economic value and, in the case of the Vettones, the pastures in particular given the predominant activity of its individuals to stockbreeding, fundamentally cows, sheep, goats, pigs and horses. They also practiced subsistence agriculture, basically the cultivation of dry lands for arable crops (wheat and barley) in addition to legumes and acorns. The strong occupation of the privileged areas can thus be understood, such as the Amblés Valley or the confluence of the Rivers Yeltes and Agueda (Salamanca). There was a great deal of compartmentalisation of land between communities that lived in large ‘castros’, that are probably better be categorised as oppida, and the verracos sculptures were used as landmarks to divide up pasture areas. The most characteristic elements of the Vettones were the castros and oppida, the cemeteries, the famous zoomorphic sculptures and certain types of pottery, such as hand-made pottery decorated with a combing technique and certain metal weapons and adornments. The Vettonian settlements generally have a new ground plan and are placed on hilltops, fluvial promontories, meanders and on valley slopes. They are equipped with good defences: ditches, fields of sunken stones (chevaux-de-frise) and stone walls with towers and occasionally, solid bastions. The most important settlements, such as Las Cogotas (Fig. 4.3- 4)28, La Mesa de Miranda, Yecla de Yeltes, Saldeana and El Raso, enclose large areas of between 20 and 70 hectares with several walled enclosures, typical of the Vettonian region, even though some areas were most likely designated for keeping livestock. These large settlements could have achieved populations of between 800 and 1,500 inhabitants, even though the majority of the Vettones lived in small, unfortified farms or in complex structures that housed a few families. There is no orthogonal urban planning and the housing was usually made up of free-standing square or rectangular units adapted to the topography of the interior of the hillforts. We know much about the case of El Raso de Candeleda (Ávila), one of the most prominent oppida of the Central Meseta, situated on the southern slopes of the Gredos mountain range29. The settlement was occupied between the end of the 3rd century and the middle of the 1st century BC. The abandonment of the place occurred during the era of Caesar as confirmed by a hoard comprising various silver pieces –a necklace, a bracelet, a bangle, a brooch (Fig.4.6) and five republican denarii–, that were discovered hidden under the floor of a dwelling. The houses formed closed blocks, with doors opening in different directions, which allows for the identification of spaces to move around the generally irregular street. They have quadrangular ground plans, with a masonry socle and adobe elevation and circular constructions that serve as store rooms. They offer a range of different areas but all have a kitchen with a fireplace in its centre as well as a bench and some have porches over their main entrance (Fig. 4.5). Most had a loom but only some a small furnace for metalworking, often situated outside the dwelling. In some cases, houses were built outside the walled enclosure and classical sources referred to the existence of a suburb in the conquest of Salmantica by Hannibal in 220 BC. The entire settlement has an internal organisation that is quite different to the urban model of the Celtiberians or Vacceans. There is little information regarding the public buildings even though we know about possible sacred areas or rituals in the oppidum at Ulaca (Solosancho, Ávila). This involves two structures carved into the rock: a sanctuary with an altar for sacrifice, and a sauna30. The sanctuary is a rectangular area carved into the rock that probably would have been covered. To the side, an access had been carved into a large stone with double steps at the top and a type of platform with various interlinking channels for the flow of liquids (Fig. 4.8). The sacred nature of the structure can be established due to its parallels 28 29 30 Ruiz Zapatero and Álvarez-Sanchís, 1995. Fernández, 2011. Ruiz Zapatero, 2005. 229
THE CELTIC PEOPLES  and wild boars. Throughout the 5th century BC a signi   cant transformation took place on these wester...
230 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figure 4. Vettones. 1, ‘Orientalizing’ bronze from El Berrueco; 2, pendant earring from Madrigalejo; 3-4, the ‘castro’ at Las Cogotas: idealised reconstruction of the castro and a view of the northerly fortifications, with walls, strongholds and sunken stone barrier; 5-6, oppidum at El Raso de Candeleda; ground plan of house D1 and silver bracelet from a hoard; 7, the bulls of Guisando; 8, altar at Ulaca; 9-10, votive altars at Velico, originating from the sanctuary at Postoloboso, and the goddess Ilurbeda from San Martín del Trevejo; 11-16, cemetery at La Osera: spearheads and sword of the Alcácer do Sal type from tomb 1060, area V (11), Damascene sword from tomb LX, area III (12), firedog and griddle from tomb 514, area VI (13-14); bronze pot from tomb 350, area VI (15); belt buckle, tomb 395, area III (16); 17-18, cemetery at Las Cogotas: scabbard and swordbelt of a Monte Bernorio type dagger - tomb 418 – and a so-called ‘frontón’ type dagger - tomb 605 - (1-2, 6, 9 and 16, according to Barril and Galán, eds., 2007; 3, according to Ruiz Zapatero and Álvarez-Sanchís, 1995; 4, photo A.J. Lorrio; 5, according to Fernández, 2011; 7-8, photo J. R. Álvarez-Sanchís; 10, photos J.C. Olivares; 11-12 and 17-18, according to E. Cabré; 13-15, according to Álvarez-Sanchís, 2009).
230  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figure 4. Vettones. 1,    Orientalizing    bronze from El Berrueco  2...
THE CELTIC PEOPLES with the Roman world, the most expressive example of which is the Portuguese sanctuary at Panoias, with its Latin inscriptions that allude to the animal sacrifices carried out there. The entrails of the victims were burned in niches or basins and the blood poured into other cavities towards the lower part of the rock whilst the deities were worshipped. The sauna at Ulaca is a rectangular structure, also carved into the rock, and offers three distinct areas: a more extensive ante-chamber, a smaller chamber with two benches each side and the oven or fire chamber. It has been linked to the initiation baths of the warriors, such as the “pedras formosas” - the famous saunas of the “Cultura Castreña” or ‘Castro Culture’ from the North-West (Fig. 7.7) - and would prove the reference made by Strabo that alludes to the steam baths taken by the inhabitants of the areas surrounding the Douro river. We have also learned about some Vettonian gods through the votive altars of the Roman era, such as Velico, with a series of inscriptions originating from Postoloboso (Candeleda) (Fig.4.9), and Ilurbeda (Fig. 4.10). The best known Vettonian burial sites were excavated during the first decades of last century (Fig. 4.11-15): Las Cogotas with 1,613 tombs (Fig.17-18) and La Osera with 2,230 tombs (Fig. 16). A few recent excavations have extended our knowledge of the funerary world of the Vettones but with a much lower number of graves, such as El Raso with 123 and other cemeteries found in Extremadura. The Vettonian cemeteries shared their own series of features: 1) the ritual of cremation; 2) tombs with urns in pits, sometimes with small protective stones and on other occasions with stelae, as in Las Cogotas, and in small burial mounds, or tumuli, with examples at La Osera and La Coraja; 3), their location opposite to and near the settlement gates (150-300 m); 4) proximity to streams; and 5) concentration of graves in well-defined areas with empty spaces between them (4 in Las Cogotas and 6 in La Osera), that have been interpreted as areas for the tombs of family or kingroups. The astronomical knowledge of the Vettones is clear to see in the layout of the cemeteries, as the case of La Osera would appear to prove. The finding of two inhumed skulls has been linked to the opening and closing rituals, respectively, of the cemetery area31. We have no information regarding cemeteries the far West of the Vettones territory either because they have not been located or more probably because perhaps they shared the burial customs of the Atlantic regions and the North-Western peninsula that excluded the cemetery areas and whose rituals have failed to leave any recognisable archaeological 31 Baquedano, 2013. trace. Some of the tombs of the cemetery at La Osera are among the richest discovered on the Meseta, such as no. 201 (area I/II) and no. 514 (area VI). They contained some exceptional weapons, horse harness that confirms the equestrian nature of the individuals buried, and a complete aristocrat banqueting service, as is the case of no. 514 that included a firedog (Fig. 4.13), a bronze cooking pot and its trivet, a griddle (Fig. 4.14), some tongs and 3 roasting spits, that permits these to be interpreted as elements of prestige linked to ritual banquets of meat for the warrior elite32. Other tombs, although less rich, offer equally exceptional pieces, some with Damascene decorations, such as swords and various weaponry (Fig. 4.11-12), belt buckles (Fig. 4.16), brooches, cooking pots (Fig. 4.15), etc. The analysis of the funerary grave offerings between the 5th and 2nd centuries BC, has allowed for a social reading of the Vettonian communities. The cemetery at Las Cogotas provides a good illustration of the society model. Out of the 1,447 tombs recorded, only 224 contained grave offerings, which represent 15.5% of the total. The ranges or categories identified are as follows: 1) warriors, with sumptuous grave offerings, weaponry and horse harnesses. We can distinguish between various levels of “wealth” and they comprise little more than 18% of the tombs with grave offerings. The weapons include antenna swords with their pommels and scabbards decorated with silver Damascene; some long swords of La Tène type and some falcatas, the famous Iberian sword with a curved blade; daggers of Monte Bernorio type (Fig. 4.17), so-called ‘frontón’ (Fig. 4.18) and bidiscoidal type daggers, spearheads, shields, or exceptionally a helmet; 2) artesans, with chisels and some tools, that represent around 5%; 3) women, in general associated with spindle whorls and small adornments (bracelets, rings, brooches…) account for almost 20%; and 4) individuals with no particular affiliation and poor grave offerings – pottery bowls and some simple adornments – that represent the vast majority with 57.5 % of the total of tombs with grave offerings. Apart from this we find the great mass of the population without any grave offerings in their tombs that presumably would correspond to simple peasants and perhaps even slaves. The verracos are the typical Vettonian sculptures of wild boars and bulls, carved into granite blocks and always depict the full body of the animals on their pedestals (Fig. 4.7). The sizes vary from a little under one metre in length and half a metre high to enormous pieces exceeding two and a half metres. Within the schematics of the carvings, sometimes anatomical details have been 32 Álvarez-Sanchís, 2009. 231
THE CELTIC PEOPLES  with the Roman world, the most expressive example of which is the Portuguese sanctuary at Panoias, wit...
232 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE added such as very well defined sexual organs; these are always male. The sculptures of which around 400 are known today extend throughout the Western Meseta, Extremadura and the Portuguese region of Trasos-Montes. They comprise a specific cultural manifestation of the Vettones, unparalleled in other peninsular Celtic groups. The chronology of the verracos that is almost always found outside well-defined archaeological contexts is hard to establish in each case, but generally, their presence in non-Romanised ‘castros’ allows them to be dated between the 4th and 1st centuries BC, with their abandonment prior to the Roman conquest. On some sculptures the Latin inscriptions they bear date back to the 1st and 2nd centuries AD and thus seem to be an indigenous survivor that was reused in the Roman age. It is even possible the inscriptions to carved pieces were only added in Roman times. The meaning of these enigmatic sculptures arouses controversy. The first interpretations, based on the verracos that appeared in some ‘castros’ or close to their gates, attribute a more magical or religious meaning, relating to the protection and fertility of the cattle which was the principal source of wealth for these people. In Roman times, some verracos were used as cupae to cover burials, as evidenced by the excavations at Martiherrero (Ávila). However, those that display Latin inscriptions could have a funerary significance as they carry epitaphs with the names of the deceased and their kin. However, the majority of pieces appear in in rich lush fields and pasture land, close to water sources and several kilometres away from the settlements. We think that these examples could have served as a type of landmark or visual marker on the landscape to signal pasture areas, and vital resources for the cattle during the summer months or during periods of drought, controlled by the ruling elite of the ‘castros’. In this way, the sculptures could represent one further element in the planning and exploitation of the territory by the Vettonian stockbreeding communities. The idea of considering the verracos as the demarcation of areas of property or control corresponds well with the type of hierarchical society that we have seen in the cemeteries of these peoples, with an aristocracy that would probably be based on the wealth garnered from possessing a large number of heads of livestock. The exploitation of the land, the access to the pastures and the control of the agricultural and livestock resources would have been the pillars of power of these ruling groups during the Second Iron Age. The Southern Meseta: Carpetani and other Celtic peoples The Carpetani were located in an extensive territory situated around the middle valley of the River Tagus33. They are mentioned on diverse occasions within the framework of the Second Punic War, appearing in Polybius as a powerful nation around whom important peoples were situated such as Celtiberi, Vaccaei, Vettones, and perhaps even Lusitani and Oretani. Its main towns included Toletum, Complutum, Consabura and Contrebia Carbica, if we accept that the place name of this city located in the environs of the Celtiberian Segobriga refers to the Carpetani. Literary sources are silent as from the start of the 2nd century BC which, in conjunction with successive records of the Celtiberians being protagonists of warlike events that at that time were taking place in Carpetanian territory, could be interpreted by the sources on the start of the conquest, as an indication that the Carpetani were thought of as being Celtiberians. Although the supposed lack of ethnic identity of the Carpetani has been pointed out, the prolonged use made by literary sources of the concept of Carpetania could suggest that it responds to a well-defined cultural reality34. The Celtic character of the Carpetani could be supported by the inscriptions on minted coins such as Konterbia karbika (Fig. 5.12) and Kombouto, by the personal names and place names of the Carpetanian territory, by the presence in the area of organisations of a supra-family type expressed by plural genitives, by the identified names of their gods and by the practice of the hospitium, confirmed by the presence of hospitality tessera (Fig. 5.11). To this has to be added archaeological evidence such as horse brooches that are linked to the elite Hispano-Celtic horsemen in this territory, as well as certain bronze or pottery pieces that demonstrate the Celtiberian influence on the region (Fig. 5.7-9). At the start of the 1st millennium BC, following the stage of Cogotas I (1200-900 BC) that forms part of the Late Bronze Age in the centre of the Iberian Peninsula, diverse regional groups appear that characterise the transition from the Late Bronze Age to the Iron Age in the lands of the middle valley of the River Tagus. These include Pico Buitre and San Antonio that incorporate new developments arriving from the Ebro Valley that are linked to the Urnfield Culture, as well as others from the southern and eastern regions of the Peninsula35. These are small unfortified settlements, close to the courses of rivers, with a predominance of round and oval dwellings although there are some with a rectangular ground plan that form small, relatively egalitarian and self-sufficient 33 34 35 A summarised overview by Torres, 2013. About the demarcation of the Carpetani territory, Blasco and Sánchez, 1999. For the most recent contributions, vid. Dávila, ed. 2007. Ruiz Zapatero and Álvarez-Sanchís, 2013: 347. Ruiz Zapatero, 2007; Torres, 2013.
232  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  added such as very well de   ned sexual organs  these are always male...
THE CELTIC PEOPLES communities. The finding of firedogs in various settlements in the area, whose prototypes have reference to the Ebro Valley, could be linked to the cult of the gentiliate-based domestic home. We have no information about its cemeteries, even though the cremation tomb at the cemetery of Palomar de Pintado, (Villafranca de los Caballeros, Toledo), within the confines of Carpetanian territory, appears to date from the 10th-9th centuries BC36. This would suggest that the arrival of the cremation rite would have been somewhat earlier than that hitherto understood, as has occurred in other not-too-distant territories of Iberia, such as the high valley of the Tagus or the South-East of the Meseta. During the Early Iron Age, these settlements offer a panorama that is not so different to the earlier phase: a scattered, rural population with settlements located on both the plain and on the high ground. We find small oval huts alongside other quadrangular buildings of enormous dimensions. The first cremation cemeteries now emerge, that appeared in the region towards the end of the 7th century and the 6th century BC, with grave offerings that give a clear indication of a lack of symmetry. Alongside simple bronze adornments we find exceptional objects such as brooches, tweezers for depilation and necklaces, all made of bronze, and an iron knife, all of which are pieces that generally denote a strong influence from the south of the peninsula. Weapons are absent, something which is a characteristic feature of the Carpetani cemeteries. It is worth mentioning the cemeteries from the South-East of the province of Cuenca that started its trajectory at around this time, such as Las Madrigueras (Carrascosa del Campo) (Fig. 5.13), El Navazo (La Hinojosa) and Haza del Arca (Uclés). These are all situated in a transition area between the Carpetanian and Celtiberian territories, as in this vicinity the cities of Contrebia Carbica and Segobriga, caput Celtiberiae, were built37. Similarly, the inhumation of new-borns under the floors of the houses38 has been confirmed, proof of the relation between the groups from the Tagus Valley with those from the Ebro Valley and the Northern Meseta. An economic and demographic growth is observed as from the Second Iron Age, c. 450/400 BC, that relates to an increase in social complexity. This can be surmised from Mediterranean imports of indisputable prestige goods that included metal dishware of Etruscan-Italian origin (Fig. 5.14), Attican pottery, some exceptional weaponry, etc., that is evidence of the growing social complexity of the ancient Carpetani groups. The most outstanding information comes from the peripheral areas of the South-East and East of Carpetania, in the Upper Guadiana Valley, such as the cremation cemeteries at Las Madrigueras, Haza del Arca and Palomar de Pintado. These are evidence of a degree of variation in both burial structures and in the characteristics of the grave offerings, with clear examples of the social hierarchisation and influences from both the Celtiberian and Iberian worlds. New types of settlements now emerge, with small open farms on flat lands and fortified villages on the highlands, mostly in the central territories of Carpetania39. A late hierarchical influence on the habitat has been noted, because the oppida did not emerge until the middle of the 3rd century BC. This would seem to suggest that the Carpetanian communities did not achieve the same level of hierarchy as that seen between neighbouring peoples. A good example of this type of settlement would be that at El Llano de la Horca (Santorcaz, Madrid), an oppidum dating from between the middle of the 3rd century and the first third of the 1st century BC that occupied the flat summit of a hill. It covered an area of some 14 hectares (Fig. 5.19) that suggests some hundreds of inhabitants40. We know about its urban organisation, with blocks of terraced houses separated by cobbled streets laid out more or less to a rectilinear plan with open spaces (Fig. 5.1). The dwellings appeared to be compartmented, with halls or entrance porches, main living rooms with a fireplace and rooms for storing and handling food, with hearth, ovens, benches and other domestic elements (Fig. 5.2-3). The inhabitants of El Llano de la Horca extensively cultivated the dry land for arable crops, mainly barley and different types of wheat as well as stockbreeding sheep and goats, cows and, to a lesser extent, pigs. The Celtiberian influence on the oppidum is evidenced through the presence of coins from that origin, as well as some unique pieces such as a bronze plate decorated with geometric shapes and zoomorphs (Fig. 5.9) and some potteries with a clearly Numantine influence (Fig. 5.7-8). Fosos de Bayona (Villas Viejas, Cuenca), identified with Contrebia Carbica by the findings of coins, was an oppidum much larger, whose end is linked with the Sertorian Wars, situated in an frontier zone between Celtiberians and Carpetanians (Fig. 5.10-12)41. This is a large, ‘classic’ oppidum, a fortified settlement of an urban nature that was built to control an extensive territory with a central location that acted and operated as the capital. It stood on a limestone platform 39 36 37 38 Pereira et al., 2003. Almagro-Gorbea and Lorrio, 2006-2007. Blasco et al., 1998: 250 ss.; Torija et al., 2010. 40 41 Urbina, 2000. Ruiz Zapatero et al., 2012. A recent summary of this oppidum can be found in Lorrio, 2012: 247 ss. 233
THE CELTIC PEOPLES  communities. The    nding of    redogs in various settlements in the area, whose prototypes have refer...
234 IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE Figure 5. Carpetani. 1-9, El Llano de la Horca: 1, idealised reconstruction of the oppidum; 2-3, ground plan and view of a tripartite dwelling, from the outside with oven and right-hand base of the porch; 4, griddle, 5-6, bronze fibulae; 7-8, pottery with Celtiberian influence; 9, bronze plate decorated with birds, deer and astral symbols; 10-12, Contrebia Carbica: ground plan of the oppidum, zoomorphic hospitality tessera on which is mentioned the Beronian city of Libia and a minted coin from Konterbia Karbika; 13, urn and stela from the cemetery at Las Madrigueras; 14, Etruscan-Italian olpe from the cemetery at Haza del Arca; 15, cinerary urns and small grey plate in imitation of the Campanian, Lamboglia 36, from various tombs in the cemetery at Villarejo de Salvanés; 16, relief with a heroic scene from El Cerrón de Illescas; 17, silver patera from Titulcia (1-9 and 15-17, according to Ruiz Zapatero et al., 2012; 10, according to Gras et al. 1984; 11; photo Real Academia de la Historia; 12, photo Classical Numismatic Group, Inc.; 13, photo M. Almagro-Gorbea; 14, photo A.J. Lorrio).
234  IBERIA. PROTOHISTORY OF THE FAR WEST OF EUROPE  Figure 5. Carpetani. 1-9, El Llano de la Horca  1, idealised reconstr...
THE CELTIC PEOPLES on the left bank of the River Cigüela and covered a surface area of around 45 hectares, structured into three, independent walled enclosures, interconnected by communicating gateways (Fig. 5.10). The steepest slopes are found on the North-East approach while on the opposite side, the gentle topography made it necessary to construct a significant defensive system, with walls and two ditches, the first of which is in a ‘V’ section, dug out of the rock and subsequently plastered over. The second ditch, that is not as wide and only identifiable via aerial photography, shows a possible fence line built around the outside perimeter. The name of this settlement appears to refer to a process of sinecism, as its first element, Conterbia, has been interpreted as con-*treb (“a union of tribes or of houses”), while its second element, Carbica, very probably refers to the peoples that inhabited those lands (Carbica = Carpetani). As regards the world of beliefs, the most prominent finding comes from El Cerrón de Illescas (Toledo) with the documenting of a gentiliate sanctuary. This is characterised by a central fireplace, interpreted as being an altar, and a platform with embossed decorations in ‘orientalizing’ style of two chariots and a winged griffon that alludes to the idea of hero worship (Fig. 5.16)42, that could be linked to a mythical heroic ancestor. Another exceptional piece is a silver patera from Titulcia (Madrid), with a boss in the form of a wolf’s head intertwined with serpents (Fig. 5.17), that depicts a mythical Celtic figure with examples found on a range of Pre-Roman pieces from th