01 T3285 4 6 05 4 05 PM Page 3 chapter 1 State Terror in the U S Latin American Interstate Regime c e c i l i a m e n j va r a n d n e s t o r r o d r g u e z Introduction hat causes the state directed political violence that has characterized political culture in much of the Latin American region since the midtwentieth century What motivated the campaigns of terror that disappeared thousands throughout the region That practiced genocide of whole villages in Guatemala and El Salvador That continued to repress indigenous peasants in Mexico Is the source of this violence found in the Latin American psyche Is it in Latin American culture Some observers view Latin American political violence as part of the heritage of the brutal European conquest of the region Rosenberg 1991 17 for example answers the question of what underlies the growth of Latin American political violence as follows If I had to give just one answer it would be history Most of Latin America was conquered and colonized through violence setting up political and economic relationships based on power not law These relationships still exist today indeed in some countries they are stronger than ever From this perspective Latin American political violence represents an atavism that harkens back to the origins of countries that today are ruled by law Most of the chapters in this book take an opposite perspective that is that state directed political violence developed as a product of a regional political structure in which U S political interests have weighed heavily According to this view contemporary Latin American states have practiced different forms of terror including torture and physical punishment not in a primitive or traditional manner but in a politically rational calculated modern fashion 1 Copyright 2005 University of Texas Press All rights reserved W Menjivar CeciliaRodriguez Nestor When States Kill Austin University of Texas Press 2005 Accessed March 31 2017 ProQuest Ebook Central Created from cmich ebooks on 2017 03 31 12 50 41

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1. The 1st sentences is an Q's. I am confused by the rest of the paragrah.

2. Political & Economic  Power not laws leds to conquer and colonized though violence in Latin America.

you can relate ansters of many origin countries to today law.

The violenent relationship exist today stronger than before. 

3. the book showcause the US natigitve effect to Latin America and its political violence.

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01 T3285 4 6 05 4 05 PM Page 4 Copyright 2005 University of Texas Press All rights reserved 4 introduction The use of terror by modern Latin American states in a Weberian bureaucratized manner therefore is not a remnant of a past colonial experience As Rejali 1994 observes state sponsored terror is part of a modern political system based on the same rationality that characterizes modern bureaucratic societies The perspective that sees Latin American state terror as a derivative of a U S dominated regional system is not meant to reduce all explanations of Latin American political violence to a one dimensional causality of U S involvement nor is it meant to claim that systemic causes underlie all cases of political violence in Latin America As Smith 1986 reminds us not everything that developing countries do or can do should be attributed solely to the international system or to the powerful core countries that dominate it Some cases of politically related violence have been instances of local violence perpetuated within a larger arena of national violence to settle land disputes or old family scores Members of Guatemalan civil defense patrols for example sometimes used their new paramilitary capacity during the civil war of the 1980s and 1990s to attack families with whom they had land disputes or grudges While larger geopolitical developments led to the creation of the civil defense patrols it would be farfetched to attribute con ict over land plots among villagers in remote corners of the Guatemalan highlands to the workings of a world system In addition cases of political violence have had varied causes in the geographically large and socially diverse Latin American region Some groups who oppose the states in power also have been protagonists of political violence in their own countries or regions In Peru for example Sendero Luminoso Shining Path led by Chairman Gonzalo Abimael Guzm n was a prime example of such groups as the movement used violence against all sectors of Peruvian society in an attempt to bring down the state Poole and R nique 1992 Rather than focusing on the actions of leftist or rightist political actors who have engaged in destructive violence to overthrow established power structures this volume deals primarily with the regime of terror organized by those who are already in control of institutions of power but who rather than relying only on formal authority rules laws and legitimate means resort to systematic violence coercion fear and technologies of terror to exert control in the larger regional political system The case studies of state terror presented in this book indicate a clear and persistent pattern of U S in uence over the political violence conducted by Menjivar CeciliaRodriguez Nestor When States Kill Austin University of Texas Press 2005 Accessed March 31 2017 ProQuest Ebook Central Created from cmich ebooks on 2017 03 31 12 50 41
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1.The use of voliences or fear to keep or obtain power is noted in Weberian, Bureaucratized manner means not connected to colonial experience.

2.  in this book its not to blame US for all the voliences for Latin America created some of there own however, it will put noice on what they did  do and there effect/conquesnces. 

-Not every Developing Countries possiable or actions can attribute independently to its international system or powerful core countries that dominte it..

-Some violences is done localy not goverment order over matters like land

-can not account local problems to repeartent the whole countrey, state, etc.

3. this section deals with people in power fighting to keep there power rather then relying on formal authority, rules, laws, and legitimate-resort to sysematic violence, coercion, fear, and technologies to keep power in a LG regional political system. 

01 T3285 4 6 05 4 05 PM Page 5 Copyright 2005 University of Texas Press All rights reserved state terror in the u s latin american interstate regime 5 Latin American states In some cases Latin American governments enthusiastically received U S support for their campaigns of terror and in other cases U S state agencies pressured weaker states to undertake such campaigns Cardoso and Faletto 1969 argue that developed or powerful states could implement certain policies in weaker states only when a local elite with similar interests could support them Thus the United States did not unilaterally implement a system of terror across the continent but was able to do so with the cooperation and to a large extent due to a coincidence of interests and objectives with the local military and with political and economic elites Taken by themselves in their national contexts the cases of political violence affected by U S in uence may appear unique and fashioned only for particular situations but when examined together across national boundaries they constitute a regional pattern one integrated within the geopolitical contours of larger U S political interests in Latin America As the chapters demonstrate in some cases U S involvement was indirect and conveyed by thirdparty allies in other cases involvement was direct as in the case of Nicaragua where the U S military organized la Guardia the national guard which from its beginning used violence against political opponents and at times against the population in general A U S institution that gures prominently in the involvement of the United States with military bodies in Latin America is the U S Army School of the Americas SOA As we describe below this institution provided training for many Latin American military of cers associated with major cases of violence and human rights abuses A number of works have described U S involvement in state sponsored terror in Latin America in past decades see for example Burbach and Flynn 1984 Lernoux 1980 Klare and Arnson 1979 So why is it important to compile a book on the topic in the early twenty rst century The answer to this question is at least threefold First U S support for state tactics of terror in Latin America continues and thus the issue remains relevant Indeed if anything with the availability of huge computer databases and high tech tracking and surveillance systems support for state terror has become much more sophisticated than during the era of gunboat diplomacy in the opening decades of the twentieth century Second the rise of global theories in the social sciences enables greater theoretical comprehension of the U S systemic involvement with state methods of coercion in Latin America Third the use of terror and violence by political actors has increased not lessened in the early twenty rst century see Dugas this volume Indeed as we discuss in the Menjivar CeciliaRodriguez Nestor When States Kill Austin University of Texas Press 2005 Accessed March 31 2017 ProQuest Ebook Central Created from cmich ebooks on 2017 03 31 12 50 41
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1 the US has had influneces thoughout Latin America. US Government supported inflcting terror to keep power. or the opposite.

the US did not have complete control nor influneces in LAtin America goverment however it was in cooperation.

2. 

01 T3285 4 6 05 4 05 PM Page 6 6 introduction concluding chapter a feature of the new age of political violence is that its practice has become greatly dispersed among new regions and political groups and the capacity for political violence among new political actors outside the state is greatly enhanced as they obtain access to more ef cient and effective means of terror as developments since the beginning of the twenty rst century have demonstrated Copyright 2005 University of Texas Press All rights reserved Geopolitical Systemic Context We see the occurrences of state terror described in the following chapters as outcomes of a common policy affected by a larger system of interstate relations concerned with maintaining and reproducing a particular political and economic framework that governs the Latin American region Many analysts have described how U S and Latin American state interests have joined to promote social conditions favorable to capitalistic development and an accompanying supportive political order see for example Green 1995 Rosen and McFadyen 1995 Frank 1969 Instead of taking a single country perspective we focus on the regime of terror in the region uncovering powerful supranational links and ideologies that are crucial to understanding state terror in the region but that would have eluded single country analyses As Walter 1969 observed to study regimes of terror is to study power in extremis and when extreme situations are examined in depth the inquiry can shed new light and reveal features that are ordinarily invisible under less extreme conditions As theorists have commented concerning the larger world systems framework the international system of states is a fundamental structural feature of the world economy Lunday 1981 It is within the interstate system that states are de ned as for example strong or weak and limitations are made on their modes of political behavior Wallerstein 1985 That is to say states do not operate as independent sovereign equals but as members of a system in which relations among the states affect the limits and de nitions of state functions At rst this may be readily evident in the international dealings of a state but it eventually also becomes clear in its domestic affairs as well such as in the interstate pressure for a state to initiate economic austerity programs see Green 1995 Rosen and McFadyen 1995 Moreover when a state declares itself outside the interstate system or unwilling to abide by its rules and expectations a crisis emerges in the political world order Menjivar CeciliaRodriguez Nestor When States Kill Austin University of Texas Press 2005 Accessed March 31 2017 ProQuest Ebook Central Created from cmich ebooks on 2017 03 31 12 50 41
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01 T3285 4 6 05 4 05 PM Page 7 Copyright 2005 University of Texas Press All rights reserved state terror in the u s latin american interstate regime 7 During three periods in the development of the capitalist world economy a single state has enjoyed unrivaled dominance in the interstate system and the world economy These are periods of hegemony in which the dominant power imposes its rules and its wishes in the economic political cultural and military arenas of the world system Wallerstein 1985 38 The most recent hegemonic period marked by domination by the United States occurred in the period from the end of World War II to the intensi cation of the Vietnam War which the United States failed to win militarily While worldsystem theorists have done much to explain how hegemony functions globally they have done less to explain how it functions regionally a problem no doubt that is a consequence of their taking the entire world system as the unit of analysis The end of hegemony by a state in the world system moreover may not necessarily mean the end of its dominance in a regional interstate system The geopolitical history of the global system in the latter half of the twentieth century indicates that regional international systems serve as basic blocs or regimes that con gure the larger global system The Soviet bloc and the NATO alliance are prime examples of such groupings but other regional interstate regimes exist even as they may be identi ed less de nitively in political or ideological terms Some regional interstate regimes may be formally organized but have little political potency such as the Association of South East Asian Nations a s e a n which primarily seeks economic integration while other regional interstate regimes may depend less on formal organization and more on a tradition of patronage such as in U S Latin American state relations to implement a zone of strong political in uence Ultimately the strength of a regional interstate regime depends less on formal organization and more on established practices of in uence in an identi able political space The geopolitical framework of regional interstate regimes helps to explain in part why the United States takes a harsh view of Communist led Cuba while it takes a cooperative view of the Communist led states of Vietnam and China The former is found inside the U S dominated sociospatial regime while the latter two are not In the early twenty rst century the actions of militant Muslim groups to unite Muslim populations against Western intervention in the Middle East indicates that regional political regimes need not be initiated necessarily by state apparatuses alone as ethnic movements acting with religious authority also can attempt to develop political suprastructures Menjivar CeciliaRodriguez Nestor When States Kill Austin University of Texas Press 2005 Accessed March 31 2017 ProQuest Ebook Central Created from cmich ebooks on 2017 03 31 12 50 41
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01 T3285 4 6 05 4 05 PM Page 8 8 introduction Broadly speaking various structural conditions can set in motion actions of terror in a regional international system Social inequality con ict of interest and systemic imperatives have been central catalysts in this regard The role of social inequality in stimulating state terror as a response goes beyond the demand for a redistribution of wealth Social inequality contains ideological foundations which the state supports but which are invariably challenged by dissidents to one degree or another Operating within the context of a global system regional state regimes have to negotiate their interests with other powers and interests At times this negotiation occurs by means of con ict with domestic groups perceived to be allied with foreign interests Copyright 2005 University of Texas Press All rights reserved Formation of the U S Latin American Interstate Regime The cases of state violence described in this volume occurred during a particular moment of the political development of Latin America It was a moment of political trial and crisis for the U S led regional interstate regime in the area Whether the political developments indeed were as threatening to the regime as they were perceived to be is an academic question since perception carried the political day and motivated the political responses of those in power W I Thomas s maxim that things perceived as real are real in their consequences had no truer moment It is important to review brie y U S political involvement in Latin America in order to understand better the nature of the state sponsored political repression that visited the Latin American region in the late twentieth century The history of this involvement created the relations that later promoted the establishment of the regional political regime The United States intervened militarily in Latin America frequently from the presidency of Theodore Roosevelt in the opening decade of the twentieth century to the mid century presidency of Franklin Delano Roosevelt especially in the Caribbean region Barton 1997 Theodore Roosevelt s ambition to build the United States into a major world power had special designs for Latin America under the Roosevelt Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine In 1903 he helped Panama separate from Colombia and in 1905 he forcibly installed an American economic advisor in the Dominican Republic As Grossman points out this volume the U S Marines rst landed in Nicaragua in 1909 to support the Conservative revolt against the Liberal presidency of Jos Santos Zelaya The Marines returned in 1912 and maintained a presence in the country until 1927 helping to establish the Nicaraguan national guard Menjivar CeciliaRodriguez Nestor When States Kill Austin University of Texas Press 2005 Accessed March 31 2017 ProQuest Ebook Central Created from cmich ebooks on 2017 03 31 12 50 41
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01 T3285 4 6 05 4 05 PM Page 9 Copyright 2005 University of Texas Press All rights reserved state terror in the u s latin american interstate regime 9 Franklin Roosevelt s Good Neighbor Policy initiated in 1933 brought a welcome change for Latin American countries as it formalized the U S transition from big stick interventionism in the presidencies of Teddy Roosevelt William Howard Taft and Woodrow Wilson to one of persuasion through diplomacy combined with various aid programs Grieb 1976 But this policy change had started with the presidency of Warren G Harding in the early 1920s Harding strove for amicable solutions to con icts in Latin America as a means to enhance trade relations and no doubt to lessen the cost to U S taxpayers of interventionist practices Gellman 1979 While the Good Neighbor Policy emphasized mutual agreements and goodwill in U S Latin American relations no one doubted that the United States represented the senior partner in the Western Hemisphere In 1940 after the outbreak of war in Europe the U S government launched its rst comprehensive intelligence gathering and training effort in Latin America The endeavor was organized through the development of the Special Intelligence Service s i s which was authorized by President Roosevelt to gather information on Axis agents and sympathizers from Japan Germany and Italy who were active outside of their home countries Responsibility for s i s nonmilitary intelligence work in the Western Hemisphere was assigned to the U S Federal Bureau of Investigation f b i under Director J Edgar Hoover Whitehead 1956 Working undercover as salesmen stockbrokers reporters as well as in other occupations and as legal attach s to U S embassies f b i agents tracked down Nazi and other Axis agents in Latin America and compiled a blacklist given the cover name The Proclaimed List of Certain Blocked Nationals of Latin American business rms and individuals who were thought to support the Axis powers At times the covert f b i agents worked with national or local police agencies in Central and South American countries and provided training to these agencies on countering espionage and sabotage Argentina refused to cooperate with the undercover f b i program until 1944 when it severed relations with the Axis powers Prior to 1944 Argentine agents trailed suspected f b i agents and arrested f b i informants supplementing their interrogations with use of the picana el ctrica a device that caused much pain when placed in sensitive parts of the body Whitehead 1956 A second wartime measure that formally brought together the United States and several Latin American countries on issues of regional security was the formation in January 1942 of the Emergency Advisory Committee for Menjivar CeciliaRodriguez Nestor When States Kill Austin University of Texas Press 2005 Accessed March 31 2017 ProQuest Ebook Central Created from cmich ebooks on 2017 03 31 12 50 41
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01 T3285 4 6 05 4 05 PM Page 10 Copyright 2005 University of Texas Press All rights reserved 10 introduction Political Defense This body which developed a permanent of ce in Montevideo consisted of representatives from the United States Argentina Brazil Chile Mexico Uruguay and Venezuela developing programs that targeted Axis nationals Report of the Commission on Wartime Relocation and Internment of Civilians 1997 Acting under policies established by the advisory committee or in response to U S security requests sixteen Latin American countries interned at least 8 500 Axis nationals during World War II and twelve Latin American countries Bolivia Colombia Costa Rica the Dominican Republic Ecuador El Salvador Guatemala Haiti Honduras Nicaragua Panama and Peru sent about 3 000 Axis nationals in total mainly Japanese nationals and their families to the United States Report of the Commission on Wartime Relocation and Internment of Civilians 1997 The s i s program in Latin America represented a signi cant new development in interstate relations for the Western Hemisphere it was the rst U S led program for the comprehensive monitoring and neutralizing of suspects across Latin America through bureaucratic coordination with national and local police forces Although U S agents likely trailed Communist agents in Latin America such as Leon Trotsky in Mexico soon after the 1917 Bolshevik Revolution in Russia there are no records to indicate that these earlier activities were as comprehensive as was the wartime s i s program Indeed in a 1946 letter to f b i Director J Edgar Hoover concerning the s i s program Assistant Secretary of State Adolf A Berle stated Told or not it is the story of a great piece of work I do not think a similar operation has ever been carried on and I can personally attest to the brilliance of the results Whitehead 1956 210 The bureaucratic aspect of the s i s program itself represents a noteworthy modernization of surveillance and coercive social control within the U S Latin American interstate regime The s i s program put in place a new science and technology of surveillance and social control a bureaucratic method of following suspects gathering information from informants or interrogations keeping les constructing lists and centralizing data at high administrative levels to develop counteraction strategies for lower level agency personnel to carry out Writing in the early twentieth century Max Weber described bureaucracy as being the most highly developed and ef cient form of organization one that can create great power in the hands of its controllers who seek superiority by keeping secret their knowledge and intentions According to Weber as highly rationalized Menjivar CeciliaRodriguez Nestor When States Kill Austin University of Texas Press 2005 Accessed March 31 2017 ProQuest Ebook Central Created from cmich ebooks on 2017 03 31 12 50 41
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01 T3285 4 6 05 4 05 PM Page 11 state terror in the u s latin american interstate regime 11 structures bureaucracies have no personal regard in their objectives they conduct tasks based solely on of cial rules and duty see Weber 1978 Copyright 2005 University of Texas Press All rights reserved Crisis in the U S Latin American Interstate Regime U S hegemony after World War II did not go unchallenged as Communist movements gained major ground across different world areas The Soviet Union expanded to cover the eastern half of Europe and the northern third of Asia and in East Asia the Chinese Communist Party and the People s Liberation Army took control of the Chinese mainland Throughout Europe Asia and Latin America a number of Communist political parties also surfaced or strengthened In addition a large number of social movements worldwide challenged both the capitalist world order as well as established Communist parties in the 1960s and 1970s In the United States such movements included those promoting civil rights black power Chicano power Native American power women s rights and welfare rights and those engaging in activities against the war in Vietnam The U S movements were not simple matters of emerging social identities in several cases police and military units were used to put down urban revolts with lethal force Feagin and Hahn 1973 In Europe workers immigrant workers students women and peasants prompted signi cant episodes of social unrest in France bringing the country to the verge of social revolution or a military takeover in May 1968 In France and Italy in the 1960s and 1970s autonomous worker struggles and student movements confronted the Communist Party and the Communistdominated trade unions in order to escape their control Cleaver 1979 On the periphery of the world system as in Vietnam Mozambique and Algeria national liberation movements struggled to oust Western colonizers Even the Communist states of the Soviet Union and the People s Republic of China experienced social outbreaks by national or ethnic groups in the 1960s and 1970s Banister 1987 Cleaver 1979 In Latin America opposition to the established social order of the U S Latin American interstate regime expanded rapidly The use of a common language in most of Latin America facilitated circulation of the ideas that served as the foundations for shared social struggles Concientizaci n of social injustices and the need for social action resonated throughout the region s Spanish speaking populations as well as in Brazil In the late 1960s Menjivar CeciliaRodriguez Nestor When States Kill Austin University of Texas Press 2005 Accessed March 31 2017 ProQuest Ebook Central Created from cmich ebooks on 2017 03 31 12 50 41
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01 T3285 4 6 05 4 05 PM Page 12 Copyright 2005 University of Texas Press All rights reserved 12 introduction a common Catholic heritage among many Latin Americans also enabled a liberation theology to spread widely promoting concepts of religion based collective action directed against structures of violence and injustice Lernoux 1980 What was seen by U S and Latin American of cials as a monolithic threat of Communist world domination was in fact a collection of diverse popular movements Some of these movements were aligned with Communist interests abroad such as with the Cuban Communist government Casta eda 1993 but many were local autonomous struggles waged without external support According to Jorge G Casta eda the diverse movements represented a grass roots explosion and were the result of new poverty in Latin America The struggles of church groups urban residents women students and human rights activists were organized and mobilized along lines of issues not class Casta eda 1993 205 In the 1950s and 1960s many social movements were concerned with land reform since the majority of Latin America s population was concentrated in rural areas and the region had notoriously unequal land tenure systems which it continues to have today In the 1970s and continuing into the twenty rst century social movements and protests also surfaced to oppose increases in the costs of living and state austerity programs Gilbert 1998 particularly those identi ed with the International Monetary Fund i m f Walton and Seddon 1994 Such movements included aggressive but usually nonviolent collective actions by poor populations seeking survival in conditions of misery such as land takeovers by poor peasants seeking land to farm and land invasions on urban fringes by poor workers wanting to build shanty housing Kowarick 1994 The 1970s also saw an increasing expansion of social movements into armed struggle see Eckstein 2001 Some of these movements sought a reordering of society through the appropriation of private wealth by the state land redistribution and greater roles for urban workers and peasants in the administration of state institutions In Peru starting in the Ayacucho region in the early 1970s the guerrilla movement Shining Path violently attacked all sectors of society including leftist groups in an effort to bring down the state and rebuild society through the principles of Gonzalo Thought Poole and R nique 1992 Latin American armed struggle did not always occur in areas far from the United States The Cuban Revolution of the late 1950s was one case in point but perhaps equally signi cant to U S state security agencies was the Menjivar CeciliaRodriguez Nestor When States Kill Austin University of Texas Press 2005 Accessed March 31 2017 ProQuest Ebook Central Created from cmich ebooks on 2017 03 31 12 50 41
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01 T3285 4 8 05 1 01 PM Page 13 state terror in the u s latin american interstate regime 13 emergence in 1965 of armed struggle in areas of Mexico near the U S Mexico border and adjacent to the growing Chicano movement in the southwestern United States On September 23 1965 an armed group of young professors and students attacked a military installation in the northern Mexican state of Chihuahua Poniatowska 1980 The suicidal attack failed but it motivated the formation of the September 23 Communist League and numerous other revolutionary groups that began to operate in urban areas near the U S Mexico border Fighting the Cold War in Latin America Copyright 2005 University of Texas Press All rights reserved In the Cold War marked by political posturing perceived threats and localized con icts the security of the United States and maintenance of the U S Latin American interstate regime was a high priority Hendrickson 1988 Whitehead 1956 A secret report prepared for President Dwight Eisenhower in 1954 expressed the concern of the Central Intelligence Agency c i a regarding the perceived Communist threat and advised the president to respond with a no holds barred approach It is clear that we are facing an implacable enemy whose avowed objective is world domination by whatever means and at whatever cost There are no rules in such a game long standing American concepts of fair play must be reconsidered We must develop effective espionage and counterespionage services and must learn to subvert sabotage and destroy our enemies by more clever more sophisticated and more effective methods than those used against us It may become necessary that the American people be made acquainted with understand and support this fundamentally repugnant philosophy Quoted in Olmsted 1996 13 The tense days of the Cuban missile crisis in October 1962 dramatically showed how far the U S state was willing to go to oust a foreign Communist power from its Latin American zone of in uence In September 1947 at the beginning of the Cold War the United States and Latin American countries signed the Rio Pact to ensure mutual protection against a Soviet attack and in 1951 the U S Congress passed the Mutual Security Act to work toward the modernization of the military forces of Latin America By the time of the Kennedy presidency in the early 1960s however Menjivar CeciliaRodriguez Nestor When States Kill Austin University of Texas Press 2005 Accessed March 31 2017 ProQuest Ebook Central Created from cmich ebooks on 2017 03 31 12 50 41
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01 T3285 4 6 05 4 05 PM Page 14 Copyright 2005 University of Texas Press All rights reserved 14 introduction the military strategy had changed from preparing for an external attack to organizing for counterinsurgency against internal movements primarily those movements considered to be communist inspired and supported Klare and Arnson 1979 Additionally U S state planners gave greater attention to conditions of poverty and underdevelopment as causes of insurgency In 1961 President John F Kennedy launched the Alliance for Progress to improve Latin American economic conditions and spread a pro U S ideology in the region The Alliance for Progress had a parallel program of military assistance to promote the internal security needed for stable economic development Money from the Military Assistance Program m a p paid for equipment and training for Latin American militaries to enable them to conduct counterinsurgency activities In addition the Of ce of Public Safety o p s within the Agency for International Development provided funds to enhance the intelligence communication and mobility capacities of Latin American police forces to wage counterinsurgency work primarily in the cities Klare and Arnson 1979 A systematic process was developed in which Latin American military and police personnel trained in a variety of counterinsurgency methods including interrogation assassination and torture at U S installations or in their own countries From their beginnings U S led efforts in counterinsurgency planning for Latin America involved high level of cials in a number of U S federal agencies In the early 1960s U S counterinsurgency planning involved an interagency committee under the direction of a high ranking army general and including the director of the c i a the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff the deputy secretaries of state and defense the foreign aid administrator and the director of the U S Information Agency Klare and Arnson 1979 By the 1970s and 1980s counterinsurgency techniques taught to Latin American militaries and police forces were informed by the United States s experience in the Vietnam War Some of the U S advisers for example who helped set up the Salvadoran intelligence apparatus that operated death squads in the 1970s and 1980s had backgrounds in U S covert political work in Vietnam such as in the Phoenix Program which systematically targeted Vietnamese civilians for interrogation torture and assassination Valentine 1990 But the U S trained Latin American forces did not always operate with the pinpoint precision of covert operations On December 11 1981 the U S trained Atlacatl Battalion of the Salvadoran Army killed hundreds of men women and children in one blow in the village of El Mozote in El Salvador Danner 1993 The soldiers of the elite Atlacatl Battalion decapitated villagers raped young Menjivar CeciliaRodriguez Nestor When States Kill Austin University of Texas Press 2005 Accessed March 31 2017 ProQuest Ebook Central Created from cmich ebooks on 2017 03 31 12 50 41
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01 T3285 4 6 05 4 05 PM Page 15 Copyright 2005 University of Texas Press All rights reserved state terror in the u s latin american interstate regime 15 girls before killing them and massacred men women and small children in separate groups with their U S supplied M 16 weapons To be sure Latin American military leaders generally needed little or no encouragement from the United States to participate in the Cold War in their own countries Some Latin American military leaders especially those with authoritarian or fascist orientations became vigorous planners and practitioners in the anticommunist crusade and some even criticized the United States government for not doing more in the political struggle Rockefeller 1969 In Argentina Brazil Chile and other Latin American countries some of the military leaders who seized power through coups d tat described their actions as a frontline ght to preserve Western civilization and Christianity in the Western Hemisphere Feitlowitz 1998 Constable and Valenzuela 1991 In Argentina even before a military junta seized power in 1976 and carried out a dirty war against leftists and other suspects the Peronist government had organized the Triple A Argentine Anti Communist Alliance death squads to rout the Montoneros and other leftist groups who had killed several hundred police agents military members and industrialists Feitlowitz 1998 Indeed given their desire to preserve what were wholly oligarchical social structures Latin American of cials likely felt a greater urgency to respond to political threats than did U S of cials in Washington Thus in the view of Latin American governments and military of cials communist subversion included any activity that opposed them politically or that did not meet with their approval It included the actions of nonpartisan or even nonpolitical social movements and individuals as well as the dissidence of fellow government and military leaders Additionally the criteria for identifying targets for elimination were broad the governor of the province of Buenos Aires demonstrated this during the Argentine dirty war against leftists with the following statement First we will kill all the subversives then we will kill their collaborators then their sympathizers then those who remain indifferent and nally we will kill the timid Quoted in Feitlowitz 1998 32 emphasis in original As McSherry describes in the following chapter in 1975 anticommunist military leaders from six South American countries established Operation Condor a highly coordinated transnational network of military repression used to kidnap transport torture and kill persons viewed as politically Menjivar CeciliaRodriguez Nestor When States Kill Austin University of Texas Press 2005 Accessed March 31 2017 ProQuest Ebook Central Created from cmich ebooks on 2017 03 31 12 50 41
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01 T3285 4 6 05 4 05 PM Page 16 16 introduction suspect or undesirable A large part of what is known about Operation Condor comes from the discovery in Paraguay in 1992 and 1993 of the so called Archives of Terror a collection of materials that contained thousands of les personal documents photographs and recordings of kidnapped and disappeared persons from several Latin American countries It is noteworthy that Paraguay under the dictatorship of General Alfredo Stroessner in power 1954 1989 became a center of political repression even before Condor Stroessner is considered to have been one of Latin America s most corrupt leaders representative of a classic nineteenth century dictatorship Fitzgibbon 1971 No method was too vile for Stroessner to manage his political functionaries or to punish his enemies Receiving U S support for his anticommunism he often boasted of having turned Paraguay into the most anticommunist nation in the world and Brazilian training in counterinsurgency for his military of cers and police agents Stroessner wiped out political opposition including in 1975 and 1976 a peasant network of Christian communities that had been supported by the country s Catholic bishops Lernoux 1980 With Stroessner s strong arm control Paraguay became an ideal center for transnational operations to detain torture and eliminate political targets Copyright 2005 University of Texas Press All rights reserved Terror as Social Policy What is the purpose of the most brutal tortures Are they intended only to establish a generalized climate of fear Are they meant to keep in place a docile workforce with low wages to bene t the wealthy and multinational corporations Are they to eliminate the opposition To extract a confession To set an example One of the most common answers to the question of why of cials resort to torture is that they must obtain a confession information or answers to a particular set of questions Crelinsten 1995 points out however that torture is not merely about making people talk obtaining information or eliminating suspects it is also about demonstrating power Amnesty International notes that in Guatemala newspapers have been allowed to publish pictures of dead torture victims but the articles must follow the government line Amnesty International 1976 In such cases terror does not cease with the victim s death because it is only after the death that the acts accomplish their purpose to show others that this could happen to them as well Indeed Lauria Santiago and Torres this volume observe that in El Salvador and Guatemala unidenti able victims of torture were meant Menjivar CeciliaRodriguez Nestor When States Kill Austin University of Texas Press 2005 Accessed March 31 2017 ProQuest Ebook Central Created from cmich ebooks on 2017 03 31 12 50 41
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01 T3285 4 6 05 4 05 PM Page 17 Copyright 2005 University of Texas Press All rights reserved state terror in the u s latin american interstate regime 17 to send a message to the living that the victim could have been anyone since the identity of a dis gured body remained unknown Many victims of terror are disappeared from their normal existence thus making the disappearance itself a powerful message of what awaits others who sympathize with the opposition Some have argued that the doctrine of national security in Latin America leads to the use of terror because such doctrine is predicated on the assumption that all social con ict is intrinsically negative Comisi n para la Defensa de la Salud de la tica Profesional y los Derechos del Pueblo hereafter c o d e s e d h 1987 From this perspective any opponent to the established social order is considered an enemy of the state which is the protector of society and so must be eliminated because of the threat he or she poses to social stability As enemies of the state opponents are outside the bounds of state protection and thus vulnerable to arbitrary treatment such as torture and ultimately extermination According to Hannah Arendt 1966 state terrorism serves as an instrument to frighten a large population Terrorism not only kills political opponents but also terrorizes more broadly in the population so that even potential collaborators are eliminated The people the state seeks to affect through generalized terror are usually different from its political targets which gives terror a somewhat random unpredictable quality Fear is engendered by the unpredictability and yet regularity of terror In the atmosphere of terror everyone knows that they are at risk of becoming victims because everyday life has become uncertain This is precisely what state terror is supposed to accomplish to engender fear in everything people do so that the opposition does not gain sympathizers In this environment people fear and mistrust many things in their everyday lives such as a knock on the door a neighbor s questions or gossip a child s indiscretion an unknown person s gaze even a wrong number on the telephone Everyone is made to feel vulnerable and even the innocent can be prime targets for terror Kill today and nd out if the person is guilty tomorrow people used to say to refer to this tactic in Guatemala and El Salvador In Kafkaesque fashion people were accused not because they were guilty they were guilty because they were accused Thus generalized fear serves the state to eradicate opponents and purge potential sympathizers In the process as torture disappearances and other techniques of terror become commonplace a profound insensibility toward human life emerges Mart n Bar 1990 Menjivar CeciliaRodriguez Nestor When States Kill Austin University of Texas Press 2005 Accessed March 31 2017 ProQuest Ebook Central Created from cmich ebooks on 2017 03 31 12 50 41
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01 T3285 4 6 05 4 05 PM Page 18 18 introduction States use various forms of terror such as disappearances death squads prolonged detentions psychological trauma massacres and extreme physical torture 2 The Brazilian project Nunca Mais identi ed 283 different types of torture used by the Brazilian state Weschler 1990 Latin American states also have included in their repertoire of terror the total control of the media including bans on the publication distribution and sale of any printed material considered to threaten national security Those same states however also use all forms of the media to inform and often misinform the public The different terror tactics have in common their institutionalization They are regulated through norms tasks statutes hierarchies knowledge and procedures of operation Tactics involve de ning objectives selecting techniques training staff and nding locales to practice Those in charge of carrying out terror campaigns are usually state personnel or subcontracted agents 3 which means they have occupations and salaries that are regularized by statutes and training Terror campaigns thus are conducted by individuals doing professional work within the state s internal security framework and dedicated to the service and protection of the state Kelman 1995 28 Copyright 2005 University of Texas Press All rights reserved Training for Terrorist Work Violence workers must be trained to prepare for their roles in the technology of terror Huggins Haritos Fatouros and Zimbardo 2002 As with practitioners in other elds violence workers must meet admission requirements for training take courses attend seminars and even graduate ready to use their new skills and knowledge In some cases their work is meticulously documented as a bureaucratic procedure leaving records such as the Paraguayan Archives of Terror Lauria Santiago this volume attributes such careful record keeping in the Salvadoran case to the intentions on the part of the United States to create in that country a political regime different from the traditional military and elite sectors The U S Army School of the Americas s o a is perhaps the best known facility for training in counterinsurgency work in Latin America According to its of cial website s o a has trained more than 61 000 of cers and soldiers who have helped foster a spirit of cooperation and interoperability among militaries throughout the hemisphere and also helped avoid interstate con ict in the hemisphere Western Hemisphere Institute for Security Cooperation 2003 The Latin American Training Center Ground Division was Menjivar CeciliaRodriguez Nestor When States Kill Austin University of Texas Press 2005 Accessed March 31 2017 ProQuest Ebook Central Created from cmich ebooks on 2017 03 31 12 50 41
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01 T3285 4 6 05 4 05 PM Page 19 Copyright 2005 University of Texas Press All rights reserved state terror in the u s latin american interstate regime 19 rst established in Panama in 1946 and it trained more than 8 000 U S military personnel with Latin Americans training alongside them Four years later the Latin American Training Center expanded and became the U S Army Caribbean School with the additional mission to help modernize Latin American and Caribbean militaries In 1963 under President Kennedy s Alliance for Progress the training center was expanded again and renamed the U S Army School of the Americas In 1984 as the Panama Canal treaties expired the school was relocated to Fort Benning Georgia s o a graduates have been among Latin America s worst human rights abusers including the most notorious dictators of the region The s o a curriculum for senior and junior of cers taught a variety of subjects including sniper training commando and psychological warfare military intelligence and interrogation tactics Western Hemisphere Institute for Security Cooperation 2003 4 All the instruction was conducted in Spanish The s o a generated manuals and used c i a publications such as Nicaragua Manual Psychological Operations in Guerrilla Warfare in its training The s o a instructional materials detailed techniques that included wheedling used for obtaining the greatest amount of information and useful intelligence how to record details such as the color of the list under which a particular targeted individual should be placed and how to locate and neutralize a target School of the Americas Watch 2003 A Salvadoran death squad member who described his training at s o a explained how the U S instructor in one course emphasized psychological techniques and demonstrated new and more effective ways of using electric shocks during interrogations On the nal day of the course students practiced techniques on real prisoners They were peasants the death squad member recalled no one noteworthy quoted in Crelinsten 1995 50 After the practice exercise the U S instructor evaluated the class on what they had done right or wrong Having ful lled its Cold War era mission s o a closed in December 2000 But in January 2001 it reopened under the name of the Western Hemisphere Institute for Security Cooperation w h i n s e c an institution explicitly designed to meet new twenty rst century challenges In contrast to s o a s explicit military mission w h i n s e c s goals also include the strengthening of democracy instilling a respect for the rule of law and honoring human rights It trains students in Spanish with plans to offer courses in Portuguese to solve border con icts ght terrorism counter drug traf c and organized Menjivar CeciliaRodriguez Nestor When States Kill Austin University of Texas Press 2005 Accessed March 31 2017 ProQuest Ebook Central Created from cmich ebooks on 2017 03 31 12 50 41
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01 T3285 4 6 05 4 05 PM Page 20 Copyright 2005 University of Texas Press All rights reserved 20 introduction crime and support peacekeeping efforts Although w h i n s e c has a new mission according to the School of the Americas Watch nothing much has actually changed The United States also trained Latin American police in counterinsurgency Huggins 1998 describes how with support from the Of ce of Public Safety the U S Agency for International Development u s a i d assumed responsibility for police training by the International Police Academy i pa in Washington D C The academy provided cover for c i a operations not only in Latin America but also in different regions of the world Marchetti and Marks 1974 its activities were less easily traceable to the c i a because they were regularly written into economic development plans initiated by u s a i d among whose stated intentions was the creation of democratic institutions Hidden behind this u s a i d cover according to Huggins 1998 108 09 the c i a could focus on recruiting informants and establishing relations with political police Training under the auspices of the i pa for midlevel police of cers took place at the c i a s Panama Canal station where selected of cials took courses on intelligence gathering interrogation procedures methods of riot and crowd control Huggins 1998 i pa training was meant to promote police coordination with the military so as to confront the opposition from multiple angles and link national security objectives with internal policing and narcotics control Many Latin American violence workers became experts in particular techniques and trained other Latin Americans in terrorist work For instance Argentine instructors trained others in Central America and Bolivia including anti Sandinista forces based in Honduras see Armony this volume Central Americans trained Colombians and Brazilians opened torture schools in Brazil attended by Latin Americans from different countries This international collaboration Kelman 1995 notes is part of the professionalization of torture as torturers from different countries meet and exchange information about their work Variations in Terror Kelman 1995 26 notes that states make use of repression when the opposition represents a challenge to the legitimacy of those in power and thus present a fundamental threat to their continued ability to maintain power Menjivar CeciliaRodriguez Nestor When States Kill Austin University of Texas Press 2005 Accessed March 31 2017 ProQuest Ebook Central Created from cmich ebooks on 2017 03 31 12 50 41
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01 T3285 4 6 05 4 05 PM Page 21 Copyright 2005 University of Texas Press All rights reserved state terror in the u s latin american interstate regime 21 In this conceptualization a wide range of states from dictatorships to democratic regimes can turn to terror if they perceive their ability to stay in power threatened This threat has made the state turn to terror techniques in countries with political histories as different as Mexico Guatemala Chile Argentina Nicaragua El Salvador Brazil and Uruguay Internal constellations of political economic historical and military factors in the different countries have produced different modalities of state terror however and as a result local manifestations of state terror have varied signi cantly For instance although disappearances became the most widely practiced form of terror throughout the region the disappearances of children pregnant women and the elderly were signature tactics of the dictatorship in Argentina c o d e s e d h 1987 while in Uruguay the use of torture prolonged detentions and a high number of political prisoners and exiles were more common see Ryan this volume In El Salvador and Guatemala massacres and scorched earth campaigns were more frequent as was the leaving of cadavers with signs of torture by roadsides or ravines see Torres this volume Terror techniques also have varied over time in the same Latin American country For instance in El Salvador between 1980 and 1983 the state relied mostly on massive violations of human rights and nocturnal disappearances but from 1983 on victims were targeted more selectively and detained for longer periods of time through legal means Code 50 that granted captors wider powers over their victims c o d e s e d h 1987 While U S policies and training have fundamentally shaped polices of social control in the Latin American region individual states have modi ed practices of terror as their priorities and political needs have changed States do not always act as monolithic structures in their involvement in campaigns of terror Contradictions can exist between different state agencies see for example Giraldo 1999 Dugas this volume While some state agencies terrorize citizens through disappearances massacres and torture for instance other agencies of the same state apparatus may be genuinely working on improving human rights conditions on locating disappeared persons and on advocating for the release of prisoners Contradictions also occur at the interstate level U S representatives including ambassadors and other diplomats may criticize the deplorable human rights record of speci c countries at the same time that the United States is providing arms military aid and training on terror techniques to Menjivar CeciliaRodriguez Nestor When States Kill Austin University of Texas Press 2005 Accessed March 31 2017 ProQuest Ebook Central Created from cmich ebooks on 2017 03 31 12 50 41
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01 T3285 4 6 05 4 05 PM Page 22 22 introduction the militaries and police forces of the same countries Indeed these contradictions have an ironic twist often the granting of military aid is conditioned on respect for human rights In her study of U S training of police in Brazil Huggins 1998 notes that U S programs used to assist foreign police to supposedly promote public safety can have opposite effects Cases of contradiction demonstrate the complex relations within and between bureaucratic structures and between state agencies and the societies within which they operate Copyright 2005 University of Texas Press All rights reserved Case Studies of State Terror in the Americas The chapters that follow demonstrate many of the aspects of state terror that have been addressed in this introductory chapter In Chapter 2 Patrice McSherry continues our discussion of systemic links by concentrating on Operation Condor the interstate network of terror that operated in several South American countries in the 1970s to kidnap detain torture and kill political opponents and suspects Parts Two and Three contain country centered case studies which together bring to the foreground the breadth and depth of state terror in the region including outlines of its historical development analyses of human rights violations and examples of cases involving indigenous groups and women Part Two focuses on Mexico and the countries of Central America and Part Three on South America Part Two begins with historical examinations by Grossman and LauriaSantiago In Chapter 3 Richard Grossman analyzes the formation of the Nicaraguan Guardia under the direction of the U S military and observes how this institution had from its very beginning little regard for human safety or dignity in its mission of social control In Chapter 4 Aldo Lauria Santiago examines state terror and repression in El Salvador from the perspective of the local context Lauria Santiago s deep examination of the Salvadoran repression focuses on local ideological cultural and iconographic elements In Chapter 5 Kristin Norget analyzes state repression and the terror campaign against Zapotec subsistence farmers in the Loxicha region in the Mexican state of Oaxaca arguing that the recent political opening in Mexico has meant only a military democracy to the subsistence farmers in Loxicha In Chapter 6 Gabriela Torres introduces what is almost a symbolic interactionist perspective to the study of state terror in Latin America by analyzing the Menjivar CeciliaRodriguez Nestor When States Kill Austin University of Texas Press 2005 Accessed March 31 2017 ProQuest Ebook Central Created from cmich ebooks on 2017 03 31 12 50 41
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01 T3285 4 6 05 4 05 PM Page 23 Copyright 2005 University of Texas Press All rights reserved state terror in the u s latin american interstate regime 23 symbolic functions of cadavers left behind by death squads and other perpetuators of terror in Guatemala As Torres describes the display of cadavers became a system of communicating intimidating messages to the general population about its vulnerability to terror during the con ict In Chapter 7 Joan Kruckewitt examines the rise of U S supported death squads in Honduras during the 1980s focusing on how U S support for militarization helped Honduran military leaders rise to political dominance at a cost to the many Hondurans who fell victim to the country s military and paramilitary groups Chapter 8 by Annamarie Oliverio and Pat Lauderdale describes how the United States pressured the relatively tranquil setting of Costa Rica to take on a military character during the Central American political con icts of the 1980s As Oliverio and Lauderdale explain Costa Rica walked a tightrope as it attempted to maintain both a neutral posture in the region and cooperative relations with the political leadership in Washington Chapter 9 by John Dugas focuses on the large array of political violence committed by different groups in Colombia As Dugas explains in Colombia the state has a fragmented and incoherent relationship to political violence and other actors such as paramilitaries and guerrilla movements play an increasingly major role in the country s political terror In Chapter 10 Abderrahman Beggar examines the expansion of Peru s state terror across various government administrations Beggar describes a dynamic political scene in which all sectors of society are at risk of political violence and in which the U S military s support in the drug war helped to strengthen military institutions known to be major abusers of human rights In Chapter 11 Jeff Ryan analyzes the conversion of the Uruguayan military from an institution subject to civilian rule to a force of state terror as brutal as any other military institution in South America Ryan examines the role of the United States and other external political military actors in helping to promote this transition In Chapter 12 Ariel Armony presents a model of Argentine state terror to analyze the linkages between actors and contextual conditions that undergirded the rise of terror during the dirty war against leftists and other suspects by the military As Armory describes the Argentine military played a signi cant role in training military forces in other countries of Latin America which highlights the regional interstate cooperation that is the focus of this volume Finally in Chapter 13 we conclude with a review of prospects for state terror in the U S Latin American interstate regime for the coming years of the twenty rst century Menjivar CeciliaRodriguez Nestor When States Kill Austin University of Texas Press 2005 Accessed March 31 2017 ProQuest Ebook Central Created from cmich ebooks on 2017 03 31 12 50 41
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01 T3285 4 6 05 4 05 PM Page 24 24 introduction notes 1 Rejali 1994 185 notes that the decrease in corporal punishment as societies modernize might not necessarily result because they have become enlightened but rather because individuals learn to regulate themselves according to their consciences also a byproduct of the rationalization of the economy 2 Crelinsten 1995 41 observes that there are myriad perverse and ingenious ways that have been and are to this day being used to torture victims suf ce it to say that the least of them is terrible beyond words for the sufferer 3 Sometimes the state employees of cers torturers physicians do not directly carry out these campaigns but contract other groups usually the so called paramilitaries to do so This subcontracting is another characteristic of modern states normally associated with new economic modes of production 4 At the time of this writing the U S government has admitted to the use of questionable practices in extracting information from suspected terrorists captured in Iraq Afghanistan and elsewhere essentially arguing that the information they may provide justi es the means expended to obtain it Copyright 2005 University of Texas Press All rights reserved bibliogr aphy Amnesty International 1976 Debrie ng Guatemala London Amnesty International Publications Arendt Hannah 1966 The Origins of Totalitarianism New York Harcourt Brace World Banister Judith 1987 China s Changing Population Stanford Stanford University Press Barton Jonathan R 1997 A Political Geography of Latin America New York Routledge Burbach Roger and Patricia Flynn eds 1984 The Politics of Intervention The United States in Central America New York Monthly Review Press Cardoso Fernando Henrique and Enzo Faletto 1969 Dependencia y Desarrollo en Am rica Latina Ensayo de Interpretaci n Sociol gica Mexico Siglo XXI Casta eda Jorge G 1993 Utopia Unarmed The Latin American Left after the Cold War New York Vintage Books Cleaver Harry 1979 Reading Capital Politically Austin University of Texas Press Comisi n para la Defensa de la Salud de la tica Profesional y los Derechos del Pueblo c o d e s e d h 1987 La Tortura en Am rica Latina Buenos Aires Comisi n para la Defensa de la Salud de la tica Profesional y los Derechos del Pueblo Menjivar CeciliaRodriguez Nestor When States Kill Austin University of Texas Press 2005 Accessed March 31 2017 ProQuest Ebook Central Created from cmich ebooks on 2017 03 31 12 50 41
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01 T3285 4 6 05 4 05 PM Page 25 state terror in the u s latin american interstate regime 25 Constable Pamela and Arturo Valenzuela 1991 A Nation of Enemies Chile under Pinochet New York W W Norton Co Crelinsten Ronald D 1995 In Their Own Words The World of the Torturer Pp 35 64 in The Politics of Pain Torturers and their Master eds Ronald D Crelinsten and Alex P Schmid Boulder Westview Press Danner Mark 1993 The Massacre at El Mozote New York Vintage Books Eckstein Susan ed 2001 Power and Popular Protest Latin American Political Movements Berkeley University of California Press Copyright 2005 University of Texas Press All rights reserved Feagin Joe R and Harlan Hahn 1973 Ghetto Revolts The Politics of Violence in American Cities New York Macmillan Publishing Feitlowitz Marguerite 1998 A Lexicon of Terror Argentina and the Legacies of Torture Oxford Oxford University Press Fitzgibbon Russell H 1971 Latin America A Panorama of Contemporary Politics New York Meredith Corp Frank Andre Gunder 1969 Latin America Underdevelopment or Revolution New York Monthly Review Press Gellman Irwin F 1979 Good Neighbor Diplomacy United States Policies in Latin America 1933 1945 Baltimore The Johns Hopkins University Press Gilbert Alan 1998 The Latin American City 2nd ed London Latin American Bureau Giraldo Javier S J 1999 Corrupted Justice and the Schizophrenic State in Colombia Social Justice 26 4 31 54 Green Duncan 1995 Silent Revolution The Rise of Market Economics in Latin America London Latin American Bureau Grieb Kenneth J 1976 The Latin American Policy of Warren G Harding Fort Worth Texas Christian University Press Hendrickson Mark 1988 US Security Concerns Are Real Pp 118 24 in Latin America and U S Foreign Policy Opposing Viewpoints ed Bonnie Szumski St Paul Greenhaven Press Huggins Martha K 1998 Political Policing The United States and Latin America Durham Duke University Press Huggins Martha K Mika Haritos Fatouros and Philip G Zimbardo 2002 Violence Workers Police Torturers and Murderers Reconstruct Brazilian Atrocities Berkeley University of California Press Kelman Herbert C 1995 The Social Context of Torture Policy Process and Authority Structure Pp 19 34 in The Politics of Pain Torturers and their Masters eds Ronald D Crelinsten and Alex P Schmid Boulder Westview Press Klare Michael T and Cynthia Arnson 1979 Exporting Repression U S Support for Authoritarianism in Latin America Pp 138 68 in Capitalism and the State in Menjivar CeciliaRodriguez Nestor When States Kill Austin University of Texas Press 2005 Accessed March 31 2017 ProQuest Ebook Central Created from cmich ebooks on 2017 03 31 12 50 41
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01 T3285 4 6 05 4 05 PM Page 26 26 introduction U S Latin American Relations ed Richard R Fagen Stanford Stanford University Press Kowarick Lucio 1994 Social Struggles and the City The Case of Sao Paulo New York Monthly Review Press Lernoux Penny 1980 Cry of the People United States Involvement in the Rise of Fascism Torture and Murder and the Persecution of the Catholic Church in Latin America Garden City Doubleday Co Lunday James E 1981 Political Regionalism and Struggles for State Hegemony Pp 123 38 in Dynamics of World Development ed Richard Rubinson Beverly Hills Sage Publications Marchetti Victor and John D Marks 1974 The cia and the Cult of Intelligence New York Knopf Mart n Bar Ignacio 1990 Political Violence and War as Causes of Psychosocial Trauma in El Salvador International Journal of Mental Health 18 1 3 20 Olmsted Kathryn S 1996 Challenging the Secret Government The Post Watergate Investigations of the cia and f bi Chapel Hill University of North Carolina Press Copyright 2005 University of Texas Press All rights reserved Poniatowska Elena 1980 Fuerte es el Silencio Mexico Ediciones Era Poole Deborah and Gerardo R nique 1992 Peru Time of Fear London Latin American Bureau Rejali Darius M 1994 Torture Modernity Self Society and State in Modern Iran Boulder Westview Press Report of the Commission on Wartime Relocation and Internment of Civilians 1997 Personal Justice Denied Seattle University of Washington Press Rockefeller Nelson A 1969 The Rockefeller Report on the Americas The Of cial Report of a United States Presidential Mission for the Western Hemisphere The New York Times Edition Chicago Quadrangle Books Rosen Fred and Deidre McFadyen 1995 Free Trade and Economic Restructuring in Latin America New York Monthly Review Press Rosenberg Tina 1991 Children of Cain Violence and the Violent in Latin America New York Penguin Books School of the Americas Watch 2003 Counter Insurgency online Fort Benning Ga School of the Americas Watch cited 6 March 2003 Available from http www soaw org new article php id 67 Smith Tony 1986 The Underdevelopment of Development Literature The Case of Dependency Theory Pp 25 66 in The State and Development in the Third World ed Atul Kohli Princeton Princeton University Press Valentine Douglas 1990 The Phoenix Program New York Avon Books Menjivar CeciliaRodriguez Nestor When States Kill Austin University of Texas Press 2005 Accessed March 31 2017 ProQuest Ebook Central Created from cmich ebooks on 2017 03 31 12 50 41
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01 T3285 4 6 05 4 05 PM Page 27 state terror in the u s latin american interstate regime 27 Copyright 2005 University of Texas Press All rights reserved Wallerstein Immanuel 1985 The Politics of the World Economy The States the Movements and the Civilizations Cambridge Cambridge University Press Walter Eugene Victor 1969 Terror and Resistance A Study of Political Violence with Case Studies of Some Primitive African Communities New York Oxford University Press Walton John and David Seddon 1994 Free Markets and Food Riots The Politics of Global Adjustment Oxford Blackwell Weber Max 1978 Economy and Society vol 2 Berkeley University of California Press Weschler Lawrence 1990 A Miracle a Universe Settling Accounts with Torturers New York Pantheon Books Western Hemisphere Institute for Security Cooperation 2003 What Is the Western Hemisphere Institute for Security Cooperation online Fort Benning Ga Western Hemisphere Institute for Security Cooperation cited 6 March 2003 Available from http www benning army mil whinsec about asp id 37 Whitehead Don 1956 The f bi Story A Report to the People New York Random House Menjivar CeciliaRodriguez Nestor When States Kill Austin University of Texas Press 2005 Accessed March 31 2017 ProQuest Ebook Central Created from cmich ebooks on 2017 03 31 12 50 41
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